Resumen Jesús Terán Peredo fue el representante plenipotenciario de la República Mexicana ante las naciones europeas, encomienda otorgada por el presidente Benito Juárez en plena confrontación con el imperio de Maximiliano, precisamente con la finalidad de procurar el reconocimiento de la República y la deslegitimación de la intervención militar francesa. El abogado masón, ex gobernador del estado de Aguascalientes, se valió del también iniciado español Juan Prim y Prats para gestionar una entrevista con el príncipe de la casa de los Habsburgo, a fin de que desistiera de su proyecto imperial, cosa que no sucedió. Hay versiones de que Terán se apoyó en la masonería para su labor diplomática confidencial, cuestión sobra la que se reflexiona en el presente artículo.

Abstract Jesus Teran Peredo was the plenipotentiary representative of the Mexican Republic to the European nations, a mission entrusted to him by President Benito Juarez during the confrontation with Maximilian of Habsburg, head of the Second Mexican Empire. His main objective was to seek recognition for the Republic and undermine the legitimacy of the French military intervention. As a freemason and former governor of the state of Aguascalientes, Teran Peredo enlisted the support of the Spanish Freemason Juan Prim y Prats to arrange a meeting with the prince of the Habsburg dynasty, in hopes of dissuading him from pursuing his imperial project. However, this attempt was unsuccessful. There are accounts suggesting that Teran Peredo relied on freemasonry for his confidential diplomatic work, a matter that is further discussed in the present article.

Abstract Luis de Onís was a “pre-liberal” diplomat, who developed diplomatic activities for forty years both in Europe and America between the Ancien Regime and the liberal Triennium, known above all for the 1819 Treaty with the United States. He is an example of the adaptation of the elites in the transition to the contemporary age. From sources deposited in the National Historical Archive and the General Archive of the Indies, it was analyzed its vision of Ibero-America and the means proposed to contain its emancipation, highlighting its proposals of a more radical and realistic character with respect to the generality of the Spanish political class.

Resumen Luis de Onís fue un diplomático “preliberal”, que desarrolló actividades diplomáticas durante cuarenta años tanto en Europa como América entre el Antiguo Régimen y el Trienio liberal, conocido sobre todo por el Tratado de 1819 con Estados Unidos. Es un ejemplo de adaptación de las elites en la transición a la edad contemporánea. A partir fuentes depositadas en el Archivo Histórico Nacional y el Archivo General de Indias, analizo su visión de Iberoamérica y los medios propuestos para contener su emancipación, destacando sus propuestas de carácter más radical y realista respecto a la generalidad de la clase política española.

Résumé Luis de Onís, considéré comme un diplomate “pré-libéral”, a mené des activités en tant qu’ambassadeur d’Espagne en Europe et en Amérique pendant quarante ans dans le contexte dela fin l’Ancien Régime espagnol et du Triennat libéral (1820-1823). Connu surtout pour avoir négocié le traité de 1819 avec les ÉtatsUnis sur la cession des Florides, il est un exemple d’adaptation des élites durant la période de transition vers l’ère contemporaine. Sur la base de documents conservés aux Archives Historiques Nationales et aux Archives Générales des Indes,le texte propose une analyse de sa vision de l’Ibéro-Amérique et des moyens qu’il envisageait pour contenir son émancipation, en mettant en évidence le caractère radical et réaliste de ses propositions, en comparaison à celles de la grande majorité de la classe politique espagnole.

This contribution summarises and assesses the applicability of and application to modern global democratic practices of Niccold Machiavelli's views about the theory and practice of political governance strategies during the Renaissance. Machiavelli focussed on how to promote transitions from feudal authoritarian and tyrannical governmental systems in his era to more stable, responsive and sustainable democratic governance systems. He developed a cogent and coherent governance approach during his career, from 1494 to 1512, as a senior strategic advisor, diplomat and official in the government of the "democratic" Republic of Florence. This approach was aimed at satisfying the main concerns and interests of the rulers as well as their subjects. His proposals combined strategies to satisfy the needs and desires of the population through responsive public services and facilities, supported by strong military back-up interventions to quell resistance to and uprisings against governments. His recommended strategies included morally and ethically doubtful propaganda, disinformation, deflection and even outright lies and, as a last resort, murdering perceived opponents where necessary. These "cynical" strategies afforded Machiavelli a very negative historical and modern reputation as an immoral, unethical power-hungry opportunist. Contemporary research into the driving forces behind different types of governance systems, however, is increasingly confirming the worldwide modern applicability and validity of these suspect practices of governments, including democratic governments. Machiavellian governance strategies remain "normal" democratic government practices today, although they are routinely disavowed. They include so-called "dirty hands" and "white lies" practices, which are not any different from behaviour alleged to be Machiavellian. Machiavelli's influence on contemporary political practice can be illustrated by various examples in virtually all modern democracies. It is also illustrated by a number of National Party (NP) persuasion strategies in South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy in the 1980s and 1990s, inter alia through the work and advisory involvement of international intellectual thought leaders on transitions such as Samuel Huntington and Philippe Schmitter. NP leaders and government units under PW Botha and FW de Klerk used various Machiavellian double-speak persuasion strategies, deflection and deliberate disinformation campaigns aimed at white voter constituencies in particular in order to mobilise support for their respective transformation agendas. They also reneged on a number of political undertakings. These strategies contributed to bring about the end of apartheid and to manage a relatively peaceful transition to a more democratic post-apartheid political dispensation. Machiavelli's relevance to and influence on contemporary democratic politics have in fact been significantly underrated. Many of his views for which he has been ostracised in the past have proved to be "normal" democratic governance assumptions and practices to this day, despite the fact that their ethical nature may be questioned.

Hierdie artikel beoordeel die toepassing van "Machiavelliaanse" benaderings dat die doel die middele heilig, wat tussen 1980 en 1992 as redelik suksesvolle demokratiese politieke transformasie- en oorredingstrategieë deur die Nasionale Party (NP) regering in Suid-Afrika gevolg is. Dit het onder meer doelbewuste manipulasie van inligting en ondernemings wat nie gestand gedoen was nie, ingesluit. Die doel daarvan was om wit kiesers op verskillende wyses te probeer oorreed om op 'n vreedsame, demokratiese wyse afstand te doen van hul monopolie op politieke mag en gesag tot in daardie stadium. Die suksesvolle, vreedsame konstitusionele oorgang van apartheid na volle demokrasie in Suid-Afrika tussen 1990 en 1996 kan deels toegeskryf word aan hierdie "onetiese Machiavelliaanse" politieke oorredingsprosesse van die NP. Dit het egter ook uiters negatiewe beoordelings uitgelok by konserwatiewe wit kiesers wat die leier van die NP op daardie tydstip, FW de Klerk, van disinformasie, misleiding, bedrog en selfs verraad teenoor die wit gemeenskap in die land beskuldig het. Hierdie negatiewe beoordelings bestaan steeds in baie van daardie kringe. Dit het egter groot meerderhede wit kiesers in die 1989-verkiesing en die 1992-referendum oorreed om aan die Nasionale Party vae beginselmandate te gee om die finale tegniese besonderhede van 'n nuwe demokratiese politieke magsdelingsbedeling met swart bevrydingsbewegings te beding. Machiavelli se Renaissance-denke word vyf eeue ná sy advies oor hoe om meer stabiele, responsiewe en volhoubare regerings te bedryf, as aanvaarde politieke optrede toegepas. Hierdie en ander vermeende "immorele" beïnvloedingstegnieke en optrede deur staatsagente en staatsagentskappe word naamlik in hedendaagse demokrasieë paradoksaal steeds de facto as "normale" praktyke aanvaar.

Abstract The article reconstructs the intellectual dialogue of the critic and diplomat José Guilherme Merquior with Brazilian Marxists, some of whom belong to a common intellectual generation and share the same structure of sociability. Here are highlighted the harsh controversies in the pages of the Brazilian press and the exchange of ideas in the journal Presença in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is argued that Merquior’s dialogue with Marxism was mainly a critical conversation, not always explicit, with his friends Leandro Konder and Carlos Nelson Coutinho. With them, Merquior had a common intellectual ground, philosophically characterized by the criticism of irrationalism and dogmatism and, politically, by the defense of democracy. Marxists sociability s 1990s Merquiors conversation explicit Coutinho them ground politically democracy

Resumo O artigo reconstrói o diálogo intelectual do crítico e diplomata José Guilherme Merquior com marxistas brasileiros, vários dos quais pertenciam a uma geração intelectual comum e partilhavam com o autor uma mesma estrutura de sociabilidade. Destacam-se as ásperas polêmicas nas páginas da imprensa brasileira e troca de ideias na revista Presença, no final dos anos 1980 e início da década de 1990. Argumenta-se que o diálogo de Merquior com o marxismo foi, principalmente, uma conversa crítica, nem sempre explícita, com seus amigos Leandro Konder e Carlos Nelson Coutinho, com os quais partilhou um terreno comum, caracterizado filosoficamente pela crítica ao irracionalismo e ao dogmatismo e, politicamente, pela defesa da Democracia. brasileiros sociabilidade Destacamse Destacam se Presença 198 1990 Argumentase Argumenta foi principalmente explícita Coutinho politicamente Democracia 19 199 1

ABSTRACT This article studies the discovery and circulation of the various manuscripts of the Jesuit Pedro Lozano's Historia de la Conquista del Paraguay, Río de la Plata y Tucumán, its editing process and its first readings at local and regional level. This examination aims to reveal the characteristics associated with the collecting and bibliophilic practices of the American intelligentsia during the second half of the nineteenth century, while at the same time discovering within them the leading role of the Uruguayan diplomat and historian Andrés Lamas as a facilitating agent for the circulation of historical materials and a decisive figure in the publicity of Lozano's text. Thus, the work exhibits the complex functioning of a collector's trade that comprises a dense relational network of transnational, scope oriented towards the preservation and valuation of documentation on the American past in order to save it and offer it to future generations of historians for the re-writing of history. Lozanos Lozano s Paraguay Tucumán level century text Thus collectors collector transnational rewriting re writing history

RESUMEN Este artículo estudia lo relativo al descubrimiento y la circulación de los diversos manuscritos de la Historia de la Conquista del Paraguay, Río de la Plata y Tucumán del jesuita Pedro Lozano, su proceso de edición y sus primeras lecturas a nivel local y regional. Dicho examen pretende revelar las características asociadas a las prácticas coleccionistas y bibliófilas de la intelectualidad americana durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, a la vez que descubrir dentro de ellas el rol protagónico del diplomático e historiador uruguayo Andrés Lamas como agente facilitador para la circulación de materiales históricos y figura decisiva en la publicidad del texto de Lozano. Así, el trabajo exhibe el complejo funcionamiento de un mercado coleccionista que comprende un denso entramado relacional de alcance transnacional, orientado a la conservación y puesta en valor de la documentación sobre el pasado americano para salvarla y ofrecerla a las futuras generaciones de historiadores para la reescritura de la historia. Paraguay Lozano regional XIX Así transnacional historia

Abstract In the 17th century, on horseback between the Middle Ages and the Modern Age, Diego Saavedra Fajardo witnesses the first decline of the Hispanic Universal Monarchy. For a diplomat and treatise writer, key for the understanding of the European upheaval in this century, there appears an internal debate between the theoretical possibility of a universal government, protected both by historical circumstances and by a desire for mimesis and overcoming the previous Empires; and its factual impossibility due to the political and religious dismemberment of Christianity, the Protestant Reformation, and the genesis and triumph of the modern States after the Peace of Westphalia. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate the presence in Saavedra of the positively judged possibility of a universal government pivoted around the Hispanic Monarchy. The methodology has been based on the critical analysis of the different works of the author, comparing them with the previous idea of Universal Monarchy, contrasted with the concept of Modern State. The main result has been the clarification of both concepts in Saavedra, concluding that he is not contrary to the abstract idea of the universality of the power of the Spanish Monarchy, although he is a defender of its scarce real viability.

Resumen En pleno siglo XVII, a caballo entre la Edad Media y la Edad Moderna, Diego Saavedra Fajardo es testigo de la primera decadencia de la Monarquía Universal Hispánica. Para un diplomático y tratadista clave para la comprensión de la convulsión europea en este siglo, se crea el debate interno entre la posibilidad teórica de un gobierno universal, amparado tanto por las circunstancias históricas como por un deseo de mímesis y superación de los Imperios anteriores; y su imposibilidad fáctica ante el desmembramiento político y religioso de la Cristiandad, la Reforma protestante, y la génesis y triunfo de los Estados modernos tras la Paz de Westfalia. El objetivo principal del artículo es demostrar la presencia en Saavedra de la posibilidad enjuiciada positivamente de un gobierno universal alrededor de la Monarquía hispánica. La metodología ha partido del análisis crítico de las distintas obras del autor, comparándolas con la idea previa de la Monarquía universal enfrentada al concepto de Estado Moderno. El resultado principal ha sido la clarificación de ambos conceptos en Saavedra, concluyendo que no es contrario a la idea abstracta de universalidad del poder de la Monarquía de España, si bien es defensor de su escasa viabilidad real.

Abstract Ramón Menéndez Pidal’s research trip to Cuba in 1937 is analyzed in the context of the history of Cuban folklore. Light is shed on his relations with the Cuban diplomat and writer José María Chacón y Calvo and on their efforts to maintain a continuous intellectual dialogue between Cuba and Spain through the Institución Hispano-Cubana de Cultura. The exile in which Menéndez Pidal was forced to live after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, together with his interest in pursuing his research projects, especially on the American Romancero, are the two main aspects of this article, which also attempts to underline how work on the Romancero in Cuba was continued by Carolina Poncet and her disciples.

Resumen En el contexto de la historia del folklore cubano y de las relaciones establecidas entre el diplomático y escritor José María Chacón y Calvo y Ramón Menéndez Pidal para mantener un cauce de relación intelectual continua entre Cuba y España a través de la Institución Hispano-Cubana de Cultura, se expone el viaje de Menéndez Pidal a Cuba en 1937. El exilio provocado por el inicio de la guerra civil española y el interés de Pidal por mantener en ese difícil momento el trabajo en sus proyectos de investigación, especialmente en el romancero americano, son los dos aspectos que se han analizado en el texto con respecto al viaje. Finalmente, se subraya la continuidad de la labor romancística en Cuba iniciada por Carolina Poncet y sus discípulas.

Resumen El artículo tiene por objetivo evaluar la influencia de los sentimientos que generan las identidades políticas, a partir de la figura de Manuel Belgrano. El eje discursivo en el que se indaga la correspondencia y documentos de Belgrano se encuentra dado por el contenido referencial de los términos “patria” y “nación” que se fueron transformando desde la crisis imperial, la crisis misma en Buenos Aires y luego en plena guerra revolucionaria. En un primer momento se analizan esas referencias indentitarias en la etapa colonial, período en el que Belgrano participó de la burocracia española como secretario del consulado y en el que formó parte de las milicias urbanas en defensa de Buenos Aires ante las invasiones inglesas. En una segunda instancia, la etapa revolucionaria a partir de 1810, su rol en la junta, y como diplomático en Paraguay y en el Norte. Una etapa en que la construcción identitaria choca con la realidad y desencadena un conflicto de sentidos que lo obligan a redefinir su pertenencia social y cultural. Finalmente, la tercera etapa independentista, la más difundida en sus proclamas de libertad e independencia, cuando subroga a Pueyrredón en el Ejército del Norte.

Abstract The article aims to evaluate the influence of feelings that generate political identities, based on the figure of Manuel Belgrano. The discursive axis in which the correspondence and documents of Belgrano is investigated is given by the referential content of the terms "country" and "nation" that were transformed during the imperial crisis, during the crisis in Buenos Aires and even in full revolutionary war. At first, we analyzed the identity references in the colonial stage, a period in which Belgrano participated in the Spanish bureaucracy as secretary of the consulate and in which he was part of the urban militias in defense of Buenos Aires against the English invasions. In a second stage, the revolutionary stage from 1810, his role in the junta and as a diplomat in Paraguay and in the North. Stage in which the identity construction collides with the reality triggering a conflict of meanings that forces him to redefine his social and cultural belonging. Finally, the third stage of independence, the most widespread in his proclamations of freedom and independence when he replaced Pueyrredón in the Army of the North.

Resumo O regionalismo na América do Sul já foi descrito ao autor por um diplomata brasileiro sênior como uma “ferramenta pragmática para resolver problemas específicos”. No entanto, em resposta à pandemia de COVID-19 na América do Sul, – a região mais atingida do mundo pela doença – o regionalismo tem se destacado por sua ausência como tal ferramenta, apesar do fato de organizações internacionais e outros atores apontarem para a necessidade urgente de cooperação regional acerca do tema. Isso pode explicar a falta de cooperação regional no assunto? Utilizando os marcos conceituais da Complexidade e da Dinâmica de Sistemas Humanos, este artigo argumenta que o regionalismo na América do Sul sofre de falta de coerência. Dessa forma, serão feitas algumas sugestões sobre como abordar esta incoerência na resposta ao COVID-19 e, para tal, conseguir dar resposta a alguns dos desafios específicos trazidos pela pandemia. O artigo argumenta que o foco da política deve ser muito estreito e deve focar no impacto econômico e nas vacinas. Além disso, a cooperação regional deve acontecer abaixo do nível dos governos nacionais. Algumas sugestões sobre como isso pode ser alcançado são feitas ao longo do artigo. Mostra-se que esse foco estreito e, muitas vezes, subnacional, pode restaurar alguma coerência, que permitirá uma resposta regional mais eficaz à pior pandemia vista em 100 anos.

Abstract Regionalism in South America was once described to the author by a senior Brazilian Diplomat as a ‘pragmatic tool to address specific problems’. Yet, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in South America – the worst-hit region in the world – regionalism has been conspicuous by its absence as such a tool, despite the fact that international organizations and other actors have pointed to the urgent need for regional cooperation on the subject. What explains this lack of regional cooperation? Utilizing the conceptual frameworks of Complexity and Human Systems Dynamics, this article argues that regionalism in South America actually suffers from a lack of coherence. As such, some suggestions will be made throughout the article as to how to address this incoherence in response to COVID-19 and, as such, be able to address some of the specific challenges brought about by the pandemic. It is argued that the policy-focus should be very narrow, and that the focus should be on the economic impact and vaccines. Furthermore, the article suggests that regional cooperation should happen below the level of national governments. Some suggestions are made as to how this can be achieved. It is shown throughout the article that such narrow, and often sub-national focus can restore some coherence, which will allow for a more effective regional response to the worst pandemic experienced in 100 years.

Resumo Depreendendo de uma abordagem construtivista, este artigo se baseia nas relações entre o Brasil e o mundo afro-asiático a partir dos escritos do diplomata Bezerra de Menezes, que defendeu um maior compromisso da política externa brasileira com o Sul Global. O autor agiu tanto como um empreendedor de normas (norm entrepreneur)que problematizava o pertencimento brasileiro ao Ocidente, quanto como um historiador prático-intuitivo (practical-intuitive historian) que usava o passado para mostrar que os laços que uniam o Brasil à Ásia e à África eram mais estreitos do que aqueles que o uniam à Europa.

Abstract Drawing from constructivist scholarship, this article dwells on the relations between Brazil and the Afro-Asian world based on the writings of diplomat Adolpho Justo Bezerra de Menezes, who advocated a larger commitment of the Brazilian foreign policy to the Global South. The author acted both as a norm entrepreneur who problematized Brazilian belonging to the West and a practical-intuitive historian who used the past to show that the ties uniting Brazil to Asia and Africa were tighter than those uniting it to Europe.

In this article, the author speaks about how a profession (job) can constitute a road to God and can lead one to a deeper understanding of spirituality as the heart of theology, by investigating the spiritual autobiographies of Teilhard de Chardin and Dag Hammarskjöld. While the former was a Jesuit with important contributions to the historical field, the latter was an important personality in the field of international diplomacy, whose contribution came to light towards the end of the important crises that took place in the 1960s. Both of them left us rich spiritual autobiographies in the form of a last published book (De Chardin) and a manuscript discovered after the author's death and published posthumously (Dag Hammarskjöld). CONTRIBUTION: This article brings into attention two important authors of the 20th century with different confessional backgrounds (Teilhard de Chardin was a Catholic Jesuit who worked as an archaeologist and was recognised for his work by being elected as a member of reputed forums such as the French Academy, while Dag Hammarskjöld, one of the holders of the posthumous Nobel Prize, was a diplomat with economical and law studies and deep theological concerns, which left to the posterity not only works from his activity field, but also an extremely useful spiritual autobiography) by investigating their spiritual autobiographies and showing how the profession they exercised led them to God and helped them deepen their spirituality and theology

Resumen Entre 1940 y 1945 el Instituto Internacional de Cooperación Intelectual dejó de funcionar ante las vicisitudes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En esta situación, los países americanos se propusieron trasladar la sede de París a La Habana, donde se fundó el Centro Internacional, cuya operación nunca llegó a concretarse. Utilizando la correspondencia del intelectual y diplomático mexicano Alfonso Reyes, el artículo muestra los debates dentro del bloque latinoamericano entre quienes defendían una propuesta americana del instituto (independiente) y quienes se aferraban a la versión universalista (dependiente de la Sociedad de Naciones). El conocimiento de estos debates ayuda a entender cómo esta situación creada por la guerra reactivó el complejo equilibro entre América Latina, Europa y Estados Unidos.

Abstract Between 1940 and 1945, the International Institute for Intellectual Cooperation ceased to function because of the vicissitudes of the Second World War. In this situation, the American countries proposed to move the institute’s seat from Paris to Havana, where the International Center was officially founded but its operation never materialized. By using the correspondence of the Mexican intellectual and diplomat Alfonso Reyes, the article shows the changing positions within the Latin American bloc, between those defending an American proposal (an independent institute) and those clinging to the earlier universalist view (a SDN-dependent institute). Knowledge of this situation created by the war helps us to understand the reactivation of the complex balance between Latin America, Europe and the United States.

Abstract: This work is a critical book review of Jorge Ramos Tolosa’s Los años clave de Palestina-Israel. Pablo de Azcárate y la ONU (1947-1952). The missions of this Spanish diplomat provide the basis for this analysis of a crucial historical period that focuses on the geopolitical and demographic transformation of Palestine and the establishment of the Israeli State-a process initiated by Great Britain and continued by both superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, after the Second World War. The United Nations was also partly responsible by neglecting its duty to preserve the peace and through the bias of some parts of its organization and its prominent figures. A comparative study of specialized literature reveals patterns of behavior still in evidence today: an asymmetry of power between the parties, support, and bias of the hegemonic international power and the instrumentalization of international institutions.

Resumen: Este trabajo es una reseña crítica del libro de Jorge Ramos Tolosa: Los años clave de Palestina-Israel. Pablo de Azcárate y la ONU (1947-1952). Siguiendo el hilo conductor de las misiones de este diplomático español, el autor analiza un periodo crucial de la historia centrado en la transformación geopolítica y demográfica de Palestina y la implantación del Estado israelí, proceso impulsado inicialmente por Gran Bretaña y secundado en la posguerra mundial por las superpotencias, Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética, sin olvidar la responsabilidad de las Naciones Unidas por su descuido en la preservación de la paz y por la parcialidad de algunos de sus órganos y personalidades. En una lectura comparativa con la literatura especializada, se advierten ciertas pautas de comportamiento reproducidas hasta hoy: asimetría de poder entre las partes, apoyo y parcialidad de la potencia predominante en el sistema internacional, e instrumentalización de las instituciones internacionales.

RESUMEN Este artículo propone discutir el viaje y la extranjería como experiencias corporales que interrumpen la idea de progreso y productividad de la modernidad y la modernización. Aborda los itinerarios y crónicas de viaje de dos influyentes escritores gay latinoamericanos: el dramaturgo y Cronista de México Salvador Novo (1904-1974), y el novelista y diplomático chileno Augusto D'Halmar (1882-1950). El artículo se detiene en cómo sus cuerpos experimentan transformaciones significativas, tramadas durante el viaje y otras circunstancias colaterales como la enfermedad (D'Halmar) o la intervención cosmética del cuerpo (Novo), con el fin de disputar la fijeza e inamovilidad del sexo.

ABSTRACT This article understands travel as a bodily experience that interrupts the ideas of the progress and productivity of modernity and modernization. It explores the complex itineraries of two influential Latin American queer writers: the Mexican playwright and chronicler Salvador Novo (1904-1974) and the Chilean novelist and diplomat Augusto D'Halmar (1882-1950). The article examines bodily transformations that range from Eastern clothing and intense fevers (D'Halmar) to cosmetic prostheses (Novo) to discuss and dispute the fixity and immobility of sex.

ABSTRACT This paper deals with the life and professional career of the Chilean diplomat James Holger Blair (1928-2014), who performed various tasks for the Chilean foreign service. His duties took place in the context of the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. The work uses the approach of the new Diplomatic History and is based on unpublished and cardinal primary sources of the General Historical Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, specifically the James Holger B. archive, the United Nations archive, the digital archive of President Patricio Aylwin, Chilean and German newspaper sources, complemented with secondary sources of high academic quality that have comprehended with the international historical context where this agent of Chilean diplomacy was involved.

RESUMEN Se aborda el decurso vital y profesional del diplomático chileno James Holger Blair (1928-2014), a quién le correspondió realizar diversas tareas para el servicio exterior de Chile. Su labor se desarrolló en el contexto de la Guerra Fría y de su período inmediatamente posterior. El trabajo utiliza el enfoque de la nueva Historia Diplomática y se basa en fuentes primarias inéditas y cardinales del Archivo General Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile, específicamente el archivo James Holger Blair, archivo de las Naciones Unidas, archivo digital del presidente Patricio Aylwin, fuentes hemerográficas chilenas y alemanas, complementadas con fuentes secundarias de alta calidad académica que han tratado el contexto histórico internacional donde este agente de la diplomacia chilena se desenvolvió.