Abstract This paper demonstrates the results obtained after the practice of social research that focused academically on the feminist discourse of the contemporary historian Joan W. Scott. This scope could be effective from the study of a historiographical nature operated based on its main scientific texts. The methodological design used responds to the qualitative design of the Social Sciences, with an emphasis on historiographical resources through the implementation of the documentary technique. In its development, a particular set of theoretical contributions of the humanistic, political and territorial order was discovered that allow it to be associated with critical post-structuralist epistemological lines parallel to the different instances of the author's gendered production.

Resumen El presente artículo refleja los resultados obtenidos luego de la práctica de una investigación social que se concentró académicamente en el discurso feminista de la historiadora contemporánea Joan W. Scott. Este alcance pudo ser efectivo a partir del estudio de naturaleza historiográfica operado en función de sus principales textos científicos. El diseño metodológico empleado responde al diseño cualitativo de las Ciencias Sociales, con énfasis en los recursos historiográficos a través de la implementación de la técnica documental. En su desarrollo se descubrió un conjunto particular de contribuciones teóricas del orden humanístico, político y territorial que permiten asociarlo a las líneas epistemológicas criticas posestructuralistas paralelas a las diferentes instancias de producción generizada de la autora.

RESUMEN En el presente texto, analizo las demandas que originan las revueltas populares del 18 de octubre de 2019, caracterizándolas como una impugnación contra la tríada colonialidad, patriarcado y neoliberalismo. Luego, indago en la relación de continuidad que existe entredicha impugnación y las actorías que se posicionan en los espacios abiertos como respuesta institucional a la crisis: la redacción de una nueva Constitución. Esta continuidad se plasma en un proceso constituyente que incluye las demandas antes referidas, mediante escaños reservados para los pueblos indígenas (colonialidad), paridad de género (patriarcado) y listas de independientes (neoliberalismo). Dicha continuidad desde el estallido social a la salida institucional, se verifica también en la figura de Elisa Loncón Antileo, elegida presidenta de la Convención constitucional, como un símbolo deesa tríada de dominación impugnada, en su condición de mujer mapuche de origen proletario y sin afiliación partidaria; un carácter simbólico que se refrenda en el discurso inaugural que brinda al ser electa. Por último, daré una mirada a las investigaciones en ciencias sociales que abordan la tríada en comento, como superposición de raza, clase, género y sexualidad, primero en la noción de interseccionalidad, y luego en las aportaciones del feminismo de colonial.

ABSTRACT In this text, I analyze the demands that originate the popular revolts of October 18, 2019, characterizing them as a challenge against the triad of coloniality, patriarchy and neoliberalism. Then, I inquire into the continuity relationship that exists between said challenge and the actors that position themselves in open spaces as an institutional response to the crisis: the drafting of a new Constitution. This continuity is reflected in a constituent process that includes the aforementioned demands, through reserved seats for indigenous peoples (coloniality), gender parity (patriarchy) and lists of independents (neoliberalism). Likewise, the transition between the social outbreak and the institutional exit makes it possible for the figure of Elisa Loncón Antileo, president of the Constitutional Convention, to emerge as a symbol of this contested triad of domination; This symbolic character of Loncíon is endorsed in the inaugural speech she gives when she is elected. Finally, I will take a look at the research in the social sciences and humanities that have reviewed the triad in question, from the perspective of the overlap of race, class, gender and sexuality, first from the notion of intersectionality, and then on the contributions of the decolonial feminism.

Abstract Parenthood represents a relationship with two dimensions: on the one hand, the bond with a child and, on the other, the sharing of that child with another member (of the parental couple), not necessarily in an active married life. Family life promotes increasing autonomy in parental relationships, coexisting with the marital relationship. Parenting usually implies coparenting, joint responsibility for someone, son or daughter. This text addresses male parenting, based on the answers given by men/fathers, within the scope of the “PARENT” project, which allowed us to understand the changes caused by crises, in family life and in the procreative project of men and women, who reside in the country, in this case, in four different social and regional contexts. Faced with a drastic reduction in the fertility rate, it was possible to verify how the decision to have another child cannot be reduced to a “financial” issue but represents a choice where the support network and the relationship with the market are considered. work, co-parenting, and the corresponding sharing of tasks. As a parity relationship, parenthood should not be confused with maternity or paternity and implies a decentralized view of women, who, in general, are attributed the main responsibility for changes in fertility indicators. Looking at male parenthood allows us to identify other dimensions of this phenomenon, the significant decline of which has worried European countries, particularly Portugal. With this reflection, perhaps, we can look at the transformation of gender roles in another way, from a perspective of cooperation and co-responsibility, from an approach to the conditions that allow shared parenting. Considering the father’s place in parenting could mean a new design of family policies, even now, centered on a traditional view of parental roles, which values ??the caring woman/mother and the provider man/father.

Resumo A parentalidade representa uma relação com duas dimensões: por um lado o vínculo com um/a filho/a e, por outro, a partilha desse/a filho/a com outro elemento (do casal parental), não forçosamente numa vida conjugal ativa, uma vez que a vida familiar atual promove uma crescente autonomia das relações de parentalidade, coexistindo com o relacionamento conjugal. A parentalidade implica habitualmente coparentalidade, responsabilidade conjunta por alguém, filho ou filha. O presente texto aborda a parentalidade no masculino, partindo das respostas dadas por homens/pais, no âmbito da realização do projeto “PARENT”, o qual permitiu conhecer as mudanças provocadas pelas crises, na vida familiar e no projeto procriativo dos homens e mulheres, que residem no país, neste caso, em quatro contextos sociais e regionais diferentes no país. Face a uma redução drástica da taxa de fecundidade, foi possível verificar como a decisão de ter mais um filho, não pode ser reduzida a uma questão “financeira”, mas representa uma escolha onde se pondera a rede de suporte, a relação com o mercado de trabalho, a coparentalidade e a correspondente partilha de tarefas. Enquanto relação paritária, a parentalidade, não deve ser confundida com maternidade ou paternidade e implica um olhar descentrado da mulher, a quem, em geral, se atribui a principal responsabilidade pelas alterações dos indicadores de fecundidade. Olhar a parentalidade no masculino permite identificar outras dimensões nesse fenómeno, cuja baixa significativa tem preocupado os países europeus, particularmente Portugal. Com esta reflexão, porventura, podemos encarar a transformação dos papéis de género de outra forma, numa ótica de cooperação e corresponsabilização, ou seja, numa abordagem às condições que permitem uma parentalidade partilhada. Considerar o lugar do pai na parentalidade poderá significar um novo desenho das políticas de família, ainda agora centradas numa visão tradicional dos papéis parentais, que valoriza a mulher/mãe cuidadora e o homem/pai provedor.

Abstract: This article is the result of an analysis of women’s political participation in the department of Boyacá during the 2011, 2015, and 2019 mandates, both in the departmental Assembly and in the Governorship. Firstly, it presents a historical overview of women’s democratic participation in Colombia, specifically in Boyacá. Here, the laws and provisions created to guarantee women’s political rights are considered. Secondly, the study identifies some variables affecting women’s participation and representation in the Governorship and Assembly of Boyacá, leading to conclusions and recommendations.

Resumen: El presente artículo es el resultado del análisis de la participación política de la mujer en el departamento de Boyacá en los periodos 2011, 2015 y 2019, tanto en la Asamblea departamental, como en la Gobernación, no sin antes hacer un recorrido histórico de la participación democrática femenil, en Colombia y en el caso concreto en Boyacá. Dentro de esta línea se tienen en cuenta las normas y disposiciones que se han creado para la garantía de los derechos políticos de la mujer. Se evidencian qué variables afectan la participación y representación de las mujeres en la Gobernación y Asamblea de Boyacá para derivar en conclusiones y recomendaciones.

Resumo O presente artigo é o resultado da análise da participação política da mulher no departamento de Boyacá nos períodos de 2011, 2015 e 2019, tanto na Assembleia departamental, como no Governo, fazendo previamente um percurso histórico sobre a participação democrática feminina na Colômbia, e no caso concreto de Boyacá. Nessa linha, são consideradas as normas e disposições criadas para garantir os direitos políticos da mulher. Evidenciam-se as variáveis que afetam a participação e representação das mulheres no Governo e Assembleia de Boyacá para derivar em conclusões e recomendações.

SUMMARY OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to investigate umbilical artery N-terminal proBrain natriuretic peptide (NT-proBNP) in fetuses delivered by cesarean section due to fetal distress in term pregnancies. METHODS: This prospective case-control study was conducted at the Antalya Training and Research Hospital Obstetric Department, Turkiye. A total of 140 pregnant women, 70 underwent elective cesarean sections between weeks 37 and 40 of gestation (Group 1, the control group) and 70 underwent cesarean sections due to fetal distress (Group 2, the study group), were included. The participants’ sociodemographic and obstetric data and fetal umbilical blood NT-proBNP levels were recorded in a database. RESULTS: Age, body mass index, gestational age, prenatal diagnostic tests, fetal anatomical scanning, and baby gender ratios were comparable between the groups (p>0.05), while statistically significant differences were observed in terms of gravidity (3.0 vs. 1.0, p≤0.001) and parity numbers (2 vs. 0, p≤0.001), baby height (50.36±0.88 vs. 49.80±0.86, p≤0.001) and weight (3422.43±409.16 vs. 3239.86±293.74, p=0.003), 1-min Apgar (9.0±0.1 vs. 8.5±1.3, p≤0.001) and 5-min Apgar (10.0±0.1 vs. 9.8±0.4, p=0.026) scores, umbilical artery pH (7.32±0.05 vs. 7.25±0.07, p≤0.001), umbilical artery base deficit (-2.48±1.23 vs. −4.36±1.09. p≤0.001), and NT-proBNP levels [8.77 (7.72–9.39) vs. 12.35 (9.69–12.92), p<0.001]. CONCLUSION: This study showed that NT-proBNP can be used as an important marker in the diagnosis of fetal distress. Prospective studies with more participants are now needed to confirm the accuracy of our results. OBJECTIVE Nterminal N terminal NTproBNP NT proBNP (NT-proBNP pregnancies METHODS casecontrol case Department Turkiye 14 women 7 3 4 Group 1 group 2 group, , included database RESULTS Age index age tests scanning p>0.05, p005 p p>0.05 0 05 (p>0.05) 3.0 30 (3. vs 10 1.0 p≤0.001 p0001 001 ( p≤0.001, 50.36±0.88 5036088 50 36 88 (50.36±0.8 4980086 49 80 86 49.80±0.86 3422.43±409.16 34224340916 3422 43 409 16 (3422.43±409.1 32398629374 3239 293 74 3239.86±293.74 p=0.003, p0003 p=0.003 003 p=0.003) 1min min 9.0±0.1 9001 9 (9.0±0. 8513 8 5 8.5±1.3 5min 10.0±0.1 10001 (10.0±0. 9804 9.8±0.4 p=0.026 p0026 026 scores 7.32±0.05 732005 32 (7.32±0.0 725007 25 07 7.25±0.07 2.48±1.23 248123 48 23 (-2.48±1.2 436109 09 −4.36±1.09 8.77 877 77 [8.7 7.72–9.39 772939 72 39 (7.72–9.39 1235 12 35 12.3 9.69–12.92, 9691292 9.69–12.92 69 92 (9.69–12.92) p<0.001. p<0.001 . p<0.001] CONCLUSION results p00 p>0.0 (p>0.05 3. (3 1. p≤0.00 p000 00 50.36±0.8 503608 (50.36±0. 498008 49.80±0.8 3422.43±409.1 3422434091 342 (3422.43±409. 3239862937 323 29 3239.86±293.7 p=0.00 9.0±0. 900 (9.0±0 851 8.5±1. 10.0±0. 1000 (10.0±0 980 9.8±0. p=0.02 p002 02 7.32±0.0 73200 (7.32±0. 72500 7.25±0.0 2.48±1.2 24812 (-2.48±1. 43610 −4.36±1.0 8.7 87 [8. 7.72–9.3 77293 (7.72–9.3 123 12. 969129 9.69–12.9 6 (9.69–12.92 p<0.00 p0 p>0. (p>0.0 p≤0.0 50.36±0. 50360 (50.36±0 49800 49.80±0. 3422.43±409. 342243409 34 (3422.43±409 323986293 3239.86±293. p=0.0 9.0±0 90 (9.0± 85 8.5±1 10.0±0 100 (10.0± 98 9.8±0 7.32±0. 7320 (7.32±0 7250 7.25±0. 2.48±1. 2481 (-2.48±1 4361 −4.36±1. 8. [8 7.72–9. 7729 (7.72–9. 96912 9.69–12. (9.69–12.9 p<0.0 p>0 (p>0. p≤0. 50.36±0 5036 (50.36± 4980 49.80±0 3422.43±409 34224340 (3422.43±40 32398629 3239.86±293 p=0. 9.0± (9.0 8.5± 10.0± (10.0 9.8± 7.32±0 732 (7.32± 725 7.25±0 2.48±1 248 (-2.48± 436 −4.36±1 [ 7.72–9 772 (7.72–9 9691 9.69–12 (9.69–12. p<0. p> (p>0 p≤0 50.36± 503 (50.36 498 49.80± 3422.43±40 3422434 (3422.43±4 3239862 3239.86±29 p=0 9.0 (9. 8.5 10.0 (10. 9.8 7.32± 73 (7.32 7.25± 2.48± 24 (-2.48 −4.36± 7.72– (7.72– 969 9.69–1 (9.69–12 p<0 (p> p≤ 50.36 (50.3 49.80 3422.43±4 342243 (3422.43± 323986 3239.86±2 p= 9. (9 10. (10 7.32 (7.3 7.25 2.48 (-2.4 −4.36 7.72 (7.72 96 9.69– (9.69–1 p< (p 50.3 (50. 49.8 3422.43± 34224 (3422.43 32398 3239.86± (1 7.3 (7. 7.2 2.4 (-2. −4.3 7.7 (7.7 9.69 (9.69– 50. (50 49. 3422.43 (3422.4 3239.86 7. (7 2. (-2 −4. 9.6 (9.69 (5 3422.4 (3422. 3239.8 (- −4 (9.6 3422. (3422 3239. − (342 (34

Abstract This paper seeks to examine the exercise of substantive representation by Mexican women legislators and to explore the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women in the Mexican political arena. The paper evidences the patterns in the presentation and approval of feminist initiatives, showing that, although women present the majority of feminist initiatives and their presence in the legislature contributes to the articulation of women’s interests, this articulation is limited to only certain agendas and does not always correspond to progressive perspectives or solutions.

Resumen El presente artículo busca examinar el ejercicio de la representación sustantiva por las legisladoras mexicanas y explorar la relación entre la representación descriptiva y la representación sustantiva de las mujeres en el ámbito político mexicano. El trabajo evidencia los patrones en la presentación y aprobación de las iniciativas feministas, evidenciando que, si bien las mujeres presentan la mayoría de las iniciativas de corte feminista y su presencia en los legislativos contribuye a la articulación de los intereses de las mujeres, esta articulación resulta limitada a solo ciertas agendas y no siempre corresponde a las perspectivas o soluciones progresistas.

Abstract. The advancement of parity rules in Mexico allegedly meant having achieved full equality between women and men who are dedicated to politics; however, the numerical advance of women in congresses showed that descriptive representation was not sufficient to eliminate obstacles, including gender-based political violence, which prevents women from exercising their political rights. To confirm the previous hypothesis through a local case study, this article present the expressions of gender-based political violence based on gender that is exercised against women who venture into legislative activities. It is based on sixteen in-depth interviews carried out with deputies of the Quintana Roo congress, an interview with a senior local legislative official, and two heads of political training areas in national parties with state presence, all of them in office in the period 2012-2022. The findings of this research allow us to maintain that, although the presence of women in congresses has been promoted by the parity rules, practices corresponding to manifestations of gender-based political violence persist. These practices inhibit and constrain the full exercise of the functions of the female legislators.

Resumen. El avance de las reglas de paridad en México supuso haber alcanzado la igualdad plena entre mujeres y hombres que se dedican a la política; sin embargo, el avance numérico de las mujeres en los congresos exhibió que la representación descriptiva no era suficiente para eliminar los obstáculos, entre ellos la violencia política en razón de género, que impiden a las mujeres ejercer sus derechos políticos. Para confirmar la hipótesis anterior, a través de un estudio de caso local, este artículo presenta las expresiones de violencia política en razón de género, que es ejercida en contra las mujeres que incursionan en la actividad legislativa en el nivel subnacional. Se realizaron dieciséis entrevistas a profundidad a diputadas del congreso de Quintana Roo, una entrevista al secretario técnico del congreso, y dos responsables de áreas de formación política en partidos nacionales con presencia estatal, todas y todos en funciones en el periodo 2012-2022. Los hallazgos de esta investigación permiten sostener que, aunque la presencia de las mujeres en los congresos ha sido impulsada por las reglas de paridad, aún persisten prácticas que se corresponden con manifestaciones de la violencia política en razón de género, que inhiben y constriñen el ejercicio pleno de las funciones de las legisladoras.

Abstract The integral health of the human being implies living in a healthy environment and in social harmony, hence the importance of arriving at a sociopolitical sphere of healthy social coexistence with an inclusive and egalitarian character. In this sense, the objective of analyzing the evolution and impact of the political reform of gender parity in the State of Mexico, approved in the Congress of the Union in 2014, was raised to account for the obstacles and advances of the gender equality that contributes to the democratization process of the entity and therefore a better social harmony that contributes to generating a healthier environment of political coexistence. For which, a quantitative study of the presence of women in the local congress and the Mexican municipalities was carried out, through the review of the databases of official electoral results during the last three electoral processes. Among the main findings, the fact that there are still multiple obstacles, both regulatory and partisan interests, that hinder effective gender parity during the period 2015-2021 stands out. Finally, it is once again evident that political behavior and decision-making does not depend solely on the legal framework and the approval of laws, but on the co-responsibility of values and principles that support and promote gender equality, both of the political class and of society in general.

Resumen La salud integral del ser humano implica vivir en un ambiente sano y en armonía social, de ahí la importancia de llegar a una esfera sociopolítica de sana convivencia social con carácter incluyente e igualitario. En este sentido, se planteó el objetivo de analizar la evolución e impacto que ha tenido la reforma política de paridad de género en el Estado de México, aprobada en el Congreso de la Unión en 2014, para dar cuenta de los obstáculos y avances en dicho tema que coadyuven al proceso de democratización de la entidad y, por tanto, de una mejor armonía social que contribuya a generar un ambiente más sano de convivencia política. Para ello, se llevó a cabo un estudio cuantitativo de la presencia de las mujeres en el congreso local y los municipios mexiquenses, a través de la revisión de las bases de datos de resultados electorales oficiales durante los últimos tres procesos. Entre los principales hallazgos destaca el hecho de que continúan existiendo múltiples obstáculos, tanto normativos como intereses partidistas, que dificultan la efectiva paridad de género durante el periodo 2015-2021. Finalmente, queda nuevamente en evidencia que el comportamiento y toma de decisiones políticas no depende únicamente del marco legal y la aprobación de leyes, sino de la corresponsabilidad de valores y principios que fundamentan e impulsan la equidad de género, tanto de la clase política como de la sociedad en general.

Resumo A saúde integral do ser humano implica viver em um ambiente saudável e em harmonia social, daí a importância de se chegar a uma esfera sociopolítica de convivência social saudável com caráter inclusivo e igualitário. Nesse sentido, levantou-se o objetivo de analisar a evolução e o impacto da reforma política da paridade de gênero no Estado do México, aprovada no Congresso da União em 2014, para dar conta dos obstáculos e avanços da igualdade de gênero que contribui ao processo de democratização da entidade e conseqüentemente uma melhor convivência social que contribua para gerar um ambiente mais saudável de convivência política. Para isso, foi realizado um estudo quantitativo da presença de mulheres no congresso local e nos municípios mexicanos, por meio da revisão dos bancos de dados de resultados eleitorais oficiais durante os três últimos processos eleitorais. Entre as principais constatações, destaca-se o fato de que ainda existem múltiplos obstáculos, tanto regulatórios quanto de interesses partidários, que impedem a efetiva paridade de gênero durante o período 2015-2021. Por fim, torna-se mais uma vez evidente que o comportamento político e a tomada de decisões não dependem apenas do enquadramento legal e da aprovação de leis, mas da co-responsabilidade de valores e princípios que sustentem e promovam a igualdade de género, tanto da classe política e da sociedade em geral.

RESUMEN La participación política de las mujeres ha sido una lucha constante tanto en Ecuador como en toda Latinoamérica, con el objetivo de lograr una verdadera representación política. El objetivo del estudio fue analizar el alcance del principio de paridad de género en la inscripción de candidaturas en procesos electores ecuatorianos. La investigación se adentró en el ámbito dogmático-jurídico y se consideró como una investigación exploratoria, en la cual los autores adoptaron un enfoque hermenéutico para interpretar la revisión bibliográfica realizada. Los resultados del estudio revelaron que la participación de las mujeres en la política ha sido una lucha constante tanto en Ecuador como en toda Latinoamérica, con el objetivo de alcanzar una representación política real. En este contexto, se destaca la aplicación del principio de igualdad, el cual se enfrenta a la triste realidad de una democracia disimulada. Aunque se reconoce que la presencia de las mujeres es un requisito en la conformación de los procesos electorales, su participación directa y representativa sigue siendo limitada. Se concluyó que para superar las barreras que enfrentan las mujeres en la política, es necesario construir un verdadero sistema político y cultural que fomente actitudes e ideologías basadas en el conocimiento y la participación política como valores fundamentales. Además, la estructura estatal debe promover el ejercicio de los derechos de participación a través de políticas públicas que incentiven a las mujeres a formar listas y encabezar candidaturas, especialmente a través de la educación.

ABSTRACT Women's political participation has been a constant struggle both in Ecuador and throughout Latin America, with the objective of achieving true political representation. The objective of the study was to analyze the scope of the principle of gender parity in the registration of candidacies in Ecuadorian electoral processes. The research went into the dogmatic-legal field and was considered as an exploratory research, in which the authors adopted a hermeneutic approach to interpret the bibliographic review carried out. The results of the study revealed that women's participation in politics has been a constant struggle both in Ecuador and throughout Latin America, with the aim of achieving real political representation. In this context, the application of the principle of equality stands out, which faces the sad reality of a disguised democracy. Although it is recognized that the presence of women is a requirement in the shaping of electoral processes, their direct and representative participation remains limited. It was concluded that in order to overcome the barriers faced by women in politics, it is necessary to build a true political and cultural system that fosters attitudes and ideologies based on knowledge and political participation as fundamental values. In addition, the state structure must promote the exercise of participation rights through public policies that encourage women to form lists and lead candidacies, especially through education.

RESUMEN La implementación del principio de paridad en los procesos electorales representa un avance importante para alcanzar una mayor representación y participación de las mujeres en la esfera política. Este artículo examina el establecimiento del principio de paridad en los procesos de participación y representación en las candidaturas políticas en Ecuador. Para abordar este tema, se realiza un análisis de las cuotas de género y la paridad en los países de América Latina, así como de la regulación de la paridad de género en el sistema legal ecuatoriano. Con el objetivo de superar las barreras que las mujeres enfrentan en el ámbito político, tanto a nivel cultural, actitudinal e ideológico, así como en la estructura misma del sistema político, se llevó a cabo un estudio cualitativo utilizando una metodología descriptiva de investigación. Como resultado de este estudio, se llegó a la conclusión de que el Estado y las organizaciones políticas deben promover el ejercicio de los derechos de participación de las mujeres a través de políticas públicas que fomenten la iniciativa femenina, especialmente mediante la educación, para que las mujeres puedan formar listas y liderar candidaturas.

ABSTRACT The implementation of the principle of parity in electoral processes represents an important step forward in achieving greater representation and participation of women in the political sphere. This article examines the establishment of the parity principle in the processes of participation and representation in political candidacies in Ecuador. To address this issue, an analysis is made of gender quotas and parity in Latin American countries, as well as the regulation of gender parity in the Ecuadorian legal system. In order to overcome the barriers that women face in the political arena, both at the cultural, attitudinal and ideological levels, as well as in the structure of the political system itself, a qualitative study was carried out using a descriptive research methodology. As a result of this study, it was concluded that the State and political organizations should promote the exercise of women's participation rights through public policies that encourage female initiative, especially through education, so that women can form lists and lead candidacies.

Personal attributes and behavioral factors are key factors in determining researchers’ scientific productivity. Investigating what determines the academic productivity among university researchers is the purpose of this study, which uses a sample of microdata from professors at a State university in Brazil (Federal University of Juiz de Fora) for the period 1999-2013. The main results show that age and academic productivity have an inverted-U-shaped relationship, revealing that experience enhances academic production. Regarding gender differences, we found that women generally have lower average productivity than men. However, at the end of their careers, women are subject to greater leverage effects in productivity and therefore achieve productive parity with men, especially during their production peaks.

Atributos pessoais e fatores comportamentais são fatores-chave na determinação da produtividade científica dos pesquisadores. Investigar o que determina a produtividade acadêmica entre pesquisadores universitários é o objetivo deste estudo, que utiliza uma amostra de microdados de professores de uma universidade estadual brasileira (Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora) para o período 1999-2013. Os principais resultados mostram que a idade e a produtividade acadêmica apresentam uma relação em forma de U invertido, revelando que a experiência potencializa a produção acadêmica. Em relação às diferenças de gênero, descobrimos que as mulheres geralmente têm produtividade média menor do que os homens. No entanto, ao final da carreira, as mulheres estão sujeitas a maiores efeitos de alavancagem na produtividade e, portanto, alcançam paridade produtiva com os homens, principalmente nos picos de produção.

RESUMEN La paridad de género se considera el mecanismo jurídico de mayor importancia en defensa de la participación y representación política equitativa entre hombres y mujeres para la constitución de organismos públicos y decisorios de forma proporcional. El presente artículo se centra en el análisis de la incursión e impacto de la paridad de género en la legislación ecuatoriana y su repercusión en la estructuración de los organismos legislativos cantonales. Bajo una metodología cualitativa sobre el análisis y revisión documental se adopta el método inductivo, al describirse todos los fundamentos que sostienen el precepto de la paridad, como participación y representación política, igualdad formal, material y no discriminación, equidad y democracia. Se constata que la normativa jurídica defiende el ejercicio del sistema electoral bajo el principio de paridad de género, que configura el desarrollo de los diferentes procesos electorales con criterios de paridad, equidad, alternabilidad y secuencialidad que garantizan inclusión. Los concejos municipales son organismos legislativos cantonales que necesitan estar conformados por hombres y mujeres que representen a la población, para que en conjunto atiendan las necesidades e intereses de la sociedad; cuestión que se encuentra alejada de la realidad, ya que pese a la exigencia legal paritaria estos no se integran equitativamente, provocando una subrepresentación femenina y un debilitamiento democrático.

ABSTRACT Gender parity is considered as the most important legal mechanism in defense of equitable political participation and representation between men and women for the constitution of public and decision-making organizations in an equitable manner. This article focuses on the analysis of the incursion and impact of gender parity in Ecuadorian legislation and its repercussion on the structuring of cantonal legislative organizations. Under a qualitative methodology on analysis and documentary review, the inductive method is adopted, to address the comprehensive foundation that supports the precept of parity, such as political participation and representation, formal and material equality and non-discrimination, equity and democracy. Underscoring that the legal regulations defend the exercise of the electoral system under the principle of gender parity, the development of innovative and different electoral processes with parity criteria, equity, alternability and sequentiality that guarantee inclusion is recommended. The municipal councils are cantonal legislative organizations that need to be constituted with men and women members, who represent the population, to allow them to collectively and collaboratively address the needs and interests of society. Although this aspiration is far from reality, as despite the legal requirement for parity, the current scenarios are causing a female underrepresentation and a democratic weakening.

Abstract This study was carried out in Engineering Schools and Technical Training Centers in the Antofagasta Region, Chile -the epicenter of mining worldwide It reveals the gender stereotypes of male/female teachers regarding women in mining careers, in a productive context that aspires to the parity by 2050. Through a qualitative, descriptive and comparative study, 23 semistructured interviews were conducted with male and female teachers, engineers and technicians. Based on the theory of gender and ambivalent sexism, a thematic analysis was carried out, identifying categories and subcategories. Results verified that the female teachers are demanding and benevolent in their judgments, and the male teachers accentuate the attributes linked to the female students: order, responsibility and respect. Both segments transmit their own knowledge, regarding the ways of being, relating and developing and reflect dichotomies in their speeches, unconsciously hindering the training of young people. Therefore, it is a challenge for higher education programs to incorporate strategies that reverse ambivalences and the role that gender constructs play in the training of women, to modify the hidden academic culture that sustains segregation and the set of imperceptible resistances in professional training.

Resumen Este estudio, realizado en escuelas de ingeniería y centros de formación técnica de la Región de Antofagasta, epicentro de la minería a nivel mundial, devela los estereotipos de género de los/as docentes respecto de las mujeres en carreras mineras, en un contexto productivo que aspira a la paridad en 2050. En un estudio cualitativo, descriptivo y comparativo, se realizaron 23 entrevistas semiestructuradas a profesores/as ingenieros/as y técnicos/as2. Con base en la teoría de género y del sexismo ambivalente, se realizó un análisis temático, identificando categorías y subcategorías. En los resultados se constató que las docentes son exigentes y benevolentes en sus juicios, y los profesores acentúan los atributos femeninos en las estudiantes: orden, responsabilidad y respeto. Ambos segmentos transmiten sus propios saberes, respecto de las formas de ser, relacionarse y desenvolverse, y reflejan dicotomías en sus discursos, obstaculizando, inconscientemente, la formación de las jóvenes. Por lo tanto, es un desafío para la educación superior incorporar estrategias que reviertan las ambivalencias y el rol que juegan los constructos de género en la formación de las mujeres, para modificar la cultura académica oculta que sostiene la segregación y el conjunto de resistencias imperceptibles en la formación profesional.

Abstract This paper addresses some fundamental aspects characteristic of the main theoretical categories belonging to the critical studies of Discourse Analysis. For this purpose, it seeks to apply them in a situated way around a certain recent documentary corpus of a journalistic nature that was published by the newspaper La Nación during 2017 and 2019. Attention is paid to the development of a methodological model that respects the characteristics of qualitative social research. Different resources of linguistic and discursive analysis have been implemented that highlight the significant factors of the text as pragmatic emergents of the words, that is, the performative meaning of the statements. It seeks an understanding of this text beyond the editorial narrative since it considers it a journalistic construction with a political meaning. Sources are considered a constitutive device of a certain social reality that prioritises, from a gender perspective, certain social practices while discussing others. The texts of La Nación question the scope of the law, in addition to systematically and evaluatively seeking a delegitimization of its application given its belonging to the public gender agenda. With the analytical approach, the performative and discursive operations can be made visible in historical terms, given the periods in which these devices were articulated, to which she resorts with the intention of expressing her strictest opposition to the gender parity law.

Resumen Este trabajo aborda algunos aspectos fundamentales, propios de las principales categorías teóricas, pertenecientes a los estudios críticos del Análisis del Discurso. Para ello, procura aplicarlos de forma situada en torno a un determinado corpus documental reciente de carácter periodístico que fuera publicado por el diario La Nación durante 2017 y 2019. Se atiende al desarrollo de un modelo metodológico que respete las características de la investigación social cualitativa. Han sido implementados diferentes recursos de análisis lingüístico y discursivo, tales como subjetivemas o metáforas, que ponen de relieve los factores significativos del texto en tanto emergentes pragmáticos de las palabras, esto es, el sentido performativo de los enunciados. Pretende una comprensión de dicho texto más allá de la narrativa editorial, dado que lo considera una construcción periodística con sentido político. Las fuentes están consideradas un dispositivo constitutivo de una determinada realidad social que prioriza, desde una perspectiva de género, ciertas prácticas sociales mientras discute otras. Los textos de La Nación cuestionan los alcances de la ley, además de buscar sistemática y valorativamente una deslegitimación de su aplicación dada su pertenencia a la agenda pública de género. Con el abordaje analítico se pueden visibilizar las operaciones performativas y discursivas en términos históricos, dados los plazos en los que estos dispositivos se articularon, a las que recurre con la intención de expresar su más estricta oposición a la ley de paridad de género.

Resumen El articulo busca analizar una vez que se estableció la paridad de género en los congresos locales en México, lo que ha generado una representación más equitativa de la sociedad en cuestión de género, si ello ha repercutido en una mejor representación de otros sectores sociales. Particularmente interesa conocer qué tan plural es la paridad de género en términos de las diferencias socioeconómicas del país; y si existen diferencias al respecto entre la representación femenina y masculina. Para ello se realiza una estratificación por niveles socioeconómicos de los legisladores en general de los congresos locales, entre los distintos estados, y entre distintas fracciones parlamentarias, usando el Censo de Poderes Legislativos Estatales 2020. Posteriormente la estratificación social se compara con la estratificación por sectores sociales que realiza el Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social. Se verifica la hipótesis de que una representación más igualitaria en términos de género no repercute en una representación más equitativa de sectores socioeconómicos. En cambio, la representación tanto femenina como masculina sigue dominada por los estratos socioeconómicos más altos.

Abstract The article analyzes if gender parity in subnational legislatures in México has produced a more equitable social representation. It explores the plurality of gender parity in terms of socioeconomic differences, and female and male representation. Using data from Censo de Poderes legislativos Estatales 2020, the article classifies subnational legislators by socioeconomic levels and compared with CONEVAL’s methodology of social stratification in Mexico. The tested hypothesis is that gender parity has not produced a favorable impact on a more equitable political representation in socioeconomic terms so far. Female and male political representation continues to be dominated by upper socioeconomic levels.