ABSTRACT "We are the trash, but the most important thing." The expression of a chambermaid sums up the fundamental tension of the so-called "care crisis", between the subordination of its protagonists due to the intersection of gender, class and foreign inequalities and the essential nature of this work for the sustain-ability of social life. This research adopts this perspective to offer proposals for improving the socio-legal methodology for analysing care-related rights. It does so based on the sector of chambermaids in tourist establishments in Spain and in particular through the experience of the Seville Union of Chambermaids (Kellys). Their experience allows us to reformulate the legal approach to their social rights. To this end, we present (1) the main violations of rights they identify; (2) the political-legal analysis these workers carry out on the inequalities that underlie these discriminations, as well as some reform proposals; and (3) the strategies for protection and self-protection of rights that they implement, both individually and collectively.

RESUMEN "Somos la basurilla, pero lo más importante." La expresión de una camarera de piso resume la tensión fundamental de la llamada "crisis de los cuidados", entre la subordinación de sus protagonistas por la intersección de las desigualdades de género, clase y extranjería y el carácter esencial de esa labor para la sostenibilidad de la vida social. Esta investigación adopta dicha perspectiva para ofrecer propuestas para mejorar la metodología socio-jurídica de análisis de los derechos relacionados con el cuidado. Lo hace a partir del sector de camareras de piso de establecimientos turísticos en España y en particular a través de la experiencia del Sindicato de Camareras de Piso (Kellys) de Sevilla. Su experiencia permite reformular el abordaje jurídico de sus derechos sociales. Para ello se exponen (1) las principales vulneraciones de derechos que identifican; (2) el análisis político-jurídico que las trabajadoras realizan sobre las desigualdades que subyacen a esas discriminaciones, así como algunas propuestas de reforma; y (3) las estrategias de tutela y autotutela de derechos que implementan, tanto individuales como colectivas.

No Brasil, o controle realizado contra as defensoras de direitos humanos é fundado a partir dos princípios de uma sociedade patriarcal, o qual fundamenta-se num sistema de distribuição desigual de poder, utilizando como base fundamentos biológicos acerca dos sexos para diferenciação social de gênero. A partir deste fenômeno, revela-se uma série de práticas e políticas que limitam a atuação dessas ativistas e comprometem a capacidade de lutar por causas sociais e denunciar violações. Um dos pontos discutidos é que as manifestações e ações propostas por elas, ainda que pacíficas, enfrentam ações repressivas pelo Estado e a falta de proteção contra violência de terceiros, que as tornam alvos de ataques. O controle estrutural é, portanto, um mecanismo que enfraquece a luta por justiça e igualdade. Isso demonstra a importância de desafiar e desconstruir os estigmas associados às identidades de gênero no contexto das lutas pelos direitos humanos e na promoção de uma sociedade mais equitativa e inclusiva. Utiliza-se uma metodologia qualitativa a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e uma base de dados oriunda de entrevistas realizadas com treze ativistas. Objetiva-se compreender a relação entre o controle estrutural e a legitimação implícita da utilização de distintos modos para impedir que mulheres ativistas exerçam seus direitos de livre manifestação e de expressão. Analisamos, por fim, se os direitos fundamentais das ativistas contrastam com o cenário exposto pela investigação empírica, por meio da verificação do conjunto de políticas públicas existentes e de sua (in)eficácia.

In Brazil, the control carried out against human rights defenders is based on the principles of a patriarchal society, which is based on a system of unequal distribution of power, using biological foundations regarding sexes as a basis for social gender differentiation. This phenomenon reveals a series of practices and policies that limit the actions of these activists and compromise their ability to fight for social causes and denounce violations. One of the points discussed is that the demonstrations and actions proposed by them, although peaceful, face repressive actions by the State and the lack of protection against violence by third parties, which make them targets of attacks. Structural control is, therefore, a mechanism that weakens the fight for justice and equality. This demonstrates the importance of challenging and deconstructing the stigmas associated with gender identities in the context of the fight for human rights and in the promotion of a more equitable and inclusive society. A qualitative methodology is used based on bibliographic research and a database of interviews conducted with thirteen activists. The aim is to understand the relationship between structural control and the implicit legitimization of the use of different methods to prevent women activists from exercising their rights to free expression and demonstration. Finally, we analyze whether the fundamental rights of activists contrast with the scenario exposed by empirical research, by verifying the set of existing public policies and their (in)effectiveness.

Resumo A liberdade de expressão é uma das principais previsões no texto constitucional brasileiro quanto à manifestação dos direitos fundamentais, possuindo repercussões nos mais diversos âmbitos, como na imprensa, publicações, acadêmica, entre outros. No âmbito do Supremo Tribunal Federal, o caso mais emblemático quanto aos limites da liberdade de expressão foi o julgamento do editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. Mesmo que o referido julgado tenha sido decidido pelo STF em 2003, denota-se que este ainda se trata do principal episódio quanto à liberdade de expressão e às repercussões do discurso do ódio, sobretudo quanto à ponderação e sopesamento de valores realizada pelo STF. Assim sendo, o objetivo principal do artigo é verificar o impacto do aludido precedente Ellwanger sobre a liberdade de expressão, nomeadamente quanto à ponderação de valores constitucionais e a proporcionalidade para casos mais recentes julgados pelo STF. O objetivo específico do texto é analisar a atualidade deste caso, nomeadamente a partir de precedentes mais recentes do STF, sobretudo se os critérios estabelecidos no HC nº 82.424/RS ao exercício da liberdade de expressão permanecem pertinentes.

Abstract Freedom of expression is one of the main provisions in the Brazilian constitutional text regarding the expression of fundamental rights, having effects in the most diverse domains, such as in the press, publications, academics, among others. The most emblematic case adjudicated by the Brazilian Supreme Court regarding the limits of freedom of expression was the judgment of editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. This case is still the main episode in terms of freedom of expression and the repercussions of hate speech. Consequently, the main objective of the paper is to verify the real impact of the Ellwanger precedent on freedom of expression. The specific objective of the text is to analyze the current status of this case, namely based on new cases decided by the Brazilian Supreme Court.

Resumo Neste artigo propõe-se pensar fundamentos jurídicos latino-americanos para a liberdade de aprender e ensinar no contexto contemporâneo de proibições de conteúdos ou metodologias rotulados de doutrinação político-ideológica ou de implementação do que ficou conhecido como “ideologia de gênero”. A partir da proposta de um Ius Constitutionale Commune latinoamericano, analisam-se alguns julgados e opiniões consultivas pertinentes ao tema da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, da Corte Constitucional da Colômbia e do Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil para articular parâmetros interpretativos sobre a liberdade de expressão, a proteção da infância, o direito à igualdade e à educação na tentativa de demonstrar a liberdade de aprender e ensinar na educação básica como uma categoria protegida no direito interamericano.

Abstract This article proposes to think about Latin American legal foundations for the freedom to learn and teach in the contemporary context of prohibitions of content or methodologies labeled as political-ideological indoctrination or implementation of what became known as “gender ideology”. Based on the proposal of a Latin American Ius Constitutionale Commune, some judgments and advisory opinions relevant to the topic of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Constitutional Court of Colombia and the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil are analyzed in order to articulate interpretative parameters on freedom of expression, protection of childhood, right to equality and education in an attempt to demonstrate the freedom to learn and teach in basic education as a protected category in inter-American law.

Resumen Introducción: En 1995, en el marco de la IV Conferencia Mundial sobre la Mujer, representantes de gobiernos de todo el mundo acordaron la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing. Los medios de comunicación aparecen, por primera vez, como una de las esferas de especial preocupación para lograr la igualdad de género en el mundo. Objetivo: Realizar un monitoreo crítico sobre las políticas de comunicación y género desarrolladas por el Estado argentino en torno al cumplimiento de los objetivos estratégicos planteados en el capítulo J: participación de las mujeres en la estructura laboral de los medios; y erradicación de contenido mediático sexista y estereotipado. Método y técnicas: Se desarrolló una investigación documental con enfoque cualitativo y se utilizó la técnica del análisis de contenido. A partir de esto, especialmente para la elaboración de conclusiones y recomendaciones, se tomó como referencia una metodología para el análisis de género del fenómeno legal. Resultados: La mayoría de las políticas impulsadas por el Estado argentino cumplen con el segundo objetivo estratégico de la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing. En el año 2021 se sancionó una ley de equidad de géneros en los medios que responde al primer objetivo estratégico, sin embargo, todavía no fue reglamentada. Conclusiones: Existen desafíos pendientes en relación con posibles reformas en la normativa vigente sobre violencia contra las mujeres; las tensiones entre regulación y libertad de expresión; el acceso a la justicia en casos de violencia mediática; y la necesidad de avanzar en el cumplimiento del objetivo estratégico uno.

Abstract Introduction: In 1995, at the Fourth World Conference on Women, government representatives from all over the world agreed on the Beijing Platform for Action. The media appeared, for the first time, as one of the areas of special concern for achieving gender equality in the world. Objective: To carry out a critical monitoring of the communication and gender policies developed by the Argentine State regarding the fulfillment of the strategic objectives set forth in Chapter J: women's participation in the labor structure of the media; and the eradication of sexist and stereotyped media content. Method and technique: A documentary research with a qualitative approach was developed and the technique of content analysis was used. From this, especially for the elaboration of conclusions and recommendations, a methodology for the gender analysis of the legal phenomenon was used as a reference. Results: Most of the policies promoted by the Argentine State comply with the second strategic objective of the Beijing Platform for Action. In the year 2021, a law on gender equity in the media was passed, which responds to the first strategic objective; however, it has not yet been regulated. Conclusions: There are pending challenges in relation to possible reforms in the current legislation on violence against women; the tensions between regulation and freedom of expression; access to justice in cases of media violence; and the need to advance in the fulfillment of strategic objective one.

Resumen La democracia en la era digital trae consigo nuevas preocupaciones en medio de la atmósfera de desconfianza, la crisis de la representación y la fatiga democrática que contribuye a elevar los zumbidos y profundiza la confusión, especialmente en época electoral. En tal sentido, la aldea digital introduce nuevas prácticas que deben ser entendidas y debatidas al girar en torno a un individualismo hiperinformado manipulado que afecta la democracia liberal. El debate público en clave con la comunicación pública virtual y, al mismo momento, los colaterales para el proyecto democrático debe ser objeto de reflexión ante la abierta manipulación buscando la frontera entre el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión y la censura previa.

Resumo A democracia na era digital traz consigo novas preocupações no meio da atmosfera de desconfiança, da crise de representação e da fadiga democrática que contribui para aumentar o burburinho e aprofundar a confusão, especialmente em tempo de eleições. Neste sentido, a aldeia digital introduz novas práticas que devem ser compreendidas e debatidas, uma vez que gira em torno de um individualismo manipulado e hiper-informado que afecta a democracia liberal. O debate público em termos de comunicação pública virtual e, ao mesmo tempo, os danos colaterais ao projeto democrático devem ser objeto de reflexão face à manipulação aberta, procurando a fronteira entre o exercício da liberdade de expressão e a censura prévia.

Abstract Democracy in the digital age brings with it new concerns amid the atmosphere of mistrust, the crisis of representation and democratic fatigue that contributes to heightened buzz and deepens confusion, especially in electoral times. In this sense, the digital village introduces new practices that must be understood and debated as they revolve around a manipulated hyper-informed individualism that affects liberal democracy. The public debate in key with virtual public communication and, at the same time, the collaterals for the democratic project must be the object of reflection before the open manipulation seeking the border between the exercise of freedom of expression and prior censorship.

Abstract This Documenta displays a series of photographs relating to the 25 April Revolution. Selected from the collections of the Lisbon Municipal Photographic Archive, these photographs illustrate the context underlying the creative expression of their authors during the period 1974-1977: Álvaro Campeão, Ana Hatherly, António Sampaio Teixeira, António Rafael, Carlos Gil, José Couto Nogueira, José Ernesto de Sousa, José Neves Águas, Luís Pavão, Margaret Martins and the Diário de Notícias newspaper.

Resumo Nesta Documenta divulga-se um conjunto de fotografias representativas da Revolução de 25 de Abril, que contextualizam a expressão criativa autoral do período entre 1974 e 1977, partindo das coleções do Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa/Fotográfico, de Álvaro Campeão, Ana Hatherly, António Rafael, António Sampaio Teixeira, Carlos Gil, José Couto Nogueira, José Ernesto de Sousa, José Neves Águas, Luis Pavão, Margaret Martins e do jornal Diário de Notícias.

Abstract In this article we deal with the political resistance of intelectual Portugueses who migrated to the city of São Paulo in the 1950s. The vast majority of these intellectuals, were persecuted for their contrary ideas to the Salazarist regime in Portugal. Such intellectuals left their homeland to avoid being persecuted and arrested by the PIDE. In São Paulo city, they began to express themselves through academic productions, conferences, publications of books, articles and magazines; later they created the newspapers Portugal Democrático and Portugal Livre, the latter being the result of dissent from the former. These intellectuals formed a platoon of resistance to the Portuguese dictatorial regime, spreading ideas favorable to freedom of expression in Portugal and the decolonization of Portuguese Africa, which consequently weakened the Portuguese dictatorial system. The ideas of these intellectuals added to the international situation and the transformations through which spans this historical period.

Resumo No presente artigo tratamos da resistência política de intelectuais portugueses que migraram para a cidade de São Paulo na década de 1950. Esses intelectuais, em sua grande maioria, eram perseguidos pelas suas idéias de oposição ao regime salazarista em Portugal. Tais intelectuais saíram de sua pátria para não serem perseguidos e presos pela PIDE. Em São Paulo, começaram a se expressar através de produções acadêmicas, conferências, publicações de livros, artigos e revistas; posteriormente criaram os jornais Portugal Democrático e Portugal Livre, sendo esse último resultante de uma dissidência do primeiro. Esses intelectuais formavam um pelotão de resistência ao regime ditatorial português, divulgando idéias favoráveis à liberdade de expressão em Portugal e à descolonização da África portuguesa, que consequentemente enfraquece o sistema ditatorial português, as idéias desses intelectuais somam-se à conjuntura internacional e às transformações pelas quais perpassa esse período histórico.

Resumen: Esta investigación examina el grado de alienación política que los espectadores consideran tener respecto a las producciones audiovisuales. Para ello, se aplicó una encuesta a 998 millennials y centennials en España y México, los dos países hispanohablantes que más OTT1 consumen. Los resultados muestran que los jóvenes consideran legítimo quejarse en redes sociales a una productora audiovisual cuando una serie o película refleja una visión que no les gusta, lo que posiblemente fomenta un escenario de "dictadura de la audiencia" sobre los creadores de contenidos audiovisuales, que afecta a la libertad creativa y a la libertad de expresión. En este sentido, parece que los jóvenes que tienen el poder discursivo en las redes sociales para cambiar y censurar producciones ven plausible utilizar este canal como denuncia o queja.

Abstract: This study examines the degree to which political alienation viewers consider themselves to have audiovisual productions. To understand the preferences of millennials and centennials in the Spanish-speaking world, a survey was conducted with 998 individuals from Spain and Mexico, two countries with high rates of OTT consumption. The survey revealed that young people feel justified in expressing their discontent with audiovisual productions on social media, potentially leading to an "audience dictatorship, " which stifles creative freedom and expression. In this sense, young people with discursive power in social networks to change and censor production see it as plausible to use this channel as a denunciation or complaint.

This article examines the use of soft law for digital rights protection in African countries. Focusing particularly on the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, 2019 (revised Declaration) adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, it highlights some of the digital rights challenges in African countries that necessitated normative guidance for African states. Some of these challenges include increased internet shutdowns; unlawful interception of communication; social media bans; expensive internet access; attacks on media freedom; inadequate protection of personal data; and problematic laws on online harms. The article then examines the need for soft international human rights law to address these challenges, the provisions of the revised Declaration as soft law and how these provisions address digital rights challenges in African countries. It concludes that the revised Declaration is a unique soft international human rights law instrument and that it should not be treated as ornamental. It recommends that the African Commission should formulate an implementation plan that mainstreams the legislative, administrative, judicial and other measures provided for in the revised Declaration into African national contexts.

This article highlights the philosophical contribution of an existential reading of Adam Smith's narrative of 'The poor man's son' that opens transdisciplinary research themes. The narrative in Adam Smith's The Theory of Moral Sentiments [1759] deals with the issue of labour and happiness in commercial society, an important contemporary topic in meaningful labour research. This field is dominated by research on labour's personal or moral value, which may lead to personal and workplace conflicts in case of ethical dilemmas. Recent research advocates existentialism, underscoring authenticity in workplace meaningful labour. The problem is that some of these studies limit meaning of employees' reception of workplace policies and other events, resulting in a dualism between surface and deep existentialism. I will argue that an existential reading of the narrative 'The poor man's son' contributes to transdisciplinary research by advancing research in commerce, specifically existential meaningful labour, by advocating an integrative theory of labour and happiness. The insights from Jean-Paul Sartre concerning anguish, authenticity, freedom, and facticity challenge the assumption that the son's labour was meaningless because of the misery he experienced during old age, supporting a view that his choices were an expression of his freedom of choice and authenticity, and not determined by circumstances that provide important insights for an integrative theory of meaningful labour that prioritises the anguish of ontological freedom, consciousness as the source of freedom and facticity as hurdles to be surmounted on the path to fulfilment. TRANSDISCIPLINARY CONTRIBUTION: The article is an intersection between philosophy and commerce by promoting insights from existentialism to read 'The poor man's son' in Adam Smith's The Theory of Moral Sentiments, providing insights for an integrative theory of meaningful labour and happiness

The role of language in a diverse and democratic society is critical for many reasons: first, it serves as a vital tool for the realisation of the right to freedom of expression. Secondly, it brings into confluence two other rights: the rights to dignity and equality. When language has the potential to cause hurt or harm, or incite others towards hatred, discrimination, or violence, then law as an instrument must be relied upon to regulate it. Political rhetoric uttered by top politicians in South Africa does not reflect the truth from a policy perspective; it incites hatred towards foreign nationals, shatters communities as fear and suspicion fill individuals who target foreign nationals and is counterproductive when one thinks of nation-building. The rhetoric exceeds the limits of legally protected speech. In addition, scapegoating foreign nationals for the country's socioeconomic woes is not only dishonest but is a form of political corruption.

Worship as the work of the people of God does not arise in a vacuum. It is contextual and cultural. In the areas of the world, long designated as the mission field, many developments were transported to countries in the global south and imposed on local peoples. This was true of the arrival of Presbyterians who came to settle in southern Africa. Presbyterians imported two differing traditions of worship, the evangelical and the liturgical, and introduced them to the indigenous peoples they encountered. They were adopted without adaptation and have largely followed their European ancestors and contemporaries. Africans have largely followed their missionary mentors but have found ways of subverting these traditions by forming a new tradition by blending aspects of each and adding their own African brand of Spirit inspired and led. worship while their mentors pay only lip service to their African colleagues. CONTRIBUTION: This article highlights the historical continuities in the worship of a mainline Church of European Origin (CEO) with their ecclesiastical and ecumenical source(s). This is in discontinuity with the worship traditions of African Christian communities, which are less formal and tend to incline towards the charismatic and Pentecostal traditions with their freedom of expression of faith rather than the more cerebral forms of expression.

RESUMO Almejamos analisar, nesta pesquisa1, como a misoginia se estabelece em uma interação no X (antigo Twitter), sob o argumento de defesa de opinião, para legitimar discursos de ódio. No âmbito teórico, concebemos, à luz da Sociolinguística Interacional e da Pragmática, que as estratégias de impolidez colaboram com a construção de cenários de violência linguístico-discursiva em interações mediadas on-line, na medida em que tanto reduzem a distância interlocutiva quanto geram metapragmáticas machistas, misóginas, patriarcais e antifeministas. No âmbito metodológico, inscrevemo-nos em uma abordagem qualitativa para, a partir do método netnográfico, analisarmos uma interação no X a partir dos critérios de inclusão e de exclusão propostos neste estudo. No âmbito analítico, constatamos que os interlocutores C, E e F se valeram, com frequência, de estratégias de impolidez na construção de discursos pautados na defesa de opinião para atacar o feminismo e legitimar discursos de ódio.

ABSTRACT In this research,1 we aim to analyze how misogyny establishes itself in an interaction on X (formerly Twitter) to legitimize hate speech, under the argument of opinion defense. Theoretically, in light of Interactional Sociolinguistics and Pragmatics, we conceive that impoliteness strategies contribute to the construction of linguistic-discursive violence scenarios in online-mediated interactions, as they both reduce interlocutive distance and generate sexist, misogynistic, patriarchal, and antifeminist metapragmatics. Methodologically, we adopted a qualitative approach to analyze an interaction on X based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria proposed in this study, using the netnographic method. Analytically, we observed that interlocutors C, E, and F frequently used impoliteness strategies in constructing opinion-based discourses to attack feminism and legitimize hate speech.

Resumo A contínua popularização do acesso à internet permitiu um expressivo crescimento das redes sociais nas últimas décadas. A alta velocidade com que as informações são difundidas no meio virtual, em uma sociedade cada vez mais conectada, sinaliza a potencialidade lesiva da utilização inadequada das redes sociais. É crescente a preocupação acerca dos impactos da disseminação de discursos de ódio e notícias falsas, além do compartilhamento não autorizado de nudez e pornografia. Esse estudo objetiva investigar se a concepção de virtude proposta por Cícero, dialoga com o atual aparato jurídico-normativo - e, em especial, com o instituto da responsabilidade civil - frente aos danos decorrentes do exercício abusivo da liberdade de expressão nas redes sociais. Essa pesquisa recorreu ao método dedutivo e à revisão bibliográfica. Muitos conceitos tratados por Cícero foram incorporados pelo pensamento jurídico ocidental ao longo da história, a exemplo da boa-fé e do bem comum, os quais impõem limites ao exercício das liberdades individuais, como a liberdade de expressão, além de representar importantes balizas a orientar a interpretação e a aplicação de todo o ordenamento. A razão, a prudência e a moderação devem se fazer presentes para a preservação de um debate produtivo e respeitoso entre os membros da comunidade. O exercício abusivo da liberdade de expressão, com repercussão negativa na esfera de terceiros, viola os preceitos de Justiça (“não fazer mal a outrem” e "dar a cada um aquilo que lhe é devido"), reclamando a aplicação da responsabilidade civil como mecanismo apto à reparação dos danos.

Abstract The steady growth of Internet access has led to a significant increase of social media in the last decades. The high speed at which information spreads online, in an increasingly connected society, indicates the harmful potentiality of the inappropriate use of social media. There is increasing concern about the impact of hate speech and the spread of fake news, as well as the dissemination of intimate images, nude photos or pornography without consent. This study examines whether the concept of virtue as proposed by Cicero is applicable to the contemporary legal apparatus and its compatibility with civil liability standards when confronted with damages due an abusive exercise of free speech on social media. A deductive approach and literature review were used in this research. Many of the concepts discussed by Cicero have been incorporated into Western law throughout history, such as good faith and the common good, which place limits on the exercise of individual freedoms, such as freedom of expression, and also provide important guideposts for the interpretation and application of the entire legal system. Reason, prudence and moderation must be present to ensure respectful and productive debate among members of society. The abusive exercise of the right to free expression, with negative effects on third parties, violates the precepts of justice ("do no harm" and "to give each his own") and requires the enforcement of civil liability as an appropriate means of redress.