This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI. justice (UBI fronts First interconnected flawed imperative socialecological social ecological thinking nondomination non challenges postproductivist post productivist relations occupations Additionally Maricá Brazil

Abstract In recent years, several emblematic cases of girls pregnant due to rape have occupied the Brazilian news. The obstacles they faced to access the right to abortion mobilized the public debate, especially through social networks. In this context, using a theoretical-analytical framework in relation to the narrative disputes and framing of social movements in networks, this article analyzes two of the most recent widely known cases on Twitter/X. To do so, quantitative and qualitative methodologies are employed. On the one hand, message exchange networks are analyzed, along with their influence and contagion relationships and automation in Twitter/X. On the other hand, narratives are categorized based on topic modelling combined with qualitative analysis, highlighting narratives for and against abortion rights in order to understand how the social imaginary is disputed in networks. It is concluded that the narratives for sexual and reproductive rights were successful in influencing the public sphere and in promoting ideas with positive effects for guaranteeing victims’ rights. However, these same narratives reproduced a moral dichotomy between “good” and “bad” abortions. Thus, it is necessary to overcome such antagonisms so that all people may have reproductive freedom in the future.

Resumen En los últimos años, varios casos emblemáticos de niñas embarazadas debido a violaciones han ocupado las noticias brasileñas. Los obstáculos que ellas enfrentaron para acceder al derecho al aborto movilizaron el debate público, especialmente a través de las redes sociales. En este contexto, utilizando un marco teórico- analítico sobre las disputas narrativas y los encuadres de los movimientos sociales en las redes, en este artículo se analiza el abordaje en Twitter/X de dos de los principales casos más recientes. Para ello, se emplean metodologías cuantitativas y cualitativas. Por un lado, se analizan las redes de intercambio de mensajes, sus relaciones de influencia y contagio y la automatización. Por otro, se categorizan las narrativas a partir de topic modelling combinada con el análisis cualitativo y poniendo énfasis en las narrativas a favor y en contra del derecho al aborto para entender cómo se disputa el imaginario social en las redes. Se concluye que las narrativas por los derechos sexuales y reproductivos tuvieron éxito en influir en la esfera pública y en promover ideas con efectos positivos para la garantía de los derechos de las víctimas. Sin embargo, esas mismas narrativas reprodujeron una dicotomía moral entre abortos “buenos” y “malos”. Por ello, se requiere superar tales antagonismos para que todas las personas tengan libertad reproductiva en un futuro.

Resumo O artigo foca-se na discussão da Renda Básica Universal (RBU) como proposta política redistributiva radical que projeta modos alternativos de organizar a sociedade e de viver a vida, mais ajustados às muitas exigências, desafios e expectativas que marcam a vida contemporânea. O propósito central da análise passa por discutir os grandes princípios da RBU, procurando compreender as suas implicações em termos de construção de condições de liberdade material, bem como o seu potencial para induzir transformações sociais estruturais. Considerando estes objetivos e tendo por base os contributos proporcionados pela pesquisa bibliográfica, é possível depreender que a RBU poderá assegurar uma base material de liberdade efetiva, promotora de capacidades de autodeterminação, e contribuir para (novas) sociedades e subjetividades de bem-estar, num quadro de renovação e reforço do Estado de bem-estar social. focase foca se (RBU exigências contemporânea estruturais bibliográfica efetiva autodeterminação novas (novas bemestar, bemestar estar, estar social

Abstract The article focuses on discussing Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a radical redistributive political proposal that envisions alternative ways of organising society and living, more attuned to the diverse demands, challenges and expectations of contemporary life. The primary aim of the analysis is to discuss the main assumptions of the UBI, seeking to understand its implications for material freedom and its potential to induce structural social transformations. Considering these objectives and based on the various insights provided by the bibliographical research, it is possible to deduce that UBI could ensure a material basis for effective freedom, promoting self-determination capabilities, and can contribute to (new) welfare societies and subjectivities, within a framework of renewal and reinforcement of the welfare state. (UBI living demands life transformations research selfdetermination self determination capabilities new (new subjectivities state

Resumen En el presente artículo se documenta y analiza la historia de La Casa Real-Imperial de Tijuana desde su fundación en 1982 hasta nuestros días. Se explora la posición de esta agrupación en la historia de la movilización LGBTIQ+ en la región y se propone el análisis de un circuito particular de espectáculos travesti o drag mediante su estudio como organización gay-travesti que apoyaba proyectos comunitarios LGBTIQ+. Con base en la investigación de los Archivos de la Sociedad Histórica GLBT de la ciudad de San Francisco, se problematiza la conformación de espacios de sociabilidad, solidaridad y ayuda mutua mediante la compleja parodia –de género y de la realeza– que realizaban emperatrices y emperadores de La Casa de Tijuana. En este marco, se evidencian puentes de comunicación transfronteriza poco documentados y se aportan reflexiones sobre los espacios de libertad y, a la vez, los rasgos de colonialidad de la subcultura gay-travesti.

Abstract This article proposes to analyze the history of the Imperial-Royal Casa de Tijuana since its foundation in 1982. It explores the position of this group in the history of LGBTIQ+ mobilization in this region and proposes the analysis of a particular circuit of travesti and drag shows, through its study as a gay- travesti organization that supported LGBTIQ+ community projects. Based on research from the GLBT Historical Society Archives of San Francisco, this work studies the formation of spaces of sociability, solidarity, and mutual aid through the complex parody—of gender and royalty—carried out by the Empresses and Emperors of the Casa de Tijuana. This framework shows cross-border communication bridges and provides reflections about the spaces of freedom, as well as the colonial traits embedded in gay-travesti subculture.

ABSTRACT "We are the trash, but the most important thing." The expression of a chambermaid sums up the fundamental tension of the so-called "care crisis", between the subordination of its protagonists due to the intersection of gender, class and foreign inequalities and the essential nature of this work for the sustain-ability of social life. This research adopts this perspective to offer proposals for improving the socio-legal methodology for analysing care-related rights. It does so based on the sector of chambermaids in tourist establishments in Spain and in particular through the experience of the Seville Union of Chambermaids (Kellys). Their experience allows us to reformulate the legal approach to their social rights. To this end, we present (1) the main violations of rights they identify; (2) the political-legal analysis these workers carry out on the inequalities that underlie these discriminations, as well as some reform proposals; and (3) the strategies for protection and self-protection of rights that they implement, both individually and collectively.

RESUMEN "Somos la basurilla, pero lo más importante." La expresión de una camarera de piso resume la tensión fundamental de la llamada "crisis de los cuidados", entre la subordinación de sus protagonistas por la intersección de las desigualdades de género, clase y extranjería y el carácter esencial de esa labor para la sostenibilidad de la vida social. Esta investigación adopta dicha perspectiva para ofrecer propuestas para mejorar la metodología socio-jurídica de análisis de los derechos relacionados con el cuidado. Lo hace a partir del sector de camareras de piso de establecimientos turísticos en España y en particular a través de la experiencia del Sindicato de Camareras de Piso (Kellys) de Sevilla. Su experiencia permite reformular el abordaje jurídico de sus derechos sociales. Para ello se exponen (1) las principales vulneraciones de derechos que identifican; (2) el análisis político-jurídico que las trabajadoras realizan sobre las desigualdades que subyacen a esas discriminaciones, así como algunas propuestas de reforma; y (3) las estrategias de tutela y autotutela de derechos que implementan, tanto individuales como colectivas.

ABSTRACT In Colombia, labour law seeks to prevent and punish harassment at work, understood as "persistent and demonstrable" conduct with the purpose of undermining the dignity of the worker. Likewise, criminal law criminalises sexual harassment, understood as the act of using one's superiority for non-consensual sexual purposes. This criminal offence seeks to protect freedom, integrity and sexual training. This article analyses, using a gender perspective, the fragmentation that has occurred so far as a result of this double regulation in scenarios of sexual harassment in the workplace and which the Congress of the Republic seeks to remedy with the issuing of Act 2365, 2024. We present six tensions or points in common between labour and criminal regulations. We conclude the article by proposing three lines of research: (1) on the barriers to access to justice for sexual harassment, (2) to continue feminist dogmatic research and (3) on the forms of control in labour settings.

RESUMEN En Colombia, el derecho laboral busca prevenir y sancionar el acoso laboral, entendido como una conducta "persistente y demostrable" con el propósito de cercenar la dignidad del trabajador. Asimismo, el derecho penal tipifica el acoso sexual, comprendido como el hecho de querer valerse de la superioridad con fines sexuales no consentidos. Este tipo penal busca proteger la libertad, la integridad y la formación sexual. Este artículo analiza, utilizando una perspectiva de género, la fragmentación que se ha presentado hasta ahora a raíz de esta doble regulación en escenarios de acoso sexual laboral y que el Congreso de la República busca subsanar con la expedición de la Ley 2365 de 2024. Presentamos seis tensiones o puntos en común entre las regulaciones laborales y penales. Concluimos el artículo proponiendo tres líneas de investigación: (1) sobre las barreras de acceso a la justicia del acoso sexual, (2) continuar la investigación dogmática feminista y (3) sobre las formas de control en escenarios laborales.

Resumen En el contexto de la economía política internacional, el régimen de protección de derechos humanos y el régimen de inversores extranjeros atraviesan tensiones como resultado de una arquitectura jurídica que privilegia la libertad de capitales. Un análisis de contenido del Acuerdo de Escazú revelaría, respecto al acceso a la justicia en temas ambientales, que las personas y la sociedad civil acceden a instancias judiciales y administrativas contempladas en la legislación nacional de cada país, mientras que los inversores extranjeros, bajo la figura de los tratados bilaterales de inversión (TBI) y libre comercio (TLC), recurren a la justicia mediante tribunales de arbitraje internacional que no siempre son independientes, imparciales y que privilegian los intereses del mercado. Esta arquitectura jurídica condiciona el accionar de los Estados frente a la sociedad civil y sus derechos. El Acuerdo de Escazú atraviesa desafíos jurídicos frente al régimen de protección a los inversores, en el cual las garantías económicas limitan las acciones concretas para abordar la crisis climática, proteger el medioambiente o hacer efectivos los derechos humanos.

Abstract In the context of the international political economy, the human rights protection regime and the foreign investor regime are in tension because of a legal architecture that privileges freedom of capital. A content analysis of the Escazú Agreement would reveal, with respect to access to justice in environmental matters, that individuals and civil society have access to judicial and administrative instances contemplated in national legislation, while foreign investors under bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and free trade agreements (FTAs) have access to justice through international arbitration tribunals that are not always independent, impartial and that privilege the interests of the market. This legal architecture conditions the actions of States in relation to society and its rights. The conclusions point out that the Escazú Agreement faces legal challenges in terms of the investor protection regime, where economic guarantees limit concrete actions to address the climate crisis, protect the environment or enforce human rights.

Abstract. This paper explores the fundamental theses of the capabilities approach and differentiates it from notions of development that are more focused on the generation of wealth and growth. The paper emphasizes the importance of action in the development of life projects and describes the importance of emancipation in exercising freedoms. It then describes the education challenges from the perspective of the capabilities approach. It situates the importance of this approach in the Latin American context, where freedom is closely linked to the pursuit of social justice. Finally, it describes the different areas of application of the capabilities approach in education and points out the limitations of formal education in the contemporary world.

Resumen. Este artículo explora las tesis fundamentales del enfoque de las capacidades y lo diferencia de las nociones de desarrollo más centradas en la generación de riqueza y crecimiento. El artículo destaca la importancia de la acción en el desarrollo de proyectos de vida y describe la importancia de la emancipación en el ejercicio de las libertades. A continuación, describe los retos de la educación desde la perspectiva del enfoque de las capacidades. Sitúa la importancia de este enfoque en el contexto latinoamericano, donde la libertad está estrechamente vinculada a la búsqueda de la justicia social. Por último, describe los diferentes ámbitos de aplicación del enfoque de las capacidades en la educación y señala las limitaciones de la educación formal en el mundo contemporáneo.

Abstract. This paper analyses the concept and significance of the fundamental phenomenon of eros in Eugen Fink’s thought. First, it makes eros explicit as a supra-individual phenomenon that makes freedom eccentric. Then it presents sexual love as a cosmic determination of existence that fuses the lovers with the impulse of renewal and perpetuation of life that runs through the whole world. Next, it exposes the religious significance of eros as an experience of the divine and the sacredness of life. Finally, it makes explicit the fundamental ethical questioning that the analysis of the cosmological meaning of eros poses to today’s society.

Resumen. Este artículo analiza el concepto y la significación del fenómeno fundamental del eros en el pensamiento de Eugen Fink. Primero, explicita el eros como fenómeno supraindividual que vuelve excéntrica la libertad. Posteriormente, muestra el amor sexual como una determinación cósmica de la existencia que fusiona a los amantes con el impulso de renovación y perpetuación de la vida que atraviesa al mundo entero. Después expone la significación religiosa del eros como experiencia de lo divino y de la sacralidad de la vida. Finalmente, explicita el cuestionamiento ético fundamental que el análisis cosmológico del sentido del eros plantea a la sociedad actual.

No Brasil, o controle realizado contra as defensoras de direitos humanos é fundado a partir dos princípios de uma sociedade patriarcal, o qual fundamenta-se num sistema de distribuição desigual de poder, utilizando como base fundamentos biológicos acerca dos sexos para diferenciação social de gênero. A partir deste fenômeno, revela-se uma série de práticas e políticas que limitam a atuação dessas ativistas e comprometem a capacidade de lutar por causas sociais e denunciar violações. Um dos pontos discutidos é que as manifestações e ações propostas por elas, ainda que pacíficas, enfrentam ações repressivas pelo Estado e a falta de proteção contra violência de terceiros, que as tornam alvos de ataques. O controle estrutural é, portanto, um mecanismo que enfraquece a luta por justiça e igualdade. Isso demonstra a importância de desafiar e desconstruir os estigmas associados às identidades de gênero no contexto das lutas pelos direitos humanos e na promoção de uma sociedade mais equitativa e inclusiva. Utiliza-se uma metodologia qualitativa a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e uma base de dados oriunda de entrevistas realizadas com treze ativistas. Objetiva-se compreender a relação entre o controle estrutural e a legitimação implícita da utilização de distintos modos para impedir que mulheres ativistas exerçam seus direitos de livre manifestação e de expressão. Analisamos, por fim, se os direitos fundamentais das ativistas contrastam com o cenário exposto pela investigação empírica, por meio da verificação do conjunto de políticas públicas existentes e de sua (in)eficácia.

In Brazil, the control carried out against human rights defenders is based on the principles of a patriarchal society, which is based on a system of unequal distribution of power, using biological foundations regarding sexes as a basis for social gender differentiation. This phenomenon reveals a series of practices and policies that limit the actions of these activists and compromise their ability to fight for social causes and denounce violations. One of the points discussed is that the demonstrations and actions proposed by them, although peaceful, face repressive actions by the State and the lack of protection against violence by third parties, which make them targets of attacks. Structural control is, therefore, a mechanism that weakens the fight for justice and equality. This demonstrates the importance of challenging and deconstructing the stigmas associated with gender identities in the context of the fight for human rights and in the promotion of a more equitable and inclusive society. A qualitative methodology is used based on bibliographic research and a database of interviews conducted with thirteen activists. The aim is to understand the relationship between structural control and the implicit legitimization of the use of different methods to prevent women activists from exercising their rights to free expression and demonstration. Finally, we analyze whether the fundamental rights of activists contrast with the scenario exposed by empirical research, by verifying the set of existing public policies and their (in)effectiveness.

Abstract Freedom of expression is one of the main provisions in the Brazilian constitutional text regarding the expression of fundamental rights, having effects in the most diverse domains, such as in the press, publications, academics, among others. The most emblematic case adjudicated by the Brazilian Supreme Court regarding the limits of freedom of expression was the judgment of editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. This case is still the main episode in terms of freedom of expression and the repercussions of hate speech. Consequently, the main objective of the paper is to verify the real impact of the Ellwanger precedent on freedom of expression. The specific objective of the text is to analyze the current status of this case, namely based on new cases decided by the Brazilian Supreme Court. rights domains press publications academics others Castan speech Consequently

Resumo A liberdade de expressão é uma das principais previsões no texto constitucional brasileiro quanto à manifestação dos direitos fundamentais, possuindo repercussões nos mais diversos âmbitos, como na imprensa, publicações, acadêmica, entre outros. No âmbito do Supremo Tribunal Federal, o caso mais emblemático quanto aos limites da liberdade de expressão foi o julgamento do editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. Mesmo que o referido julgado tenha sido decidido pelo STF em 2003, denota-se que este ainda se trata do principal episódio quanto à liberdade de expressão e às repercussões do discurso do ódio, sobretudo quanto à ponderação e sopesamento de valores realizada pelo STF. Assim sendo, o objetivo principal do artigo é verificar o impacto do aludido precedente Ellwanger sobre a liberdade de expressão, nomeadamente quanto à ponderação de valores constitucionais e a proporcionalidade para casos mais recentes julgados pelo STF. O objetivo específico do texto é analisar a atualidade deste caso, nomeadamente a partir de precedentes mais recentes do STF, sobretudo se os critérios estabelecidos no HC nº 82.424/RS ao exercício da liberdade de expressão permanecem pertinentes. fundamentais âmbitos imprensa publicações acadêmica outros Federal Castan 2003 denotase denota ódio sendo 82424RS RS 82 424 pertinentes 200 8 42 20 4 2

Abstract This investigation uses the method of decision analysis to analyze the positioning of the Sergipe Court of Justice, between 2020 and 2022, about the refusal of companies that offer transportation service via app to effect or cancel to remain in their registry with drivers who respond to criminal proceedings without final and unappealable decisions. The analysis of the decisions is based on some strategic theoretical frameworks, as based on the concepts of sacrificial citizenship and the economization of law, neoliberalism as a rationality and a deep process, and capitalism as surveillance. As a result, it was identified that the TJSE prioritized the contractual autonomy, the freedom to guide objective safety criteria, the misalignment of drivers with the Term and Conditions for use over the principles of the presumption of innocence and the social function of the contract. To problematize this scenario, the article also questions about the (un)protection of workers' personal data by app, the lack of transparency in the use of new technologies to collect data regarding ongoing criminal cases as a way to reiterate old social or labor exclusions. Finally, it concludes on the approximation of the grounds handled by the Sergipe Court of Justice with the new economic demands of neoliberal management, such as the reduction of the constitutional pact in favor of corporate autonomy, both on the disposability of subjects and on the irregular capture of their personal data. 202 2022 frameworks law process surveillance result autonomy criteria contract scenario unprotection un protection workers exclusions Finally management 20 2

Resumo Esta investigação utiliza o método de análises de decisões para examinar o posicionamento do Tribunal de Justiça de Sergipe, entre 2020 e 2022, sobre a recusa das empresas que oferecem o serviço de transporte via aplicativo de efetivar ou de permanecer em seu cadastro com motoristas que respondem a processos criminais sem decisões transitadas em julgado. A análise das decisões parte de alguns marcos teóricos estratégicos, como o conceito de cidadania sacrificial e da economicização do direito, do neoliberalismo enquanto uma racionalidade e um processo profundo, do capitalismo como vigilância. Como resultado, identificou-se que o TJSE priorizou a autonomia contratual, a liberdade para pautar critérios objetivos de segurança, o desalinhamento dos motoristas com o Termo e as Condições para uso em detrimento dos princípios da presunção de inocência e da função social do contrato. Para problematizar este cenário o artigo ainda questiona sobre a (des)proteção dos dados pessoais dos trabalhadores por aplicativo, a falta de transparência na utilização de novas tecnologias para coletar dados referentes a processos criminais em andamento como forma de reiterar velhas exclusões sociais ou laborais. Por fim, conclui-se sobre a aproximação dos fundamentos manejados pelo Tribunal de Justiça de Sergipe com as novas exigências econômicas da gestão neoliberal, tal como a redução do pacto constitucional em benefício da autonomia empresarial, tanto sobre a descartabilidade dos sujeitos, como sobre a captação irregular de seus dados pessoais. 202 2022 julgado estratégicos direito profundo vigilância resultado identificouse identificou se contratual segurança contrato desproteção des proteção laborais fim concluise conclui neoliberal empresarial sujeitos 20 2

Abstract This article proposes to think about Latin American legal foundations for the freedom to learn and teach in the contemporary context of prohibitions of content or methodologies labeled as political-ideological indoctrination or implementation of what became known as “gender ideology”. Based on the proposal of a Latin American Ius Constitutionale Commune, some judgments and advisory opinions relevant to the topic of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Constitutional Court of Colombia and the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil are analyzed in order to articulate interpretative parameters on freedom of expression, protection of childhood, right to equality and education in an attempt to demonstrate the freedom to learn and teach in basic education as a protected category in inter-American law. politicalideological political ideological gender ideology. ideology . ideology” Commune InterAmerican Inter Rights expression childhood interAmerican inter law

Resumo Neste artigo propõe-se pensar fundamentos jurídicos latino-americanos para a liberdade de aprender e ensinar no contexto contemporâneo de proibições de conteúdos ou metodologias rotulados de doutrinação político-ideológica ou de implementação do que ficou conhecido como “ideologia de gênero”. A partir da proposta de um Ius Constitutionale Commune latinoamericano, analisam-se alguns julgados e opiniões consultivas pertinentes ao tema da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, da Corte Constitucional da Colômbia e do Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil para articular parâmetros interpretativos sobre a liberdade de expressão, a proteção da infância, o direito à igualdade e à educação na tentativa de demonstrar a liberdade de aprender e ensinar na educação básica como uma categoria protegida no direito interamericano. propõese propõe se latinoamericanos latino americanos políticoideológica político ideológica ideologia gênero. gênero . gênero” latinoamericano analisamse analisam Humanos expressão infância interamericano

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Abstract: The notion of natura took on a transcendental meaning in medieval times. Essentially, human beings did not belong to a natural order, but rather a supernatural one. Hence, the important thing was not the search for an orientation toward nature above all, but the subsequent adaptation to the supernatural. Mortals experienced freedom in the realm of nature, but natura did not guarantee them the measure of morality. Human nature thus received its ultimate identification beyond its natural being; that is, on the transcendental plane. Judeo-Christianity assigned the main role of creation to humanity and the more it participated in the divine likeness, the less it differed from the Creator, thus taking the path to redemption. This article will address the relationship between medieval conceptions of nature and the belief that human beings were the only species created “in the image and likeness of God.” Having discussed this link, it will examine from a philosophical perspective how this belief has resulted in what I have called “theo-narcissism” before indicating possible ways to overcome this problem.

Resumen: En la Época Medieval la noción de natura adquirió un sentido trascendente. El ser humano, en esencia, no pertenecía a un orden natural, sino a uno sobrenatural; de ahí que lo relevante no fuese ante todo la búsqueda de la orientación hacia la naturaleza, sino la adecuación ulterior a lo sobrenatural. En el ámbito de la naturaleza los mortales experimentaban libertad, pero la natura no les garantizaba la medida de la moralidad. La naturaleza humana recibió así su identificación última fuera de su ser natural, es decir, en el plano trascendente. El judeocristianismo le atribuyó al ser humano el rol principal de la creación y mientras más partícipe era de la semejanza divina menos se diferenciaba del Creador, encaminándose de esta manera a la redención. En este artículo se abordará la relación entre las concepciones medievales de la naturaleza y la creencia de que el ser humano fue la única especie creada ‘a imagen y semejanza de Dios’. Develado este vínculo, se sondeará, desde una perspectiva filosófica, cómo ha redundado esta creencia en lo que he denominado “teonarcisismo” con el objetivo de señalar, finalmente, posibles formas de superación de esta problemática.