Abstract This paper demonstrates the results obtained after the practice of social research that focused academically on the feminist discourse of the contemporary historian Joan W. Scott. This scope could be effective from the study of a historiographical nature operated based on its main scientific texts. The methodological design used responds to the qualitative design of the Social Sciences, with an emphasis on historiographical resources through the implementation of the documentary technique. In its development, a particular set of theoretical contributions of the humanistic, political and territorial order was discovered that allow it to be associated with critical post-structuralist epistemological lines parallel to the different instances of the author's gendered production.

Resumen El presente artículo refleja los resultados obtenidos luego de la práctica de una investigación social que se concentró académicamente en el discurso feminista de la historiadora contemporánea Joan W. Scott. Este alcance pudo ser efectivo a partir del estudio de naturaleza historiográfica operado en función de sus principales textos científicos. El diseño metodológico empleado responde al diseño cualitativo de las Ciencias Sociales, con énfasis en los recursos historiográficos a través de la implementación de la técnica documental. En su desarrollo se descubrió un conjunto particular de contribuciones teóricas del orden humanístico, político y territorial que permiten asociarlo a las líneas epistemológicas criticas posestructuralistas paralelas a las diferentes instancias de producción generizada de la autora.

SUMMARY OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to investigate umbilical artery N-terminal proBrain natriuretic peptide (NT-proBNP) in fetuses delivered by cesarean section due to fetal distress in term pregnancies. METHODS: This prospective case-control study was conducted at the Antalya Training and Research Hospital Obstetric Department, Turkiye. A total of 140 pregnant women, 70 underwent elective cesarean sections between weeks 37 and 40 of gestation (Group 1, the control group) and 70 underwent cesarean sections due to fetal distress (Group 2, the study group), were included. The participants’ sociodemographic and obstetric data and fetal umbilical blood NT-proBNP levels were recorded in a database. RESULTS: Age, body mass index, gestational age, prenatal diagnostic tests, fetal anatomical scanning, and baby gender ratios were comparable between the groups (p>0.05), while statistically significant differences were observed in terms of gravidity (3.0 vs. 1.0, p≤0.001) and parity numbers (2 vs. 0, p≤0.001), baby height (50.36±0.88 vs. 49.80±0.86, p≤0.001) and weight (3422.43±409.16 vs. 3239.86±293.74, p=0.003), 1-min Apgar (9.0±0.1 vs. 8.5±1.3, p≤0.001) and 5-min Apgar (10.0±0.1 vs. 9.8±0.4, p=0.026) scores, umbilical artery pH (7.32±0.05 vs. 7.25±0.07, p≤0.001), umbilical artery base deficit (-2.48±1.23 vs. −4.36±1.09. p≤0.001), and NT-proBNP levels [8.77 (7.72–9.39) vs. 12.35 (9.69–12.92), p<0.001]. CONCLUSION: This study showed that NT-proBNP can be used as an important marker in the diagnosis of fetal distress. Prospective studies with more participants are now needed to confirm the accuracy of our results. OBJECTIVE Nterminal N terminal NTproBNP NT proBNP (NT-proBNP pregnancies METHODS casecontrol case Department Turkiye 14 women 7 3 4 Group 1 group 2 group, , included database RESULTS Age index age tests scanning p>0.05, p005 p p>0.05 0 05 (p>0.05) 3.0 30 (3. vs 10 1.0 p≤0.001 p0001 001 ( p≤0.001, 50.36±0.88 5036088 50 36 88 (50.36±0.8 4980086 49 80 86 49.80±0.86 3422.43±409.16 34224340916 3422 43 409 16 (3422.43±409.1 32398629374 3239 293 74 3239.86±293.74 p=0.003, p0003 p=0.003 003 p=0.003) 1min min 9.0±0.1 9001 9 (9.0±0. 8513 8 5 8.5±1.3 5min 10.0±0.1 10001 (10.0±0. 9804 9.8±0.4 p=0.026 p0026 026 scores 7.32±0.05 732005 32 (7.32±0.0 725007 25 07 7.25±0.07 2.48±1.23 248123 48 23 (-2.48±1.2 436109 09 −4.36±1.09 8.77 877 77 [8.7 7.72–9.39 772939 72 39 (7.72–9.39 1235 12 35 12.3 9.69–12.92, 9691292 9.69–12.92 69 92 (9.69–12.92) p<0.001. p<0.001 . p<0.001] CONCLUSION results p00 p>0.0 (p>0.05 3. (3 1. p≤0.00 p000 00 50.36±0.8 503608 (50.36±0. 498008 49.80±0.8 3422.43±409.1 3422434091 342 (3422.43±409. 3239862937 323 29 3239.86±293.7 p=0.00 9.0±0. 900 (9.0±0 851 8.5±1. 10.0±0. 1000 (10.0±0 980 9.8±0. p=0.02 p002 02 7.32±0.0 73200 (7.32±0. 72500 7.25±0.0 2.48±1.2 24812 (-2.48±1. 43610 −4.36±1.0 8.7 87 [8. 7.72–9.3 77293 (7.72–9.3 123 12. 969129 9.69–12.9 6 (9.69–12.92 p<0.00 p0 p>0. (p>0.0 p≤0.0 50.36±0. 50360 (50.36±0 49800 49.80±0. 3422.43±409. 342243409 34 (3422.43±409 323986293 3239.86±293. p=0.0 9.0±0 90 (9.0± 85 8.5±1 10.0±0 100 (10.0± 98 9.8±0 7.32±0. 7320 (7.32±0 7250 7.25±0. 2.48±1. 2481 (-2.48±1 4361 −4.36±1. 8. [8 7.72–9. 7729 (7.72–9. 96912 9.69–12. (9.69–12.9 p<0.0 p>0 (p>0. p≤0. 50.36±0 5036 (50.36± 4980 49.80±0 3422.43±409 34224340 (3422.43±40 32398629 3239.86±293 p=0. 9.0± (9.0 8.5± 10.0± (10.0 9.8± 7.32±0 732 (7.32± 725 7.25±0 2.48±1 248 (-2.48± 436 −4.36±1 [ 7.72–9 772 (7.72–9 9691 9.69–12 (9.69–12. p<0. p> (p>0 p≤0 50.36± 503 (50.36 498 49.80± 3422.43±40 3422434 (3422.43±4 3239862 3239.86±29 p=0 9.0 (9. 8.5 10.0 (10. 9.8 7.32± 73 (7.32 7.25± 2.48± 24 (-2.48 −4.36± 7.72– (7.72– 969 9.69–1 (9.69–12 p<0 (p> p≤ 50.36 (50.3 49.80 3422.43±4 342243 (3422.43± 323986 3239.86±2 p= 9. (9 10. (10 7.32 (7.3 7.25 2.48 (-2.4 −4.36 7.72 (7.72 96 9.69– (9.69–1 p< (p 50.3 (50. 49.8 3422.43± 34224 (3422.43 32398 3239.86± (1 7.3 (7. 7.2 2.4 (-2. −4.3 7.7 (7.7 9.69 (9.69– 50. (50 49. 3422.43 (3422.4 3239.86 7. (7 2. (-2 −4. 9.6 (9.69 (5 3422.4 (3422. 3239.8 (- −4 (9.6 3422. (3422 3239. − (342 (34

Abstract. The advancement of parity rules in Mexico allegedly meant having achieved full equality between women and men who are dedicated to politics; however, the numerical advance of women in congresses showed that descriptive representation was not sufficient to eliminate obstacles, including gender-based political violence, which prevents women from exercising their political rights. To confirm the previous hypothesis through a local case study, this article present the expressions of gender-based political violence based on gender that is exercised against women who venture into legislative activities. It is based on sixteen in-depth interviews carried out with deputies of the Quintana Roo congress, an interview with a senior local legislative official, and two heads of political training areas in national parties with state presence, all of them in office in the period 2012-2022. The findings of this research allow us to maintain that, although the presence of women in congresses has been promoted by the parity rules, practices corresponding to manifestations of gender-based political violence persist. These practices inhibit and constrain the full exercise of the functions of the female legislators.

Resumen. El avance de las reglas de paridad en México supuso haber alcanzado la igualdad plena entre mujeres y hombres que se dedican a la política; sin embargo, el avance numérico de las mujeres en los congresos exhibió que la representación descriptiva no era suficiente para eliminar los obstáculos, entre ellos la violencia política en razón de género, que impiden a las mujeres ejercer sus derechos políticos. Para confirmar la hipótesis anterior, a través de un estudio de caso local, este artículo presenta las expresiones de violencia política en razón de género, que es ejercida en contra las mujeres que incursionan en la actividad legislativa en el nivel subnacional. Se realizaron dieciséis entrevistas a profundidad a diputadas del congreso de Quintana Roo, una entrevista al secretario técnico del congreso, y dos responsables de áreas de formación política en partidos nacionales con presencia estatal, todas y todos en funciones en el periodo 2012-2022. Los hallazgos de esta investigación permiten sostener que, aunque la presencia de las mujeres en los congresos ha sido impulsada por las reglas de paridad, aún persisten prácticas que se corresponden con manifestaciones de la violencia política en razón de género, que inhiben y constriñen el ejercicio pleno de las funciones de las legisladoras.

Abstract The integral health of the human being implies living in a healthy environment and in social harmony, hence the importance of arriving at a sociopolitical sphere of healthy social coexistence with an inclusive and egalitarian character. In this sense, the objective of analyzing the evolution and impact of the political reform of gender parity in the State of Mexico, approved in the Congress of the Union in 2014, was raised to account for the obstacles and advances of the gender equality that contributes to the democratization process of the entity and therefore a better social harmony that contributes to generating a healthier environment of political coexistence. For which, a quantitative study of the presence of women in the local congress and the Mexican municipalities was carried out, through the review of the databases of official electoral results during the last three electoral processes. Among the main findings, the fact that there are still multiple obstacles, both regulatory and partisan interests, that hinder effective gender parity during the period 2015-2021 stands out. Finally, it is once again evident that political behavior and decision-making does not depend solely on the legal framework and the approval of laws, but on the co-responsibility of values and principles that support and promote gender equality, both of the political class and of society in general.

Resumen La salud integral del ser humano implica vivir en un ambiente sano y en armonía social, de ahí la importancia de llegar a una esfera sociopolítica de sana convivencia social con carácter incluyente e igualitario. En este sentido, se planteó el objetivo de analizar la evolución e impacto que ha tenido la reforma política de paridad de género en el Estado de México, aprobada en el Congreso de la Unión en 2014, para dar cuenta de los obstáculos y avances en dicho tema que coadyuven al proceso de democratización de la entidad y, por tanto, de una mejor armonía social que contribuya a generar un ambiente más sano de convivencia política. Para ello, se llevó a cabo un estudio cuantitativo de la presencia de las mujeres en el congreso local y los municipios mexiquenses, a través de la revisión de las bases de datos de resultados electorales oficiales durante los últimos tres procesos. Entre los principales hallazgos destaca el hecho de que continúan existiendo múltiples obstáculos, tanto normativos como intereses partidistas, que dificultan la efectiva paridad de género durante el periodo 2015-2021. Finalmente, queda nuevamente en evidencia que el comportamiento y toma de decisiones políticas no depende únicamente del marco legal y la aprobación de leyes, sino de la corresponsabilidad de valores y principios que fundamentan e impulsan la equidad de género, tanto de la clase política como de la sociedad en general.

Resumo A saúde integral do ser humano implica viver em um ambiente saudável e em harmonia social, daí a importância de se chegar a uma esfera sociopolítica de convivência social saudável com caráter inclusivo e igualitário. Nesse sentido, levantou-se o objetivo de analisar a evolução e o impacto da reforma política da paridade de gênero no Estado do México, aprovada no Congresso da União em 2014, para dar conta dos obstáculos e avanços da igualdade de gênero que contribui ao processo de democratização da entidade e conseqüentemente uma melhor convivência social que contribua para gerar um ambiente mais saudável de convivência política. Para isso, foi realizado um estudo quantitativo da presença de mulheres no congresso local e nos municípios mexicanos, por meio da revisão dos bancos de dados de resultados eleitorais oficiais durante os três últimos processos eleitorais. Entre as principais constatações, destaca-se o fato de que ainda existem múltiplos obstáculos, tanto regulatórios quanto de interesses partidários, que impedem a efetiva paridade de gênero durante o período 2015-2021. Por fim, torna-se mais uma vez evidente que o comportamento político e a tomada de decisões não dependem apenas do enquadramento legal e da aprovação de leis, mas da co-responsabilidade de valores e princípios que sustentem e promovam a igualdade de género, tanto da classe política e da sociedade em geral.

Personal attributes and behavioral factors are key factors in determining researchers’ scientific productivity. Investigating what determines the academic productivity among university researchers is the purpose of this study, which uses a sample of microdata from professors at a State university in Brazil (Federal University of Juiz de Fora) for the period 1999-2013. The main results show that age and academic productivity have an inverted-U-shaped relationship, revealing that experience enhances academic production. Regarding gender differences, we found that women generally have lower average productivity than men. However, at the end of their careers, women are subject to greater leverage effects in productivity and therefore achieve productive parity with men, especially during their production peaks.

Atributos pessoais e fatores comportamentais são fatores-chave na determinação da produtividade científica dos pesquisadores. Investigar o que determina a produtividade acadêmica entre pesquisadores universitários é o objetivo deste estudo, que utiliza uma amostra de microdados de professores de uma universidade estadual brasileira (Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora) para o período 1999-2013. Os principais resultados mostram que a idade e a produtividade acadêmica apresentam uma relação em forma de U invertido, revelando que a experiência potencializa a produção acadêmica. Em relação às diferenças de gênero, descobrimos que as mulheres geralmente têm produtividade média menor do que os homens. No entanto, ao final da carreira, as mulheres estão sujeitas a maiores efeitos de alavancagem na produtividade e, portanto, alcançam paridade produtiva com os homens, principalmente nos picos de produção.

RESUMEN La paridad de género se considera el mecanismo jurídico de mayor importancia en defensa de la participación y representación política equitativa entre hombres y mujeres para la constitución de organismos públicos y decisorios de forma proporcional. El presente artículo se centra en el análisis de la incursión e impacto de la paridad de género en la legislación ecuatoriana y su repercusión en la estructuración de los organismos legislativos cantonales. Bajo una metodología cualitativa sobre el análisis y revisión documental se adopta el método inductivo, al describirse todos los fundamentos que sostienen el precepto de la paridad, como participación y representación política, igualdad formal, material y no discriminación, equidad y democracia. Se constata que la normativa jurídica defiende el ejercicio del sistema electoral bajo el principio de paridad de género, que configura el desarrollo de los diferentes procesos electorales con criterios de paridad, equidad, alternabilidad y secuencialidad que garantizan inclusión. Los concejos municipales son organismos legislativos cantonales que necesitan estar conformados por hombres y mujeres que representen a la población, para que en conjunto atiendan las necesidades e intereses de la sociedad; cuestión que se encuentra alejada de la realidad, ya que pese a la exigencia legal paritaria estos no se integran equitativamente, provocando una subrepresentación femenina y un debilitamiento democrático.

ABSTRACT Gender parity is considered as the most important legal mechanism in defense of equitable political participation and representation between men and women for the constitution of public and decision-making organizations in an equitable manner. This article focuses on the analysis of the incursion and impact of gender parity in Ecuadorian legislation and its repercussion on the structuring of cantonal legislative organizations. Under a qualitative methodology on analysis and documentary review, the inductive method is adopted, to address the comprehensive foundation that supports the precept of parity, such as political participation and representation, formal and material equality and non-discrimination, equity and democracy. Underscoring that the legal regulations defend the exercise of the electoral system under the principle of gender parity, the development of innovative and different electoral processes with parity criteria, equity, alternability and sequentiality that guarantee inclusion is recommended. The municipal councils are cantonal legislative organizations that need to be constituted with men and women members, who represent the population, to allow them to collectively and collaboratively address the needs and interests of society. Although this aspiration is far from reality, as despite the legal requirement for parity, the current scenarios are causing a female underrepresentation and a democratic weakening.

Abstract This study was carried out in Engineering Schools and Technical Training Centers in the Antofagasta Region, Chile -the epicenter of mining worldwide It reveals the gender stereotypes of male/female teachers regarding women in mining careers, in a productive context that aspires to the parity by 2050. Through a qualitative, descriptive and comparative study, 23 semistructured interviews were conducted with male and female teachers, engineers and technicians. Based on the theory of gender and ambivalent sexism, a thematic analysis was carried out, identifying categories and subcategories. Results verified that the female teachers are demanding and benevolent in their judgments, and the male teachers accentuate the attributes linked to the female students: order, responsibility and respect. Both segments transmit their own knowledge, regarding the ways of being, relating and developing and reflect dichotomies in their speeches, unconsciously hindering the training of young people. Therefore, it is a challenge for higher education programs to incorporate strategies that reverse ambivalences and the role that gender constructs play in the training of women, to modify the hidden academic culture that sustains segregation and the set of imperceptible resistances in professional training.

Resumen Este estudio, realizado en escuelas de ingeniería y centros de formación técnica de la Región de Antofagasta, epicentro de la minería a nivel mundial, devela los estereotipos de género de los/as docentes respecto de las mujeres en carreras mineras, en un contexto productivo que aspira a la paridad en 2050. En un estudio cualitativo, descriptivo y comparativo, se realizaron 23 entrevistas semiestructuradas a profesores/as ingenieros/as y técnicos/as2. Con base en la teoría de género y del sexismo ambivalente, se realizó un análisis temático, identificando categorías y subcategorías. En los resultados se constató que las docentes son exigentes y benevolentes en sus juicios, y los profesores acentúan los atributos femeninos en las estudiantes: orden, responsabilidad y respeto. Ambos segmentos transmiten sus propios saberes, respecto de las formas de ser, relacionarse y desenvolverse, y reflejan dicotomías en sus discursos, obstaculizando, inconscientemente, la formación de las jóvenes. Por lo tanto, es un desafío para la educación superior incorporar estrategias que reviertan las ambivalencias y el rol que juegan los constructos de género en la formación de las mujeres, para modificar la cultura académica oculta que sostiene la segregación y el conjunto de resistencias imperceptibles en la formación profesional.

Resumen El articulo busca analizar una vez que se estableció la paridad de género en los congresos locales en México, lo que ha generado una representación más equitativa de la sociedad en cuestión de género, si ello ha repercutido en una mejor representación de otros sectores sociales. Particularmente interesa conocer qué tan plural es la paridad de género en términos de las diferencias socioeconómicas del país; y si existen diferencias al respecto entre la representación femenina y masculina. Para ello se realiza una estratificación por niveles socioeconómicos de los legisladores en general de los congresos locales, entre los distintos estados, y entre distintas fracciones parlamentarias, usando el Censo de Poderes Legislativos Estatales 2020. Posteriormente la estratificación social se compara con la estratificación por sectores sociales que realiza el Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social. Se verifica la hipótesis de que una representación más igualitaria en términos de género no repercute en una representación más equitativa de sectores socioeconómicos. En cambio, la representación tanto femenina como masculina sigue dominada por los estratos socioeconómicos más altos.

Abstract The article analyzes if gender parity in subnational legislatures in México has produced a more equitable social representation. It explores the plurality of gender parity in terms of socioeconomic differences, and female and male representation. Using data from Censo de Poderes legislativos Estatales 2020, the article classifies subnational legislators by socioeconomic levels and compared with CONEVAL’s methodology of social stratification in Mexico. The tested hypothesis is that gender parity has not produced a favorable impact on a more equitable political representation in socioeconomic terms so far. Female and male political representation continues to be dominated by upper socioeconomic levels.

Resumen Este artículo busca verificar el estado de cumplimiento del principio de paridad o igualdad de género, durante las elecciones nacionales de Costa Rica en el 2022, con el fin de generar un insumo que provoque la reflexión sobre las mejoras y debilidades que aún posee el sistema político electoral costarricense en el cumplimiento efectivo de la participación activa e inclusiva de la ciudadanía en la política nacional. Se realizó un análisis descriptivo de las candidaturas presentadas por los partidos políticos involucrados para todos los puestos a elegir mediante el sufragio, a partir de la información suministrada por el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones (TSE). Se utilizó como fundamento la normativa costarricense que rige lo electoral y en lo teórico-conceptual el principio de paridad de género en la participación política desde una perspectiva crítica-feminista. Dentro de los hallazgos principales se encuentra que la aplicación del principio de paridad de género en la normativa electoral costarricense ha sido efectiva considerando el incremento de la representación de la mujer en la cantidad de curules que están ocupando en la Asamblea Legislativa; no obstante, se deben concretar más acciones afirmativas que deriven en cambios en los estatutos partidarios, las estructuras partidarias, los mecanismos de inscripción de candidaturas a puestos uninominales, como son la presidencia y vicepresidencias del Poder Ejecutivo y las autoridades de los gobiernos locales, el cambio del concepto sexo, entre otras.

Summary This article seeks to verify the status of compliance with the principle of parity or gender equality, during the national elections of Costa Rica in 2022, in order to generate an input that provokes reflection on the improvements and weaknesses that the Costa Rican electoral political system still has in effectively fulfilling the active and inclusive participation of citizens in national politics. A descriptive analysis was carried out on the candidacies presented by the political parties involved for all positions to be elected through suffrage, based on the information provided by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE). Costa Rican electoral regulations and the theoretical-conceptual principle of gender parity in political participation from a critical-feminist perspective were used as the basis. Among the main findings, it was found that the application of the principle of gender parity in Costa Rican electoral regulations has been effective considering the increase in women's representation in the number of seats they occupy in the Legislative Assembly; however, more affirmative actions need to be taken that result in changes in party statutes, party structures, mechanisms for registering candidates for single-member positions, such as the presidency and vice-presidency of the Executive Branch and the authorities of local governments, the change of the concept of sex, among others.

Résumé Cet article vise à vérifier l'état de la mise en place du principe de parité ou égalité des sexes pendant les élections nationales du Costa Rica dans le 2022 afin de créer un apport qui contribue à la réflexion sur les progrès et les faiblesses qui possède le système politique électoral costaricien en ce qui concerne l'application effective de la participation active et inclusive de la population dans la politique nationale. On a effectué une analyse descriptive des candidatures présentées pour les partis politiques concernés sur tous les postes politiques à élire à travers le suffrage d'après l'information fournit par le Tribunal Suprême Électoral (TSE). On a utilisé comme fondement la législation costaricienne qui régit le processus électoral et pour la partie théorique-conceptuelle, le principe de parité des sexes dans la participation politique sous l'approche critique féministe. Parmi les principales découvertes, on a trouvé que la mise en place du principe de parité des sexes dans la législation électorale costaricienne a été effective car la représentation des femmes dans les sièges de l'Assemblée législative a augmenté; cependant, il faut concrétiser d'autres actions qui entraînent des changements dans les statuts des partis et leurs structures ainsi que dans les mécanismes d'enregistrement des candidatures des postes uninominaux tels que la présidence, la vice-présidence du Pouvoir exécutif et les autorités des gouvernements locaux, le changement du concept de sexe, entre autres.

Abstract This paper addresses some fundamental aspects characteristic of the main theoretical categories belonging to the critical studies of Discourse Analysis. For this purpose, it seeks to apply them in a situated way around a certain recent documentary corpus of a journalistic nature that was published by the newspaper La Nación during 2017 and 2019. Attention is paid to the development of a methodological model that respects the characteristics of qualitative social research. Different resources of linguistic and discursive analysis have been implemented that highlight the significant factors of the text as pragmatic emergents of the words, that is, the performative meaning of the statements. It seeks an understanding of this text beyond the editorial narrative since it considers it a journalistic construction with a political meaning. Sources are considered a constitutive device of a certain social reality that prioritises, from a gender perspective, certain social practices while discussing others. The texts of La Nación question the scope of the law, in addition to systematically and evaluatively seeking a delegitimization of its application given its belonging to the public gender agenda. With the analytical approach, the performative and discursive operations can be made visible in historical terms, given the periods in which these devices were articulated, to which she resorts with the intention of expressing her strictest opposition to the gender parity law.

Resumen Este trabajo aborda algunos aspectos fundamentales, propios de las principales categorías teóricas, pertenecientes a los estudios críticos del Análisis del Discurso. Para ello, procura aplicarlos de forma situada en torno a un determinado corpus documental reciente de carácter periodístico que fuera publicado por el diario La Nación durante 2017 y 2019. Se atiende al desarrollo de un modelo metodológico que respete las características de la investigación social cualitativa. Han sido implementados diferentes recursos de análisis lingüístico y discursivo, tales como subjetivemas o metáforas, que ponen de relieve los factores significativos del texto en tanto emergentes pragmáticos de las palabras, esto es, el sentido performativo de los enunciados. Pretende una comprensión de dicho texto más allá de la narrativa editorial, dado que lo considera una construcción periodística con sentido político. Las fuentes están consideradas un dispositivo constitutivo de una determinada realidad social que prioriza, desde una perspectiva de género, ciertas prácticas sociales mientras discute otras. Los textos de La Nación cuestionan los alcances de la ley, además de buscar sistemática y valorativamente una deslegitimación de su aplicación dada su pertenencia a la agenda pública de género. Con el abordaje analítico se pueden visibilizar las operaciones performativas y discursivas en términos históricos, dados los plazos en los que estos dispositivos se articularon, a las que recurre con la intención de expresar su más estricta oposición a la ley de paridad de género.

Abstract This study explores the impact of gender parity laws after 20 years in Cordoba. Since their implementation, such regulations have contemplated a vertical parity criterion by which the electoral lists must conform to an equivalent percentage of women and men, organized with a sequential alternation applied to both titular and substitutes positions. However, this legislation’s benefits are eroded by Cordoba’s legislature characteristics; organized under a mixed system that combines seats corresponding to plurinominal and uninominal districts. The study collects data from secondary sources focusing on Cordoba’s legislature characteristics, highlighting the obstacles to achieve gender parity in the legislature. The results also show the underrepresentation of women in other hierarchical roles within the Chamber and the Ministries. 2 Cordoba implementation men positions However legislations legislation s Cordobas characteristics districts Ministries

Resumen Este estudio explora el impacto de las leyes de paridad de género vigentes en la provincia de Córdoba en los últimos veinte años. Desde su implementación, tales normativas han contemplado un criterio de paridad vertical por el cual las listas electorales deben conformarse con un porcentaje equivalente de mujeres y varones, organizado con una alternancia secuencial aplicada tanto a titulares como a suplentes. Sin embargo, el efecto de estas normativas se debilita al aplicarse en Cámaras Legislativas como la de Córdoba, organizada bajo un sistema mixto que combina bancas correspondientes a distritos plurinominales y uninominales. Este estudio analiza la composición de la Unicameral Cordobesa, evidenciando los obstáculos que imposibilitan alcanzar una composición paritaria en la Cámara. Los resultados dan cuenta también de la subrepresentación de mujeres en otros roles jerárquicos dentro de la Cámara y en los Ministerios. En base a los hallazgos se realizan una serie de recomendaciones. años implementación varones suplentes embargo uninominales Cordobesa Ministerios recomendaciones

ABSTRACT This work provides a first assessment of Ecuador’s Electoral Law from a gender perspective in the context of Ecuador’s 2020 electoral reform and its application in the general elections held in 2021. We discuss the different components of the electoral system from a gender perspective in order to understand their potential to improve or hinder the descriptive representation of women. We also analyze the importance of the Index of Strength of the Gender Quota (IFCG for its initials in Spanish). Moreover, we further propose an adjustment to this index to better examine the progress of the quota/parity design in the Ecuadorian context. Finally, using the electoral results from 2017 y 2021, we evaluate the change in the percentages of women elected to the National Assembly after the 2020 electoral reform. Results corroborate findings from previous studies on the benefits of a less proportional seat allocation method as well as female header mandate on voting list to improve the presence of women in parlia-mentary bodies. Our results show that the change in the method used for seat allocation from D’Hondt to Webster had detrimental effects on women’s presence in parliament. This effect was, however, offset by the increase of the number of women being listed first on the ballot.

RESUMEN Este estudio ofrece una primera evaluación de las reglas electorales con perspectiva de género en Ecuador, con ocasión de la reforma electoral de febrero de 2020 y de las elecciones generales de 2021. Se discute los distintos componentes del sistema electoral con perspectiva de género, lo que permite identificar su potencialidad de mejorar la representación descriptiva de las mujeres. Posteriormente, se evalúa la importancia del Índice de Fortaleza de la Cuota de Género (IFCG) y su posible ajuste como instrumento para el análisis del avance del diseño cuota/paridad en el contexto ecuatoriano. Finalmente, a partir de los resultados electorales del 2017 y 2021 se analiza el cambio en los porcentajes de asambleístas electas luego de la reforma electoral de 2020. Los resultados del estudio muestran que el reemplazo del método D’Hondt por Webster fue en detrimento de la presencia de mujeres en el parlamento, diferencia que fue compensada por la notable cuota de encabezamientos de listas por mujeres en las elecciones legislativas.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyze the feminist foreign policy as a modern phenomenon in light of the particular features and challenges of Brazil’s reality. But first, the article contextualizes where the idea of a feminist foreign policy comes from. Even though womens make up half of the world’s population, gender parity in many spaces of power, such as diplomacy, is still not a reality. Thus, the so called feminist foreign policies aims, among others, to increase the number of female diplomats, grant them more visibility and place them in positions of power. Since this situation is happening worldwide, the paper aims to contribute on how we can think of the possibility of engendering a feminist foreign policy specific to Brazil. Brazils Brazil s reality first from worlds world population power diplomacy Thus others diplomats worldwide

Abstract Personal attributes and behavioral factors are key factors in determining researchers’ scientific productivity. Investigating what determines the academic productivity among university researchers is the purpose of this study, which uses a sample of microdata from professors at a public university in Brazil (Federal University of Juiz de Fora) for the period 1999-2013. The main results show that age and academic productivity have an inverted-U-shaped relationship, revealing that experience enhances academic production. Regarding gender differences, we found that women generally have lower average productivity than men. However, at the end of their careers, women are subject to greater leverage effects in productivity and therefore achieve productive parity with men, especially during their production peaks. study Federal Fora 19992013. 19992013 1999 2013. 2013 1999-2013 invertedUshaped inverted U shaped relationship differences men However careers peaks 1999201 199 201 1999-201 199920 19 20 1999-20 19992 1 2 1999-2 1999-

Resumo Atributos pessoais e fatores comportamentais são fatores-chave na determinação da produtividade científica dos pesquisadores. Investigar o que determina a produtividade acadêmica entre pesquisadores universitários é o objetivo deste estudo, que utiliza uma amostra de microdados de professores de uma universidade federal brasileira (Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora) para o período 1999-2013. Os principais resultados mostram que a idade e a produtividade acadêmica apresentam uma relação em forma de U invertido, revelando que a experiência potencializa a produção acadêmica. Em relação às diferenças de gênero, descobrimos que as mulheres geralmente têm produtividade média menor do que os homens. No entanto, ao final da carreira, as mulheres estão sujeitas a maiores efeitos de alavancagem na produtividade e, portanto, alcançam paridade produtiva com os homens, principalmente nos picos de produção. fatoreschave chave estudo Universidade Fora 19992013. 19992013 1999 2013. 2013 1999-2013 invertido gênero homens entanto carreira portanto 1999201 199 201 1999-201 199920 19 20 1999-20 19992 1 2 1999-2 1999-

Resumo: Este estudo examina a persistência das diferenças de gênero na representação midiática das mulheres em um ambiente com leis de paridade de gênero por meio da investigação do papel dos fatores organizacionais associados a três modelos explicativos das diferenças de gênero na cobertura midiática de candidatas: (1) o modelo de oferta, (2) o modelo de gênero e (3) o modelo de socialização do trabalho. Foram realizados testes de independência s em dados de monitoramento de 52 programas de rádio e televisão para identificar os fatores associados a menores diferenças de gênero na cobertura jornalística das campanhas eleitorais em 2021. Menores diferenças de gênero foram encontradas na cobertura jornalística de programas produzidos por meios de comunicação de menor alcance geográfico, regime de propriedade pública e dirigidos por mulheres. Os resultados corroboram as explicações para as disparidades de gênero na cobertura midiática oferecidas pelos modelos de oferta e socialização do trabalho.

Abstract: This study explores the persistence of gender gaps in the media representation of women in an environment with parity laws by investigating the role of organizational factors linked to three explanatory models of gender differences in news coverage of female candidates: (1) the supply model, (2) the gender model, and (3) the job model. Independence tests were conducted on monitoring data from 52 radio and television programs in Mexico to identify the factors that contributed to smaller gender gaps in the news coverage of the 2021 electoral campaigns. Smaller gender gaps were found in news programs produced by media outlets with a smaller geographic reach, public ownership regime, and led by women. The results support the explanations for the gender gaps in media coverage provided by the supply and job models.

Resumen: Este estudio examina la persistencia de las brechas de género en la representación mediática de las mujeres en un entorno con leyes de paridad de género, mediante la indagación del rol de los factores organizacionales asociados con tres modelos explicativos de las diferencias de género en la cobertura informativa de candidatas: (1) el modelo de oferta, el de (2) género y el de (3) socialización laboral. Se realizaron pruebas de independencia a datos de monitoreo de 52 programas de radio y televisión en México para identificar los factores que contribuyeron a menores brechas de género en la cobertura informativa de las campañas electorales de 2021. Se encontraron menores brechas de género en la cobertura informativa de los programas producidos por medios con menor alcance geográfico, régimen de propiedad pública y dirigidos por mujeres. Los resultados respaldan las explicaciones para las brechas de género en la cobertura informativa proporcionadas por los modelos de oferta y de socialización laboral.