Resumen En el presente artículo se documenta y analiza la historia de La Casa Real-Imperial de Tijuana desde su fundación en 1982 hasta nuestros días. Se explora la posición de esta agrupación en la historia de la movilización LGBTIQ+ en la región y se propone el análisis de un circuito particular de espectáculos travesti o drag mediante su estudio como organización gay-travesti que apoyaba proyectos comunitarios LGBTIQ+. Con base en la investigación de los Archivos de la Sociedad Histórica GLBT de la ciudad de San Francisco, se problematiza la conformación de espacios de sociabilidad, solidaridad y ayuda mutua mediante la compleja parodia –de género y de la realeza– que realizaban emperatrices y emperadores de La Casa de Tijuana. En este marco, se evidencian puentes de comunicación transfronteriza poco documentados y se aportan reflexiones sobre los espacios de libertad y, a la vez, los rasgos de colonialidad de la subcultura gay-travesti.

Abstract This article proposes to analyze the history of the Imperial-Royal Casa de Tijuana since its foundation in 1982. It explores the position of this group in the history of LGBTIQ+ mobilization in this region and proposes the analysis of a particular circuit of travesti and drag shows, through its study as a gay- travesti organization that supported LGBTIQ+ community projects. Based on research from the GLBT Historical Society Archives of San Francisco, this work studies the formation of spaces of sociability, solidarity, and mutual aid through the complex parody—of gender and royalty—carried out by the Empresses and Emperors of the Casa de Tijuana. This framework shows cross-border communication bridges and provides reflections about the spaces of freedom, as well as the colonial traits embedded in gay-travesti subculture.

Abstract In the context of the international political economy, the human rights protection regime and the foreign investor regime are in tension because of a legal architecture that privileges freedom of capital. A content analysis of the Escazú Agreement would reveal, with respect to access to justice in environmental matters, that individuals and civil society have access to judicial and administrative instances contemplated in national legislation, while foreign investors under bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and free trade agreements (FTAs) have access to justice through international arbitration tribunals that are not always independent, impartial and that privilege the interests of the market. This legal architecture conditions the actions of States in relation to society and its rights. The conclusions point out that the Escazú Agreement faces legal challenges in terms of the investor protection regime, where economic guarantees limit concrete actions to address the climate crisis, protect the environment or enforce human rights.

Resumen En el contexto de la economía política internacional, el régimen de protección de derechos humanos y el régimen de inversores extranjeros atraviesan tensiones como resultado de una arquitectura jurídica que privilegia la libertad de capitales. Un análisis de contenido del Acuerdo de Escazú revelaría, respecto al acceso a la justicia en temas ambientales, que las personas y la sociedad civil acceden a instancias judiciales y administrativas contempladas en la legislación nacional de cada país, mientras que los inversores extranjeros, bajo la figura de los tratados bilaterales de inversión (TBI) y libre comercio (TLC), recurren a la justicia mediante tribunales de arbitraje internacional que no siempre son independientes, imparciales y que privilegian los intereses del mercado. Esta arquitectura jurídica condiciona el accionar de los Estados frente a la sociedad civil y sus derechos. El Acuerdo de Escazú atraviesa desafíos jurídicos frente al régimen de protección a los inversores, en el cual las garantías económicas limitan las acciones concretas para abordar la crisis climática, proteger el medioambiente o hacer efectivos los derechos humanos.

Abstract This investigation uses the method of decision analysis to analyze the positioning of the Sergipe Court of Justice, between 2020 and 2022, about the refusal of companies that offer transportation service via app to effect or cancel to remain in their registry with drivers who respond to criminal proceedings without final and unappealable decisions. The analysis of the decisions is based on some strategic theoretical frameworks, as based on the concepts of sacrificial citizenship and the economization of law, neoliberalism as a rationality and a deep process, and capitalism as surveillance. As a result, it was identified that the TJSE prioritized the contractual autonomy, the freedom to guide objective safety criteria, the misalignment of drivers with the Term and Conditions for use over the principles of the presumption of innocence and the social function of the contract. To problematize this scenario, the article also questions about the (un)protection of workers' personal data by app, the lack of transparency in the use of new technologies to collect data regarding ongoing criminal cases as a way to reiterate old social or labor exclusions. Finally, it concludes on the approximation of the grounds handled by the Sergipe Court of Justice with the new economic demands of neoliberal management, such as the reduction of the constitutional pact in favor of corporate autonomy, both on the disposability of subjects and on the irregular capture of their personal data. 202 2022 frameworks law process surveillance result autonomy criteria contract scenario unprotection un protection workers exclusions Finally management 20 2

Resumo Esta investigação utiliza o método de análises de decisões para examinar o posicionamento do Tribunal de Justiça de Sergipe, entre 2020 e 2022, sobre a recusa das empresas que oferecem o serviço de transporte via aplicativo de efetivar ou de permanecer em seu cadastro com motoristas que respondem a processos criminais sem decisões transitadas em julgado. A análise das decisões parte de alguns marcos teóricos estratégicos, como o conceito de cidadania sacrificial e da economicização do direito, do neoliberalismo enquanto uma racionalidade e um processo profundo, do capitalismo como vigilância. Como resultado, identificou-se que o TJSE priorizou a autonomia contratual, a liberdade para pautar critérios objetivos de segurança, o desalinhamento dos motoristas com o Termo e as Condições para uso em detrimento dos princípios da presunção de inocência e da função social do contrato. Para problematizar este cenário o artigo ainda questiona sobre a (des)proteção dos dados pessoais dos trabalhadores por aplicativo, a falta de transparência na utilização de novas tecnologias para coletar dados referentes a processos criminais em andamento como forma de reiterar velhas exclusões sociais ou laborais. Por fim, conclui-se sobre a aproximação dos fundamentos manejados pelo Tribunal de Justiça de Sergipe com as novas exigências econômicas da gestão neoliberal, tal como a redução do pacto constitucional em benefício da autonomia empresarial, tanto sobre a descartabilidade dos sujeitos, como sobre a captação irregular de seus dados pessoais. 202 2022 julgado estratégicos direito profundo vigilância resultado identificouse identificou se contratual segurança contrato desproteção des proteção laborais fim concluise conclui neoliberal empresarial sujeitos 20 2

Abstract Freedom of expression is one of the main provisions in the Brazilian constitutional text regarding the expression of fundamental rights, having effects in the most diverse domains, such as in the press, publications, academics, among others. The most emblematic case adjudicated by the Brazilian Supreme Court regarding the limits of freedom of expression was the judgment of editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. This case is still the main episode in terms of freedom of expression and the repercussions of hate speech. Consequently, the main objective of the paper is to verify the real impact of the Ellwanger precedent on freedom of expression. The specific objective of the text is to analyze the current status of this case, namely based on new cases decided by the Brazilian Supreme Court. rights domains press publications academics others Castan speech Consequently

Resumo A liberdade de expressão é uma das principais previsões no texto constitucional brasileiro quanto à manifestação dos direitos fundamentais, possuindo repercussões nos mais diversos âmbitos, como na imprensa, publicações, acadêmica, entre outros. No âmbito do Supremo Tribunal Federal, o caso mais emblemático quanto aos limites da liberdade de expressão foi o julgamento do editor Siegfried Ellwanger Castan. Mesmo que o referido julgado tenha sido decidido pelo STF em 2003, denota-se que este ainda se trata do principal episódio quanto à liberdade de expressão e às repercussões do discurso do ódio, sobretudo quanto à ponderação e sopesamento de valores realizada pelo STF. Assim sendo, o objetivo principal do artigo é verificar o impacto do aludido precedente Ellwanger sobre a liberdade de expressão, nomeadamente quanto à ponderação de valores constitucionais e a proporcionalidade para casos mais recentes julgados pelo STF. O objetivo específico do texto é analisar a atualidade deste caso, nomeadamente a partir de precedentes mais recentes do STF, sobretudo se os critérios estabelecidos no HC nº 82.424/RS ao exercício da liberdade de expressão permanecem pertinentes. fundamentais âmbitos imprensa publicações acadêmica outros Federal Castan 2003 denotase denota ódio sendo 82424RS RS 82 424 pertinentes 200 8 42 20 4 2

Abstract This article proposes to think about Latin American legal foundations for the freedom to learn and teach in the contemporary context of prohibitions of content or methodologies labeled as political-ideological indoctrination or implementation of what became known as “gender ideology”. Based on the proposal of a Latin American Ius Constitutionale Commune, some judgments and advisory opinions relevant to the topic of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Constitutional Court of Colombia and the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil are analyzed in order to articulate interpretative parameters on freedom of expression, protection of childhood, right to equality and education in an attempt to demonstrate the freedom to learn and teach in basic education as a protected category in inter-American law. politicalideological political ideological gender ideology. ideology . ideology” Commune InterAmerican Inter Rights expression childhood interAmerican inter law

Resumo Neste artigo propõe-se pensar fundamentos jurídicos latino-americanos para a liberdade de aprender e ensinar no contexto contemporâneo de proibições de conteúdos ou metodologias rotulados de doutrinação político-ideológica ou de implementação do que ficou conhecido como “ideologia de gênero”. A partir da proposta de um Ius Constitutionale Commune latinoamericano, analisam-se alguns julgados e opiniões consultivas pertinentes ao tema da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, da Corte Constitucional da Colômbia e do Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil para articular parâmetros interpretativos sobre a liberdade de expressão, a proteção da infância, o direito à igualdade e à educação na tentativa de demonstrar a liberdade de aprender e ensinar na educação básica como uma categoria protegida no direito interamericano. propõese propõe se latinoamericanos latino americanos políticoideológica político ideológica ideologia gênero. gênero . gênero” latinoamericano analisamse analisam Humanos expressão infância interamericano

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the criticisms leveled by El Defensor de la Religión (a newspaper published in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico) against certain actors from 1827 to 1833. It accused them of being “enemies of God,” since they questioned the ecclesiastical discipline of the time, which, within the framework of a confessional state, was regarded as beyond question by the priesthood. It also explains why the Guadalajara diocesan clergy used the press to refute their enemies rather than the system of religious censorship in force from 1821 to 1855. Through an examination of El Defensor de la Religión, the author shows that the Guadalajara clergy were reluctant to join a liberal political system with regalian pretensions, with deep roots in Bourbon Spain, even though this system guaranteed the Church a central role as the spiritual guide of Mexican society. Ecclesiastical autonomy from civil power was central to the Catholic republic project defended by the Guadalajara clerics. This study is relevant because it argues that, despite the abolition of the Inquisition in 1820, ecclesiastical censorship continued to function in independent life. In addition, it underwent substantial changes about the colonial period, such as using the press as a complement to the differentiated system for freedom of the press.

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las impugnaciones que, entre 1827 y 1833, realizó El Defensor de la Religión (periódico de Guadalajara, Jalisco, México) contra ciertos actores a los que acusó de “enemigos de Dios”, toda vez que cuestionaron la disciplina eclesiástica de la época, la cual, en el marco de un Estado confesional, fue considerada como incuestionable por el sacerdocio. Asimismo, se esclarece por qué el clero diocesano tapatío utilizó la prensa para rebatir a sus enemigos, en lugar de valerse del régimen de censura religiosa vigente entre 1821 y 1855. A través del examen de El Defensor de la Religión se demuestra que el clero de Guadalajara fue reacio a incorporarse a un sistema político liberal con pretensiones regalistas, con profundas raíces en la España borbónica, aunque dicho sistema garantizara a la Iglesia un lugar central como guía espiritual de la sociedad mexicana. La autonomía eclesiástica frente al poder civil resultó central en el proyecto de república católica defendido por los clérigos tapatíos. Este estudio resulta relevante porque logra argumentar que, a pesar de la desaparición de la Inquisición en 1820, la censura eclesiástica continuó funcionando en la vida independiente, además de que experimentó cambios sustanciales en relación con el periodo colonial, entre ellos, el uso de la prensa como complemento del sistema diferenciado en materia de libertad de imprenta.

ABSTRACT This article addresses the controversy created by the public reconfiguration of medical Cannabis in Brazil. The play character Antigone is borrowed to make sense of this transformation, reconstructed based on activist manifestations, especially of patients and their families. Public insurgent declarations emerge against prohibitionist legal provisions, referred to by the activists themselves as “peaceful civil disobedience,” under a moral key that breaks with the language of individual freedom, articulating notions of duty and necessity. Brazil transformation manifestations families provisions peaceful disobedience, disobedience freedom necessity

RESUMO O artigo trata da controvérsia instaurada pela reconfiguração do problema público da Cannabis medicinal no Brasil. Mobiliza-se a personagem Antígona para dar sentido a essa transformação, reconstruída a partir de manifestações de ativistas, em especial pacientes e familiares de pacientes. Percebe-se a emergência de declarações públicas de insurgência contra os dispositivos legais proibicionistas, referidos pela própria militância como “desobediência civil pacífica”, em uma chave moral que rompe com a linguagem da liberdade individual, articulando noções de dever e necessidade. Brasil Mobilizase Mobiliza se transformação ativistas Percebese Percebe proibicionistas desobediência pacífica, pacífica , pacífica” individual necessidade

Abstract This article seeks to unveil pedagogical approaches favorable to peace education contained in the positions and contributions of Mayan researchers from Chiapas. Based on a hermeneutic analysis of published texts and presentations given by six social scientists from the Chuj, Tseltal and Tsotsil Mayan peoples, it is distinguished that the cognitive justice to which they appeal and the critical interculturality that they entail are nodal supports in an education for peace. They highlight values such as respect, silence, collectivity and freedom as criteria for life and for the production of knowledge. In its approaches, the challenges and complexities involved in dialogue between cultures and its importance in favor of contextualized peace are made visible. It is concluded that their contributions, being a reflection of the memories, territorialities, resistances and hopes of their people, are alternatives that favor the decolonization of thought and the disarticulation of the modern colonial project.

Resumen El presente artículo busca develar planteamientos pedagógicos favorables a una educación para la paz contenidos en los posicionamientos y contribuciones de investigadores mayas de Chiapas. Con base en un análisis hermenéutico a textos publicados y ponencias dictadas por seis cientistas sociales de los pueblos mayas chuj, tseltal y tsotsil, se distingue que la justicia cognitiva a la que apelan y la interculturalidad crítica que conllevan son sustentos nodales en una educación para la paz. En ellos se destacan valores como el respeto, el silencio, la colectividad y la libertad como criterios de vida y para la producción de conocimientos. En sus planteamientos se visibilizan los retos y complejidades que implica el diálogo entre culturas y su importancia en favor de una paz contextualizada. Se concluye que sus aportes, al ser reflejo de las memorias, territorialidades, resistencias y esperanzas de sus pueblos, son alternativas que favorecen la descolonización del pensamiento y la desarticulación del proyecto moderno colonial.

Abstract This article aims to investigate how new intermediaries of expression - such as online media platforms and social networks - regulate speech, through content moderation and promotion of opinions expressed by users, and how this performance influences the debate on freedom of expression. The jurisprudential analysis methodology is used to define the problem, as well as literature review and data collection, to identify new intermediaries of expression, analyzing their main characteristics, modes of action, online content curation and possibilities of censorship by private actors. The research presents the following results: a) large access platforms and social networks, in practice, control freedom of expression, through prior censorship, collection of personal data and control of information flow; b) there has not yet been an internationally coordinated and effective institutional response, mainly due to the difficulty of transposing local rules to companies with global operations; c) the State takes on the role of central actor to protect, in the digital world, the free circulation of thought, intimacy/privacy, equality, the truth of the content inserted and, consequently, the health of democracy in the 21st century. speech users problem characteristics action actors results a practice flow b response operations c protect world thought intimacyprivacy intimacy privacy intimacy/privacy equality consequently st century

Resumo O presente artigo tem o objetivo de investigar como os novos intermediários da expressão, a exemplo das plataformas de mídia online e das redes sociais, realizam a regulação do discurso, a partir da moderação de conteúdo e impulsionamento de opiniões emitidas pelos usuários, e como essa atuação influencia o debate sobre a liberdade de expressão. Utiliza-se a metodologia análise jurisprudencial, para delimitar o problema, bem como revisão de literatura e levantamento de dados, para identificar os novos intermediários da expressão, com análise suas principais características, modos de atuação, curadoria de conteúdo online e possibilidades de censura por atores privados. A pesquisa apresenta os seguintes resultados: a) as grandes plataformas de acesso e as redes sociais, na prática, controlam a liberdade de expressão, pela censura prévia, coleta de dados pessoais e controle do fluxo informacional; b) ainda não houve resposta institucional internacionalmente coordenada e efetiva, sobretudo em razão da dificuldade de transposição de regras locais a empresas com atuação mundial; c) o Estado passa a ocupar o papel de ator central para proteger, no mundo digital, a livre circulação do pensamento, a intimidade/privacidade, a isonomia, a verdade do conteúdo inserido e, por conseguinte, a higidez da democracia no século XXI. expressão sociais discurso usuários Utilizase Utiliza se jurisprudencial problema características privados resultados prática prévia informacional b efetiva mundial c proteger digital pensamento intimidadeprivacidade intimidade privacidade intimidade/privacidade isonomia conseguinte XXI

Resumen. Este artículo analiza el prólogo de 1812 a la Ciencia de la lógica (WdL) y responde a los planteos: ¿de qué trata esta obra?, ¿qué hay de lógico en la expresión “lógica”?, ¿es ”lógica” un nombre sustituto para “metafísica” o, más bien, la WdL es la inauguración de una disciplina completamente nueva y que dista de la metafísica en el sentido tradicional? Concluyo que la lógica es aquí el desarrollo del concepto expresada como libertad social.

Abstract. This paper analyzes the foreword to the Science of Logic (WdL) from 1812. It answers the following questions: what is WdL about? What is the logic in the Science of Logic? Is the term “logic” just a substitute for “metaphysics” or, rather, is WdL the inception of a completely new discipline, quite different from metaphysics in the traditional sense? I reach the conclusion that, in WdL, logic is the development of the concept expressed as social freedom.

Resumen. Si bien existen algunos intentos de repensar el tema de la tecnología desde la filosofía de Søren Kierkegaard, no existe todavía un diálogo directo con la postura transhumanista. En este artículo proponemos un acercamiento inédito, entendido como una crítica, desde el pensamiento de Kierkegaard al transhumanismo y su concepto de singularity. Primero, analizamos el modo en el que los transhumanistas entienden el concepto de singularity y sus limitaciones; después, apoyándonos en la filosofía de Kierkegaard, defendemos que la única singularidad posible y real es la persona humana como relación primigenia, fuente de angustia y libertad, pecado y amor, espíritu. Defendemos también que esta relación no puede ser replicada por una creación artificial.

Abstract. Although some have attempted to rethink the subject of technology from the perspective of Søren Kierkegaard’s philosophy, there hast not yet been a direct dialogue with the transhumanist position. In this paper, we propose a new approach, understood as a criticism, from the thought of Kierkegaard to transhumanism and its concept of singularity. We, first, analyze the way in which transhumanists understand the concept of singularity and what its limitations are; then, with the help of Kierkegaard’s philosophy, we argue that the only possible and real singularity is the human person as a primordial relationship, source of anguish and freedom, sin and love, and spirit. We also argue that this relationship cannot be reproduced by any artificial creation.

Resumen. En este artículo analizo la interpretación de Hegel de la filosofía política platónica (particularmente la República) en determinados pasajes de dos obras puntuales: los Fundamentos de la filosofía del derecho y las Lecciones sobre Platón. Considero dos ejes específicos de análisis: la propiedad privada y la libertad subjetiva. El objetivo del artículo es señalar la relación que Hegel establece con Platón o, al menos, con República. Muestro que, en realidad, en este diálogo existen ciertos matices con respecto a los dos ejes mencionados; estos matices implican diferencias de análisis respecto de la lectura hegeliana.

Abstract. In this paper, I analyze Hegel’s interpretation of Plato’s political philosophy (specially the Republic) in certain passages of two specific works: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts and Die Vorlesungen über Platon. I consider two axes of analysis: private property and subjective freedom. The main goal of the paper is to describe the relationship that Hegel establishes with Plato, or at least with the Republic. I show that this dialogue presents nuances with respect to the two axes mentioned and that these nuances imply differences of analysis regarding the Hegelian reading.

Resumen. Este artículo relativiza la tesis de que Benjamin Constant es un antecedente directo de la distinción entre libertad positiva y negativa de Isaiah Berlin. Según aquella postura, habría una línea clara entre Dos conceptos de libertad, de Berlin, y el Discurso de Constant. En un primer momento, refiero al modo en que Berlin remite a Constant para dar cuenta de su distinción. Después examino una dificultad relevante que enfrenta la filiación propuesta por Berlin, que remite al tono republicano de Constant. En la tercera parte, examino el pensamiento de Constant, para tratar de determinar el papel que juega ese tono republicano, lo que, a su vez, resulta indispensable para medir su distancia con Berlin. Concluyo con algunas reflexiones en torno a la relación entre ambos autores.

Abstract. This article relativizes the thesis that Benjamin Constant’s thought is a direct antecedent of Isaiah Berlin’s distinction between positive and negative freedom. According to that position, there would be a clear similarity between Berlin’s Two Concepts of Liberty and Constant’s The Liberty of Ancients Compared with that of Moderns. Firstly, I talk about the way in which Berlin refers to Constant in order to account for the latter’s distinction. I then examine a relevant difficulty for Berlin’s proposed affiliation: Constant’s republican tone. Thirdly, I discuss Constant’s thought to determine the role played by this republican tone, which is indispensable to measure his differences when compared with Berlin. Finally, I conclude with some reflections on the relationship between the two authors.

The provision of political goods and governance in marginalised local communities, located in Cape Town, South Africa, during the national lockdown periods (due to the COVID-19 pandemic) is described. The focus is on an African city, drawing attention to the growing importance of urban governance on the continent. Rapid urbanisation and emergency periods (such as the pandemic) are adding to the complexity of the urban space. This study found that communities in the city relied mostly on themselves for the provision of goods, and that the provision of security remains a critical political good, informing governance. However, the findings confront literature on a hierarchy of political goods, in which security is at the apex. In the given context, the sequence of the provision of goods changes to a non-hierarchical process. The fulfilment of other political goods will facilitate improved provision of security. Good governance needs to be informed by an integrated approach to, and the synchronous fulfilment of, political goods. SIGNIFICANCE: • During times of emergencies, already marginalised urban communities experience greater political neglect and are left to protect themselves and to provide for each other. • These communities experience desertion across the spectrum of political goods. • Resilience in such communities needs to be improved through good governing principles. • Although optimal local level governance relies heavily on the provision of security, the importance of the provision of education, employment, political freedom, housing, and health services (to mention a few) requires renewed attention.

ABSTRACT Introduction: Stigma related to sexual identity, especially among MSM, remains a major challenge in many cultures, this stigma can appear in various ways, from explicit discrimination to more discreet stereotypes, and can negatively affect the mental and emotional health of those who suffer from it. Objective: Analyze the stigma of sexual identity and social support among men who have sex with other men in Central and Asunción, Paraguay during 2024. Methodology: Qualitative, Phenomenological Study of a descriptive and explanatory type. The analysis categories considered in this study were: a) Stigma and social support in the community in general, b) Disclosure of sexual identity to the community in general, c) Disclosure of sexual identity to family and friends and d) Stigma and social support in the LGBT community. Results: Nine MSM participated in the study, where the testimonies reveal the deep desire to live with authenticity and freedom. MSM in Paraguay want to be able to be themselves without fear of being judged or rejected, they long for open and honest relationships, and they aspire to a community where they can share experiences and support each other. Conclusion: MSM face obstacles in their growth and unity as a community. The absence of a strong and united community makes mutual support and personal development difficult, in addition to competition and lack of collaboration between organizations and individuals creating a divided environment, where everyone seeks their own benefits instead of working together for the good. of everyone.

RESUMEN Introducción: El estigma relacionado con la identidad sexual, especialmente entre HSH, sigue siendo un desafío importante en muchas culturas, este estigma puede aparecer de varias maneras, desde una discriminación explícita hasta estereotipos más discretos, y puede afectar negativamente la salud mental y emocional de quienes lo sufren. Objetivo: Analizar el estigma de identidad sexual y apoyo social entre los hombres que tienen sexo con otros hombres en Central y Asunción, Paraguay durante el 2024. Metodología: Estudio cualitativo, fenomenológico de tipo descriptivo y explicativo. Las categorías de análisis consideradas en este estudio fueron: a) Estigma y apoyo social en la comunidad en general, b) Divulgación de identidad sexual a la comunidad en general, c) Divulgación de identidad sexual a familiares y amigos y d) Estigma y apoyo social en la comunidad de LGBT. Resultados: Participaron del estudio, nueve HSH, donde los testimonios revelan el profundo anhelo de vivir con autenticidad y libertad. Los HSH en Paraguay desean poder ser ellos mismos sin temor a ser juzgados o rechazados, anhelan relaciones abiertas y honestas, y aspiran a una comunidad donde puedan compartir experiencias y apoyarse mutuamente Conclusión: Los HSH enfrentan obstáculos en su crecimiento y unión como comunidad. La ausencia de una comunidad fuerte y unida dificulta el apoyo mutuo y el desarrollo personal, además de la competencia y la falta de colaboración entre organizaciones e individuos crean un ambiente dividido, donde cada uno busca sus propios beneficios en lugar de trabajar juntos por el bien de todos.