ABSTRACT This research analyzes the rhetoric of the right-wing in Mexico, led by the National Action Party (PAN), of presenting itself as a «new right» in the figure of presidential candidate Xóchitl Gálvez, as well as its relationship with rightwing phenomena in Latin America such as the imposition of neoliberal capitalism. The case of Mexico contrasts with the right wing in other countries in the region, where PAN (leader of the current right-wing front) has used appropriation instead of an openly racist stance. The methodology of this research is qualitative, with a case study method. The instruments used in this research have been bibliographic and newspaper reviews and the review of legal documents for the context. It is concluded that PAN shows elements of usurpation of Indigenous identity, imposition of neoliberal capitalism and internal colonialism, dispossession and neo-extractivism.

RESUMEN En la presente investigación se analiza la retórica de la derecha partidista en México, encabezada por el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), de presentarse como una «nueva derecha» en la figura de la candidata a la presidencia Xóchitl Gálvez, al igual que su relación con fenómenos propios de la derecha en América Latina, como la imposición del capitalismo neoliberal. El caso de México es contrastante con la derecha de otros países de la región, donde el PAN (líder del frente de derecha actual) ha usado la apropiación en vez de una postura abiertamente racista. La metodología de esta investigación es cualitativa, con un método de estudio de caso. Los instrumentos usados en esta investigación han sido revisión bibliográfica, hemerográfica y la revisión de documentos legales para el contexto. Se concluye que el PAN muestra elementos de usurpación de identidad indígena, imposición del capitalismo neoliberal y de colonialismo interno, despojo y neoextractivismo.

Abstract The irregular migration of Venezuelan citizens to countries in the hemisphere has increased exponentially in recent years, taking on connotations of foreign policy and international security. To a large extent, it is necessary to approach irregular migration flows based on broad concepts of security and extractivism. This involves understanding humans as a new commodity that is extracted and exported by transnational criminal organizations, which increase their illicit gains by exploiting the vulnerabilities of migrants. In this context, situations of insecurity deepen in destination, transit, and origin countries. Taking advantage of the amplitude that the political economy approach gives to the concept of commodity, humans are considered commodities, exploited by crime. Therefore, a methodology through a theoretical approach is applied to the dynamics of irregular migration flows of Venezuelan citizens since 2015, in order to highlight their implications for hemispheric security through the concept of multidimensionality. Finally, it is concluded that the insecurities at the origin of mass migration are exacerbated by criminal structures, reproducing security problems during their journeys.

Resumo A migração irregular de cidadãos venezuelanos para países do hemisfério aumentou exponencialmente nos últimos anos, adquirindo conotações de política externa e segurança internacional. Até certo ponto, é necessário abordar os fluxos migratórios irregulares com base em conceitos amplos de segurança e extrativismo. Isso envolve entender os seres humanos como uma nova mercadoria que é extraída e exportada por organizações criminosas transnacionais, que aumentam seus ganhos ilícitos explorando as vulnerabilidades dos migrantes. Nesse contexto, as situações de insegurança se aprofundam nos países de destino, trânsito e origem. Ou seja, aproveitando a amplitude que a economia política oferece ao conceito de mercadoria, que neste cenário é o ser humano e é explorado pelo crime. Portanto, a metodología é feita uma abordagem teórica das dinâmicas dos fluxos migratórios irregulares de cidadãos venezuelanos desde 2015, a fim de destacar suas implicações na segurança hemisférica por meio do conceito de multidimensionalidade. Por fim, conclui-se que as inseguranças no início da migração em massa são exacerbadas por estruturas criminosas, reproduzindo problemas de segurança durante suas jornadas.

Resumen La migración irregular de ciudadanos venezolanos hacia países del hemisferio se ha incrementado de manera exponencial en los últimos años, y ha adquirido connotaciones de política exterior y seguridad internacional. Para entender este fenómeno, se precisa un acercamiento a los flujos migratorios irregulares a partir de conceptos amplios de seguridad y extractivismo. Esto, entendiendo al humano como un nuevo commodity que es extraído y exportado por organizaciones criminales transnacionales, las cuales incrementan sus réditos ilícitos mediante la instrumentalización de las vulnerabilidades de las personas migrantes. En ese contexto, se profundizan situaciones de inseguridad en los países de destino, tránsito y origen. Se aprovecha la amplitud que la economía política ofrece al concepto de commodities, que en este escenario es el ser humano, explotado por el crimen. Se plantea una metodología a través de la aproximación teórica a las dinámicas de los flujos migratorios irregulares de ciudadanos venezolanos desde 2015, para evidenciar sus implicaciones en la seguridad hemisférica a través del concepto de multidimensionalidad. Por último, se concluye que las inseguridades que originan la migración masiva son profundizadas por estructuras criminales, que reproducen los problemas de inseguridad durante las travesías.

Abstract This article examines the new scenarios, formats and dimensions of crime in extractivism in Latin America, from a critical perspective, with a combination of economics/political ecology. An analysis of the intertwining dynamics that occur between the legal/formal aspects, the dispossession policies that are promoted from the spheres of power and the illicit/criminal economies is presented. This prism allows us to highlight the weight of these economies in the composition of extractivism, as well as analyze the evolution and development of the dynamics of legal/illegal accumulation throughout the Latin American historical process. In this sense, the article briefly highlights the historicity of said relationship to later examine characteristics and trends of the current economy/political ecology of extractivism. From a multi-scalar analysis we observe three complementary levels: a) Illicit/criminal extractions of natural resources, b) Intertwined illicit flows of commodities and c) New statehoods and hybrid governances. The hidden hybridizations that, from financial, fiscal, logistical, business and state spheres, enable and strengthen these violent extractions and illicit flows of natural resources are highlighted. At the same time, the analysis seeks to expand and strengthen the conceptualizations of extractivism.

Resumo Este artigo examina os novos cenários, formatos e dimensões do crime no extrativismo na América Latina, a partir de uma perspectiva crítica, com uma combinação de economia/ecologia política. É apresentada uma análise das dinâmicas entrelaçadas que ocorrem entre os aspectos legais/formais, as políticas de desapropriação que são promovidas a partir das esferas de poder e as economias ilícitas/criminosas. Este prisma permite-nos destacar o peso destas economias na composição do extrativismo, bem como analisar a evolução e o desenvolvimento das dinâmicas de acumulação legal/ilegal ao longo do processo histórico latino-americano. Nesse sentido, o artigo destaca brevemente a historicidade dessa relação para posteriormente examinar características e tendências da economia/ecologia política atual do extrativismo. A partir de uma análise multiescalar, observamos três níveis complementares: a) Extrações ilícitas/criminosas de recursos naturais, b) Fluxos ilícitos entrelaçados de mercadorias ec) Novos estados e governações híbridas. São destacadas as hibridizações ocultas que, desde as esferas financeira, fiscal, logística, empresarial e estatal, permitem e fortalecem estas extrações violentas e fluxos ilícitos de recursos naturais. Ao mesmo tempo, a análise procura expandir e fortalecer as conceituações do extrativismo.

Resumen Este artículo examina los nuevos escenarios, formatos y dimensiones de la criminalidad en el extractivismo en América Latina, desde una perspectiva crítica, con una combinación de economía/ecología política. Se presenta un análisis de las dinámicas de entrelazamiento que se producen entre las vertientes legales/formales, las políticas de despojo que se impulsan desde las esferas de poder y las economías ilícitas/criminales. Este prisma permite poner de relieve el peso de dichas economías en la composición del extractivismo, así como analizar la evolución y el desarrollo de las dinámicas de acumulación legales/ilegales a lo largo del proceso histórico latinoamericano. En este sentido, el artículo resalta brevemente la historicidad de dicha relación para, más adelante, examinar características y tendencias de la actual economía/ecología política del extractivismo. Desde un análisis multiescalar observamos tres niveles complementarios: a) Extracciones ilícitas/criminales de recursos de la naturaleza, b) Flujos ilícitos entrelazados de commodities y c) Nuevas estatalidades y gobernanzas híbridas. Se resaltan los ocultamientos hibridaciones que, desde ámbitos financieros, fiscales, logísticos, empresariales y estatales, posibilitan y fortalecen estas extracciones violentas y los flujos ilícitos de recursos de la naturaleza. A su vez, el análisis persigue ampliar y robustecer las conceptualizaciones sobre extractivismo.

ABSTRACT What is the political agenda that animates, justifies, and legitimizes resource extractivism in the context of sustainability transformations and climate action enhanced? This is a question of growing relevance across geographies and sectors of activity that we aim to address from the Latin American countryside. To this end, we start with a discussion on the political economy and ecology of contemporary agrarian extractivism. Then, we turn to examine the role of diverse state and social actors in the rise of agroextractivism for climate stewardship in Bolivia, Guatemala, and Paraguay. In Bolivia, the alliance of Evo Morales with diverse classes of capital and reliance on the extractive economy ultimately led to his downfall as he lost support from his social bases and was unwilling to give up state power. The rise of the flex sugarcane and oil palm complexes in Guatemala since the mid-2000s relies on the new political agenda of ‘authoritarian corporate populism’. This involves political concessions to the underprivileged through public grants and multistakeholder governance, as in conventional populist political regimes. But additionally, authoritarian corporate populism involves concessions to working people and the environment in the private production realm. Violence, however, remains foundational to this political agenda, even if it is now cloaked in the rule of law. In Paraguay, the fierce rejection of Fernando Lugo’s tepid attempts to regulate the agribusiness sector culminated in a “parliamentary coup” orchestrated by the landlord class and preceded by spectacular acts of violence against peasants. The coup paved the way for the continuing expansion of an agroextractive export model characterized by the adoption of new genetically modified soy varieties, recurring state violence, and increasing campesino and indigenous dispossession and marginalization. Following the three country-analysis we discuss how the alliance among state actors, elites and agroextractivist capital, including through multistakeholder initiatives, have limited the transformative potential of progressive governments to improve the living conditions of the working people. In so doing, the triple alliance relies on the traditional strategies of influencing regulatory frameworks and legitimizing discourses. But it also relies on new political strategies that combine the manufacturing of popular consent to the agroextractivist order with violence and selective repression cloaked in the rule of law. We conclude stressing how the ´green´ ecomodernist turn of the agroextractivist agenda shifts attention away from the paradox of increasing the use of natural resources to cool down the planet. Rather, it privileges the sort of technical-administrative innovations that various flex crops complexes require to reproduce their necessary natural and social conditions of production of bioenergy and biomaterials for ‘the common good.’

RESUMEN ¿Cuál es la agenda política que anima, justifica y legitima el extractivismo de recursos en el marco de las transformaciones hacia la creciente sustentabilidad y la acción climática? Esta es una cuestión de creciente relevancia a nivel mundial y multisectorial a la que buscamos ofrecer respuestas desde el campo latinoamericano. Para ello comenzamos con un debate sobre la economía y la ecología política del extractivismo agrario contemporáneo. Después examinamos el papel de diversos actores estatales y sociales tras el auge del agroextractivismo en la acción climática en Bolivia, Guatemala y Paraguay. En Bolivia, las alianzas de Evo Morales con diversas clases de capital y su dependencia de la economía extractiva acabaron provocando su caída al perder el apoyo de sus bases y no estar dispuesto a renunciar al poder del Estado. El auge reciente de los complejos de cultivos comodín de la caña de azúcar y la palma aceitera en Guatemala se asienta sobre la nueva agenda del ‘populismo corporativo autoritario.’ Esta conlleva concesiones políticas a las personas más desfavorecidas a través de transferencias públicas y de sistemas de gobernanza multiparte, como en el caso de los regímenes políticos populistas convencionales. Pero además el populismo corporativo autoritario implica concesiones a las clases trabajadoras y al medio ambiente en el ámbito productivo privado. La violencia, sin embargo, sigue siendo clave en esta agenda política del poder, aun si ahora se legitima bajo la defensa del Estado de Derecho. En Paraguay, el feroz rechazo a los intentos de Fernando Lugo para regular el agronegocio culminó en un ‘golpe parlamentario’ orquestado por la clase terrateniente y precedido por violencia extrema contra el campesinado. El golpe facilitó la expansión de un modelo agroextractivo caracterizado por la adopción de nuevas variedades de soja genéticamente modificadas, la violencia estatal y el despojo y marginación de la población campesina e indígena. Tras este análisis por países planteamos una discusión mas general sobre cómo las alianzas entre actores estatales, elites y capital agroextractivo, incluyendo a través de iniciativas de gobernanza multiparte, han debilitado el potencial transformador de gobiernos progresistas para mejorar las condiciones de vida de las y los trabajadores. Con este fin, la triple alianza no sólo recurre a las tradicionales estrategias de influencia sobre marcos normativos y discursos legitimadores, sino también a nuevas estrategias políticas que combinan la generación de consentimiento popular al orden agroextractivista con la violencia y represión selectiva amparada en la defensa del Estado de Derecho. Concluimos subrayando cómo el giro ecomodernista 'verde' en la agenda politica del agroextractivismo desplaza la atención de la paradoja del creciente uso de recursos naturales para enfriar el planeta hacia las innovaciones técnico-administrativas que requieren diversos complejos corporativos de cultivos comodín para reproducir sus condiciones naturales y sociales de producción de bioenergía y biomateriales por ‘el bien común.’

Abstract In Argentina, from the beginning of the 21st century onwards, it has been detected that the conservation policies deployed by the National Parks Administration have been characterized by creating numerous protected areas and extending existing ones. During these years two concurrent processes also took place. One of them, related to the adoption and consolidation of neo-extractivism as a productive model whose modalities plundered the ecosystem functions of ecoregions throughout the entire national territory. The remainder was associated with the commitments assumed by the country before the Convention on Biological Diversity through the Aichi Goals. Therefore, it is hypothesized that both processes conditioned the conservation policies of said organism during the period 2000-2022. It is concluded that these policies were reactive and compensatory when seeking to protect the relics of the ecoregions not eradicated by neo-extractivism. At the same time, they tried to comply with the international commitments assumed.

Resumen En Argentina, desde comienzos del siglo XXI, se ha detectado que las políticas de conservación desplegadas por la Administración de Parques Nacionales se han caracterizado por crear numerosas áreas protegidas y extender otras ya existentes. Durante estos años también tuvieron lugar dos procesos concurrentes. Uno de ellos, relacionado con la adopción y consolidación del neoextractivismo como modelo productivo, cuyas modalidades expoliaron las funciones ecosistémicas de las ecorregiones a lo largo de todo el territorio nacional. El restante, se asoció a los compromisos asumidos por el país ante el Convenio de la Diversidad Biológica mediante las Metas de Aichi. Por consiguiente, se plantea como hipótesis que ambos procesos condicionaron las políticas de conservación de dicho organismo durante el período 2000-2022. Se concluye que estas políticas resultaron reactivas y compensatorias al buscar proteger los relictos de las ecorregiones no erradicados por el neoextractivismo. A la vez, trataron de cumplir con los compromisos internacionales asumidos.

Abstract Although extractive activities have accompanied the Westernization of Latin American and, in that sense, have defined its geostrategic role, both the process of widening extractive borders and decarbonization consensus have radicalized this model in the territories, have deepened the intimate inequality gaps, and reprimarized the economy in the region. This expansion and deepening of extractive borders have been possible due to systematic violations of Human Rights and the Rights of Nature. The main objective of this work is to insert itself into the debate of the extractive model in Latin America, seeking to contribute some conceptual precisions to the notion of extractivism. The emphasis is on the Eduardo Gudynas proposal: extraheccionism. It is essentially a theoretical work, supported by Political Ecology and Decolonial Turn notions; is framed in the Latin American socio-historical context and its aim is not to propose definitive analytical categories, but rather to insert oneself in the reflection of energy socioecological transition, emphasizing both these extractive models, as well as the energy colonialism behind them.

Resumen Si bien las actividades extractivas han acompañado la occidentalización de Latinoamérica y, en ese sentido, han definido su rol estratégico geobiopolítico, tanto el proceso de ampliación de las fronteras extractivas como el “Consenso de la Descarbonización” han radicalizado el modelo extractivo imperante en los territorios, han ahondado las profundas brechas de desigualdad y han reprimarizado la economía en la región. Esta ampliación y profundización de las fronteras extractivas ha sido posible gracias a las sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos y los “Derechos de la Naturaleza”. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es insertarse en el debate sobre los modelos extractivos en América Latina, buscando aportar algunas precisiones conceptuales a la noción de extractivismo. Se hace énfasis en la propuesta de Eduardo Gudynas: el extraheccionismo. Es un trabajo esencialmente teórico, apoyado en algunas nociones lanzadas por la vertiente de la Ecología Política y el Giro Decolonial; se enmarca esencialmente en el contexto sociohistórico latinoamericano y su afán no es proponer categorías analíticas definitivas, sino más bien insertarse en el debate contemporáneo alrededor de la transición energética socioecológica, colocando bajo la lupa tanto estos modelos extractivos, así como el colonialismo energético tras ellos.

A long history of extractive industries and activities have shaped the societies of northern Mozambique, and the Cabo Delgado province in particular. For centuries, the growing international demand on local resources had a great impact on the northern micro-societies. The demand for cheap labour and natural resources, ranging from ivory and cotton, to timber, rubies, land, gas and more, involved thousands of local actors in its extraction, reproducing systems of local power. The persistence of poverty, inequality and conflicts, as well as simmering and sometimes grand-scale violence, fits into a long-term trend of extractivism. Through a historical approach and field observations, we focus on the political economy of extracting natural resources. We point out the persisting basic patterns of extractivism that accompanied Mozambique's integration into global markets, and continued or even deepened, in the post-independence period. These activities are oriented towards foreign markets. They are instigated by foreign investment, but invariably carried out in collaboration with a chain of national gatekeepers. In a clientelist system, local elites resort to their proximity to the state to reproduce their power, often at the expense of state expropriation. Weak state institutions have the functional effect of reproducing the elites, also serving the interests of extractivist capital. It is, however, a system with many and profound contradictions, producing conflict and violence, which also recurrently put those interests at risk.

Resumen: Desde 2006, en México se ha multiplicado la producción de textos, tanto académicos como literarios, relacionados con la violencia generada en el país a causa de la estrategia securitaria de los gobiernos de México y Estados Unidos, desde el mandato del presidente Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) y George W. Bush (2001-2009); una estrategia que en realidad sirvió para otros objetivos como el extractivismo. En este artículo se analizan los poemas Los muertos de María Rivera, Querida fábrica de Dolores Dorantes, Disentimientos de la nación de Javier Raya y Antígona González de Sara Uribe. El análisis se hace en relación con dos constelaciones teóricas. Por un lado, los planteamientos de Giorgio Agamben, Rita Segato, Oswaldo Zavala y Luis Astorga, que explican la violencia como resultado de una estrategia esencialmente capitalista. Y por otro, las propuestas de Cristina Rivera Garza, Ana Cento Bull y Hans Lauge Hansen, así como de Daniel Inclán, las cuales buscan, desde el trabajo con el archivo y la memoria, distintas soluciones a los resultados trágicos que la violencia ha traído consigo.

Abstract: From 2006 onwards it has been growing the production of academic and creative text works regarding the violence triggered by both Mexican and American governments, specially over the Felipe Calderon’s rule (2006-2012) and George Bush’s one (2001-2009). Depicted as if trying to end the insecurity, such a bilateral strategy ended up serving, in reality, for paving the way for the extractivism. This work aims to show how several academic, journalistic and literary works have rightly interpreted the latter. To do so the author analyzes Maria Rivera,’s Los Muertos, Dolores Dorantes’s Querida fabrica, Javier Raya’s Disentimientos de la nación and Sara Uribe’s Antígona González. The analysis is made taking into account two theoretical approaches. On the one hand, the works by Giorgio Agamben, Rita Segato, Oswaldo Zavala and Luis Astorga. They all explain the violence, in essence, as a result of a capitalist strategy. The other theoretical proposals are those elaborated by Cristina Rivera Garza, Ana Cento Bull and Hans Lauge Hansen, as well as by Daniel Inclán. Boosted by their work with archives, these theorists look for diverse vias to exit the dreadful results caused by violence. This text is intended to focus the actual causes of such a phenomenon in Mexico, and to utilize an array of proposals to imagine ways for exiting the violence.

Abstract: Studies on extractivism have focused their attention on rural spaces, analyzing the specific sites where the extraction of primary goods takes place and establishing an exclusive association between extractive activities and rurality. Likewise, in the formulations around urban extractivism, cities emerge without other articulations with rural extractivism, while it would be, strictly speaking, a real estate extractivism. Faced with this state of the matter, the article constitutes a theoretical contribution in which we carry out a critical approach to the concept of extractivism, investigating the logics under which accumulation and territory are linked in Latin American cities. To do this, we build a perspective that seeks to go beyond the rural-urban dichotomy that responds to the binary logic that marks modern/colonial science and, simultaneously, seeks to go beyond the centrality of the real estate market in the explanation of these urbanization processes where extractivism, capitalism and coloniality are inseparable. As a result, extractivism emerges as the hegemonic territorial ordering of capital where the rural-city binomial is diluted in a territory-network vertically integrated into production chains on a global scale and intervenes in the social production of cities, making the coloniality of its territory.

Resumen: Los estudios sobre el extractivismo han centrado su atención en espacios rurales, analizando los sitios específicos donde tiene lugar la extracción de bienes primarios y estableciendo una asociación exclusiva entre actividades extractivas y ruralidad. Asimismo, en las formulaciones en torno al extractivismo urbano, las ciudades emergen sin demás articulaciones con el extractivismo rural, al tiempo que se trataría, en rigor, de un extractivismo inmobiliario. Ante este estado de la cuestión, el artículo constituye una contribución teórica con la cual abordamos críticamente el concepto de extractivismo, indagando las lógicas bajo las cuales enlaza acumulación y territorio en las ciudades latinoamericanas. Para ello, construimos una perspectiva que busca ir más allá de la dicotomía rural-urbana que responde a la lógica binaria que marca a la ciencia moderna/colonial y que, simultáneamente, procura ir más allá de la centralidad del mercado inmobiliario en la explicación de estos procesos de urbanización donde extractivismo, capitalismo y colonialidad resultan indisociables. Como resultado, el extractivismo emerge como ordenamiento territorial hegemónico del capital donde el binomio campo-ciudad se diluye en un territorio-red verticalmente integrado a cadenas productivas de escala mundial e interviene en la producción social de las ciudades haciendo a la colonialidad de su territorio.

Resumo A recorrência dos desastres evidenciados pelos rompimentos das barragens de rejeitos de mineração de ferro em Minas Gerais, somada às reiteradas ameaças de rompimento, tem colocado em debate o neoextrativismo como força motriz da economia brasileira. A partir de situações etnografadas em Minas, o texto aborda o desastre como crise que compreende elementos de criticidade e cronicidade, evento e processo. Nesse sentido, para além de um evento crítico, a análise aborda as dimensões processuais e estruturantes dos desastres, identificando seus padrões históricos, políticos, institucionais e socioambientais no contexto do neoextrativismo. Ênfase é dada à violência lenta, representada pelos processos de desregulação e desmonte da governança ambiental erigida no país desde a década de 1980 e pela economia de visibilidades presente tanto no licenciamento ambiental de grandes obras quanto nas formas de reparação dos desastres, a qual acentua a geografia das obras (ou da “lama”) acima das geografias dos territórios sociais. Gerais rompimento brasileira cronicidade processo sentido crítico históricos políticos lenta 198 ou lama “lama” sociais 19 “lama 1

Abstract The recurrence of disasters as evidenced by the collapse of iron mining tailings dams in Minas Gerais, coupled with the repeated threats of disruption, has brought into question the neoextractivism as a driving force of the Brazilian economy. Based on ethnographic cases in Minas, the paper addresses the disaster as a crisis that includes elements of criticality and chronicity, event and process. In this sense, beyond a critical event, the analysis approaches the structuring dimensions of disasters, identifying their historical, political, institutional and socio-environmental patterns in the context of neo-extractivism. Emphasis is given to the slow violence, represented by the deregulation and dismantling of the environmental governance set up in the country since the 1980s; and by the economy of visibilities both in the environmental assessment of large projects and in disaster reparation, which accentuates the geography of the projects (or of the “mud”) above the geographies of social territories. Gerais disruption chronicity process sense historical political socioenvironmental socio neoextractivism. neo extractivism. extractivism neo-extractivism violence 1980s s reparation or mud “mud” territories “mud

RESUMO O baruzeiro possui um grande potencial socioeconômico, porém a maioria dos indivíduos dessa planta encontra-se na natureza em forma selvagem e a coleta dos frutos é realizada de maneira extrativista. Plantios cultivados do baruzeiro são formados por mudas oriundas de sementes, entretanto, por ser predominantemente alógama, os indivíduos apresentam grande variabilidade genética. Neste caso, a propagação vegetativa torna-se uma boa estratégia e uma ferramenta importante para domesticação da espécie. Este trabalho tem como objetivo avaliar métodos de enxertia na produção de mudas de baruzeiro. Foram testados três tipos de enxertia (borbulhia de placa, garfagem à inglês simples e fenda cheia) em três sistemas de condução de mudas de porta-enxertos, em delineamento inteiramente casualizado. As mudas foram formadas por meio de sementes, e antes da enxertia ser realizada, foi avaliado o crescimento das mudas, que foram enxertadas quando os porta-enxertos atingiram diâmetro médio de caule ≥ a 1,0 cm. As médias de crescimento das mudas foram comparadas pelo teste de Tukey e os tipos de enxertia, pelo teste não paramétrico qui-quadrado. Os resultados evidenciaram que os três tipos de enxertias e a garfagem em fenda cheia mostraram-se adequados para mudas conduzidas a pleno sol e sob sombrite, respectivamente. O sistema de formação de mudas em sacos plásticos, conduzidas a pleno sol, permite médias de pegamento de enxertia superiores a 50%. socioeconômico encontrase encontra se extrativista sementes entretanto alógama genética caso tornase torna espécie borbulhia placa portaenxertos, portaenxertos porta enxertos, enxertos casualizado 10 1 0 1, cm quiquadrado. quiquadrado qui quadrado. quadrado qui-quadrado mostraramse mostraram sombrite respectivamente plásticos 50 50% 5

ABSTRACT The Baru tree presents great social and economic potential, however, most of the plants of this species are found in a wild form in nature and the collection of fruits is undertaken through extractivism. Cultivated plantations of the species are created using seedlings that come from seeds, however, because the plant is predominantly allogamous, individuals present great genetic variability. In this case, vegetative propagation becomes a good strategy and an important tool for the domestication of the species. This study has the objective of evaluating methods of plant grafting in the production of baru seedlings. Three types of grafting and budding were tested (shield budding, cleft and splice grafting) in three rootstock seedling driving systems, in a completely randomized design. The seedlings were obtained from seeds and before the grafting took place, the growth of the seedlings was evaluated. The seedlings were grafted when the stalks of the rootstocks had reached an average diameter of ≥ 1,0 c, at 10 cm from the soil. The growth averages of the seedlings were compared by the Tukey test and the grafting or budding techniques by the chi-square test. The results showed that the three types of grafting or budding and the cleft grafting were adequate for seedlings in full sunlight and under a shade greenhouse, respectively. The systems for the creation of seedlings in plastic bags in full sunlight permit an average grafting setting higher than 50%. potential however extractivism allogamous variability case shield design place evaluated 1 0 1, c soil chisquare chi square greenhouse respectively 50 50% 5

Abstract The study of extractivism is relevant in Latin America; there is a broad debate on the social and environmental processes it produces in the territories. Latin American governments highlight the high levels registered by the macroeconomic indicators of the activity; at the same time, academic studies argue that mining promotes economic development and contributes to poverty reduction in the areas where it is implemented. However, this paper argues that mining extractivism leads to the private concentration of wealth and the proliferation of socioenvironmental conflicts. A case study of Chile is proposed as a country specialized in copper extractivism. From 1995 to 2020 the value of copper exports grew 466%. However, what appears to be an economic success is overshadowed by the enormous number of socio-environmental conflicts associated with mining: Chile is the country with the second highest number of conflicts in Latin America. There is still little research on the distribution of wealth and the territorial pressures on extraction sites. While there are studies on the distribution of mining rents in Latin America (Zerene et al., 2018; Leiva, 2020; Jorrat, 2021), most are based on perspectives from economic theory focused on improving the forms of rent distribution, while the environmental dimension and factors influencing the political economy of extractivism have received less attention. The aim of the text is to study mining extractivism in Chile between 2001 and 2020 from a socio-environmental framework, in order to analyze the way in which mining promotes private concentration of wealth and the generation of socio-environmental conflicts. The political economy of natural resources and ecological economics are the theoretical underpinning of the study. Through a review of specialized literature and an analysis of variables with descriptive statistics, the relationship between extractivism, private concentration of wealth and socio-environmental conflicts was analyzed. The variables analyzed make it possible to identify and evaluate the copper trade surplus or deficit, the annual evolution of the total foreign currency generated by copper exports, the economic relevance of the value of copper exports in total exports and its annual evolution, the annual evolution of the contribution of copper to the national GDP, the annual evolution of tax revenues generated by copper extraction, the distribution of copper extraction between private and state mining, the variation in the standard of living of the communities where the main copper mining projects are located, the annual evolution of the material surplus or deficit of the copper trade, the annual evolution of the territorial pressures generated by mineral extraction through waste rock, and the number and characteristics of mining conflicts in Chile. The study showed that the intensive extraction of minerals for export with minimal processing, characterized as mining extractivism, privileges the benefits for private companies operating transnationally to the economic and environmental detriment of the extraction sites, which absorb the ecological devastation; the distribution of wealth, considering taxes, is 87% for the private sector and 13% for the state sector. Despite the surplus of income from copper exports, the contributions of this sector to the economy are detrimental. This surplus contrasts with the copper material deficit and the depletion of other natural resources necessary for life. The mining model implemented in Chile is not sustainable; it does not guarantee the economic and environmental wellbeing of the present and future generations. The areas where the main mining projects are located show high levels of multidimensional poverty in comparison with the large profits created by mining. Furthermore, 53% of the municipalities where mining projects are located have higher percentages of population living in income poverty than the national average and, despite the fact that most of the projects have been operating for 20 years in some municipalities, there is no correspondence between the profits generated and the standards of living at the local level; at the same time, the amount of waste rock involved in copper mining and environmental disturbance are very high. The regions that concentrate the largest tonnage of waste rock are also the ones that present the greatest amount of socioenvironmental conflicts. These problems are not exclusive to Chile; they are reproduced in most Latin American countries that have historically participated in the world economy as suppliers of raw materials through unequal economic and ecological exchange schemes.

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Abstract The current research analyses the impact of “urbanising compulsion” in small towns of environmental and landscape qualities to address the territorial transformations that real estate speculation, in alliance with public policies, has been producing in these scenarios. These dynamics of socio-spatial production, crystallised in residential, commercial and tourist developments, have their origins approximately twenty years ago and in the context of the COVID-19 health crisis have become more acute. This situation gives rise to local concerns and agendas in relation to a series of socio-environmental problems that objectify a process described as "real estate extractivism". Based on two ethnographic cases located in the mountain ranges of Córdoba (Argentina), we investigate the processes of landscape-environmental degradation and socio-spatial segregation that this event generates in the territories.

Resumo Esta pesquisa analisa o impacto da "urbanização compulsória" em pequenas cidades de valor ambiental e paisagístico, levando em conta as transformações territoriais que a especulação imobiliária, em aliança com as políticas públicas, vem produzindo nestas áreas. Esta dinâmica de produção sócio-espacial, cristalizada em empreendimentos residenciais, comerciais e turísticos, tem sua origem há aproximadamente vinte anos e, no contexto da crise sanitária da COVID-19, tornou-se mais aguda. Esta situação dá origem a preocupações e agendas locais em relação a uma série de problemas socioambientais que objetivam um processo descrito como "extrativismo imobiliário". À luz de dois casos etnográficos localizados nas serras de Córdoba (Argentina), investigamos os processos de degradação paisagística-ambiental e de segregação sócio-espacial que este evento imprime nos territórios receptores.

Resumen La presente investigación analiza los impactos de la “compulsión urbanizadora” en pequeñas localidades de valor ambiental y paisajístico, atendiendo las transformaciones territoriales que la especulación inmobiliaria, en alianza con políticas públicas, viene produciendo en dichos escenarios. Estas dinámicas de producción socioespacial, cristalizadas en emprendimientos residenciales, comerciales y turísticos, tienen sus orígenes hace aproximadamente veinte años, y en el contexto de la crisis sanitaria de la COVID-19 se agudizaron. Dicha situación instala preocupaciones y agenciamientos locales en relación con una serie de problemáticas socioambientales que objetivan un proceso calificado de “extractivismo inmobiliario”. A la luz de dos casos etnográficos situados en las sierras de Córdoba (Argentina), se indagan los procesos de degradación paisajística-ambiental y segregación socioespacial que este acontecer imprime en los territorios receptores.

Resumen: En esta entrevista a Javiera Barandiarán, Sebastián Rubiano nos permite reflexionar sobre la diversidad de epistemologías en torno a los estudios de ciencia, tecnología y sociedad (CTS) en América Latina. A través de una conversación abierta, Barandiarán nos comparte las características únicas del estudio sociológico e histórico de la ciencia en nuestra región, incluyendo un pasado colonial, tensiones, alianzas con los gobiernos y un extractivismo siempre presente. Esta entrevista permite observar las características del campo CTS en el contexto de los desafíos sociales, políticos y tecnológicos que comparten varios países de América Latina.

Abstract: In this interview with Javiera Barandiarán, Sebastián Rubiano enables us to reflect on the diversity of epistemologies revolving around Science and Technology Studies (STS) in Latin America. In an open conversation, Barandiarán shares the unique characteristics of the sociological and historical study of science in our region, including a colonial past, tensions, alliances with governments, and an ever-present extractivism. This interview enables us to observe the characteristics of the STS field in the context of the social, political, and technological challenges shared by several countries in Latin America.

Resumen: La pobreza y el cambio climático son los principales retos mundiales del siglo XXI y también dos problemas interconectados. En la segunda mitad del siglo XX aparecen nuevas fracturas, como el feminismo, el multiculturalismo y el ecologismo, junto a la división de clase social. La crisis climática crea la dimensión desarrollismo-ecologismo, que se superpone a la clásica distinción entre izquierda y derecha, pudiendo representarse en un doble eje ideológico. El debate político entre desarrollo y sostenibilidad se ha adelantado en América Latina con respecto a otros lugares debido a su dependencia del extractivismo y a su biodiversidad. Los impactos del extractivismo han provocado la aparición de dos críticas consideradas de izquierda pero con estrategias económicas y políticas distintas y en muchos aspectos incompatibles: el neoextractivismo y el postextractivismo. En el contexto latinoamericano de principios del siglo XXI, la relación entre el neoextractivismo y el ecoindigenismo es compleja. Las condiciones de posibilidad para la ruptura del bloque progresista se desarrollan en toda la región, pero son especialmente intensas en Ecuador. La división se ha hecho visible en las elecciones presidenciales de 2021, en las que la izquierda arrasa en la primera vuelta pero pierde de manera sorprendente en la segunda, lo que demuestra que la política de Ecuador es incomprensible sin añadir la dimensión extractivismo-postextractivismo. El doble eje ideológico es un método de análisis adaptable a los sistemas políticos de cada vez más países. Además, no se trata de una herramienta estática, sino que sus posiciones pueden ser alteradas por sucesos políticos como la articulación de un ecologismo de derechas en Ecuador y en algunos países europeos.

Abstract: Poverty and climate change are the main global challenges of the 21st century and also two interconnected problems. In the second half of the 20th century, new cleavages appeared, such as feminism, multiculturalism, and environmentalism, along with the social class division. The climate crisis creates the developmentalism-environmentalism dimension, which overlaps the classic distinction between left and right, and can be represented in a double ideological axis. The political debate between development and sustainability has advanced in Latin America with respect to other places due to its dependence on extractivism and its biodiversity. The impacts of extractivism have led to the appearance of two criticisms considered to be leftist but with different economic and political strategies and incompatible in many aspects: neo-extractivism and post- extractivism. In the Latin American context at the beginning of the 21st century, the relationship between neo-extractivism and eco-indigenism is complex. The conditions of possibility for the breakup of the progressive bloc are developing throughout the region, but they are especially intense in Ecuador. The division has become visible in the 2021 presidential election, in which the left-wing sweeps in the first round but surprisingly loses in the second one, showing that Ecuador’s politics are incomprehensible without adding the extractivism - post-extractivism dimension. The double ideological axis is an analysis method adaptable to the political systems of more and more countries. In addition, it is not a static tool, but its positions can be altered by political events such as the articulation of a right-wing environmentalism in Ecuador and in some European countries.