Abstract This article aims to examine the evolution of China’s foreign policy from the adoption of the “peaceful rise” policy to the present one which stems from the concept of the “Chinese dream” presented by Xi Jinping. The analysis is carried out in the light of major traditional international relations theories and introduces the doctrine underpinning the “Chinese dream” known as Tianxia. It finds that western traditional doctrine lacks rigorous consideration of Asian historical and cultural singularities that prevent them from fully explaining the international actions of the People’s Republic of China. In particular, China’s increasing assertiveness in its international relations along with its economic, military and technological advances, as well as the military conflicts in Ukraine and Israel, have exacerbated differences with the West. It is imperative to provide diplomacy with tools to assess the international context and the opposing positions of the West and the PRC that considers a theoretical framework that incorporates elements such as Tianxia, not as a substitute for Western tradition frameworks of analysis, but to enrich them. This is particularly true for the defense and projection of the interests of developing countries, which will require extensive diplomatic skills to navigate this complex context effectively as proactive players rather than bystanders in the international arena.

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar la evolución de la política exterior china desde la adopción de la política del “ascenso pacífico” hasta la actual, basada en el concepto del “sueño chino” expuesto por Xi Jinping. El análisis se lleva a cabo a la luz de las principales teorías de relaciones internacionales tradicionales e introduce la doctrina que sustenta al “sueño chino” conocida como Tianxia. Se encuentra que la doctrina occidental tradicional carece de una consideración rigurosa de las aristas históricas y culturales asiáticas y esto le impide explicar plenamente el comportamiento internacional de la República Popular China (RPC). En particular, la creciente asertividad de China en sus relaciones internacionales junto a sus avances económicos, militares y tecnológicos, así como los conflictos militares en Ucrania e Israel, han exacerbado las diferencias con Occidente. Es imperativo dotar a la diplomacia de herramientas que permitan valorar el contexto internacional y las posiciones contrapuestas entre Occidente y la RPC a partir de un marco teórico que incorpore elementos como el Tianxia, no en sustitución de los esquemas de análisis de tradición occidental, sino en adhesión, para enriquecerlos. Esto es particularmente cierto, para la defensa y proyección de los intereses de los países en desarrollo, los cuales requerirán de amplias destrezas diplomáticas para navegar este complejo contexto de manera efectiva, como actores proactivos y no espectadores en la arena internacional.

Abstract: This paper studies China’s partnership diplomacy and its practice in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). China has constructed an all-round, multi-level, and three-dimensional partnership network in LAC through three stages: strategic exploration, development, and improvement. China has implemented differential governance towards its partners, which enables active shaping and dynamic management of the partnership network. This paper categorizes the 15 partner countries into three types: pivot countries, link countries, and node countries based on their political friendliness with China, geopolitical influence, and potential for economic and trade cooperation. China’s partnerships in LAC are vital support for implementing its diplomatic strategy in the region. However, challenges to this strategy’s development include insufficient mutual support from other diplomatic means, doubts and misinterpretations of the China-Latin America partnership by some Latin American countries, and the political and identity shifts within these countries. To enhance the role of partnerships in maintaining state relations and promoting the implementation of diplomatic strategies, China has introduced new content to its partnership diplomacy in LAC.

Resumen: Este artículo estudia la diplomacia de asociación de China y su práctica en América Latina y el caribe (LAC, siglas en inglés). Después de tres etapas de exploración estratégica, desarrollo y mejora, China ha construido una red integral, multi-nivel y tridimensional de asociaciones en LAC. De acuerdo con el grado de amistad política, la influencia geopolítica y el potencial de cooperación económica y comercial de los 15 países asociados con china, este artículo los divide en tres categorías: países de pivote, países de vínculo y países nodales. Las asociaciones de China en LAC son apoyos importantes para que China implemente estrategias diplomáticas en la región. Sin embargo, su desarrollo también enfrenta desafíos, incluido el apoyo insuficiente con otros medios diplomáticos; dudas e interpretaciones erróneas de las relaciones asociativas; y la transformación de identidad nacional de algunos países asociados. Con el fin de fortalecer el papel de las asociaciones en el mantenimiento de las relaciones nacionales y promover la implementación de las estrategias diplomáticas, China ha agregado nuevos contenidos a la diplomacia de asociación en LAC.

Abstract Against the assumption that premodern diplomacy was mostly taking place among equals, this article aims to investigate several cases of parallel diplomacy during the 15th century between the Timurids, the Qara Qoyunlu and the Mamluk sultanate in Cairo. While during the previous period official rulers were indeed dominating the diplomatic stage, it seems that in the fifteenth century, members of their family (sons and even grandson) also took part in the game. The paper aims to present those cases and highlight the importance of diplomatic letter collection for the study of intra-Muslim contacts beyond the sultans.

Resumo Contra a suposição de que a diplomacia pré-moderna ocorria principalmente entre iguais, este artigo pretende investigar vários casos de diplomacia paralela durante o século XV entre os Timurids, os Qara Qoyunlu e o sultanato Mamluk no Cairo. Embora durante o período anterior os governantes oficiais dominassem, efetivamente, a cena diplomática, parece que no século XV, os membros da sua família (filhos e até netos) também participavam nesta dinâmica. O artigo pretende apresentar esses casos e destacar a importância da recolha de cartas diplomáticas para o estudo dos contactos intra-muçulmanos para além dos sultões.

Abstract Philip the Fair is primogenitus of France from 1276 to 1285. His first diplomatic activities are alongside his father, at the beginning of the 1280s : he participates, with other members of the royal family, in meetings with Peter III of Aragon. Privileged recipient of letters from the Infante Alfonso of Aragon, he seems to be part of a diplomacy of primogeniti. Until August 1285 his diplomatic activities are strongly linked to those of his younger brother, Charles of Valois: the documents recorded in the Archives of the Kingdom of Aragon generally mention them in pairs. His chivalry and his wedding, at the Assumption 1285, in full preparation for the expedition of the “Crusade of Aragon”, made him change in stature. Having become king of Navarre, the heir to the kingdom of France helps finance the expedition through the fiefdom fees that the vassals of Philip III have to pay. During the conflict, while Philip the Fair takes an active part in the fights, he maintains channels of communication with Peter. Catalan chroniclers describe him as the representative of the Aragonese party in France, emphasizing the opposition of the primogenitus to his father, which cannot be validated by the analysis of his diplomatic activities.

Resume Philippe le Bel est le primogenitus du royaume de France de 1276 à 1285. Ses premières activités diplomatiques se font au côté de son père, au début des années 1280 : il participe, avec les autres membres de la famille royale, aux rencontres avec Pierre III d’Aragon. Destinataire privilégié des lettres de l’infant Alphonse d’Aragon, il semble s’inscrire dans une diplomatie de primogeniti. Jusqu’en août 1285 ses activités diplomatiques sont fortement liées à celles de son frère cadet, Charles de Valois : les documents enregistrés aux Archives de la Couronne d’Aragon les mentionnent généralement en binôme. Sa chevalerie et ses noces, à l’Assomption 1285, en pleine préparation de l’expédition de la “Croisade d’Aragon’’, le font changer d’envergure. Devenu roi de Navarre, l’héritier du royaume de France participe au financement de l’expédition à travers le droit de fiefs que doivent payer les vassaux de Philippe III. Pendant le conflit, alors que Philippe le Bel prend part activement aux combats, il maintient des canaux de communication avec Pierre. Les chroniqueurs catalans le décrivent comme le représentant du parti aragonais en France, insistant sur l’opposition du primogenitus à son père, ce qui ne peut être validé par l’analyse de ses activités diplomatiques.

Abstract From about 1412, infante Duarte, Portugal’s heir apparent, took on a large portion of the roles expected of a king, until 1433, the year he finally came to the throne. For two decades, his father, King João I - already a seasoned sovereign - had come to rely on the firstborn to assist him in the everyday management of royal administration, justice, and certain economic matters. This was to become known to historians as the prince-king “association”. This essay departs from an interrogation, of whether Duarte was able - or expected at all - to play a role of his own in diplomatic affairs. My argument takes into account Duarte’s posturing as the first in the line of succession, his position as one of several siblings in a tightly knit dynasty, and his own realisations in external politics. The documentary evidence surrounding several treaties involving Aragon, Castile and Navarre seems to point to Duarte’s restraint as a diplomatic player in his own right, even during the “association” period before he became king. For the most part, he remained subordinate to a dynastic logic, with his father firmly hanging on to the helm.

Resumo Entre 1412 e 1433, ano em que será aclamado por rei, o infante herdeiro de Portugal, D. Duarte, assume boa parte das funções régias. Ao longo de duas décadas, o pai (o veterano rei D. João I) valer-se-á do primogénito para auxiliar a governança régia no tocante à administração, à justiça, ou a certos assuntos económicos. Tal tem sido descrito pela historiografia como a “associação” de D. Duarte ao trono. O presente ensaio parte de uma interrogação: Terá tido D. Duarte um papel próprio no campo diplomático? Procurando responder a essa questão, é tida em conta a situação do infante como primeiro na linha sucessória, a sua pertença a uma dinastia que se mostra politicamente muito unida, e as suas próprias concretizações ao nível das relações externas. A documentação gerada em torno de diversos tratados, envolvendo Aragão, Castela e Navarra, parece sobretudo indicar uma postura sóbria e disciplinada por parte do herdeiro, subordinada a uma lógica dinástica em que o monarca detém a última palavra.

Abstract Prince João assumed some protagonism in the life of the kingdom of Portugal from 1471 onwards, when he was part of the army that conquered Arzila (North Africa), and successively increased his preponderance in governance until the end of the life of his father, King Afonso V. This article describes, analyses and seeks to interpret João's “escalation” in the political leadership of the kingdom with a focus on his participation in diplomatic activities. The preponderance he achieved during the war with Castile (1475-1479) and the establishment of peace (1479-1480) stands out. This was a period in which he often acted autonomously and led political lines different from those defended by his father.

Resumo O príncipe João assumiu algum protagonismo na vida do reino de Portugal a partir de 1471, quando integrou o exército que conquistou Arzila (Norte de África), e aumentou sucessivamente a sua preponderância na governação até ao final da vida do seu pai, o rei Afonso V. Este artigo descreve, analisa e procura interpretar essa “escalada” de João na condução política do reino com foco na sua participação em atividades diplomáticas. Destaca-se a preponderância que alcançou durante a guerra com Castela (1475-1479) e o estabelecimento da paz (1479-1480), um período em que muitas vezes atuou autonomamente e protagonizando linhas políticas diferentes das que eram defendidas pelo seu pai.

Abstract The rebellion of the heir to the Portuguese crown, Afonso, against his father, King Dinis of Portugal (1279-1325), between 1317 and 1323, had a profound influence on the perception we have of the relationship that existed between the sovereign and his heir and successor. The aim of the present essay is to circumvent the occasional limitations imposed by the available sources and adopt a broader approach, taking the Prince's perspective as the starting point whilst seeking to understand, through various testimonies, the manner in which the successor was involved in his father's diplomatic efforts. In so doing, we seek to retrace the different phases of this relationship, while at the same time attempting to highlight instances when the Prince was able to act independently, that is, when his actions were neither conditioned nor regulated by his father's interests.

Résumé Le soulèvement de l'héritier de la couronne portugaise, Alphonse, contre son père, le roi Denis du Portugal (1279-1325), entre 1317 et 1323, a profondément marqué le regard porté sur les relations existant entre le souverain, et son héritier et successeur. Le présent article s’efforce de contourner les limitations parfois imposées par les différentes sources en adoptant une approche de longue durée, en partant justement de la perspective du prince et en cherchant à comprendre, à l'aide de différents témoignages, la manière dont l'héritier a été engagé dans les actions diplomatiques menées par son père, en tentant ainsi de retracer les diverses phases de cette relation, tout en essayant de repérer les actes ou bien les moments où le prince a eu et a pu agir de manière indépendante, c'est-à-dire en évitant que son action soit conditionnée ou contrôlée par les intérêts de son père.

Abstract Who was Catherine de’ Medici in Europe before she became Queen dowager? How did she think her place inside the princes’ society, considering she came from a branch that had been removed from power in Florence? This paper studies the Florentine diplomacy of the dauphine, from 1533 to 1547. It analyses as much its stakes as its tools and juridical foundations. It shows how heirs’ diplomacy, in this precise case study, roots within the margins of international law, onto domestic human resources, which gives the dauphine and her husband, future Henry II, the ability to forge their own political space, in the court of France, but also besides the kingdom’s limits. Founded on an important reconstruction of Catherine’s correspondence with her cousin, Cosimo I de’ Medici, duke of Florence (1537-1574), this study travels through Early modern diplomacy’s meanders, within private archives, chancery registers and diplomatic correspondences, shedding light upon the flexibility that Isabella Lazzarini theorised.

Résumé Quelle est la place diplomatique de Catherine de Médicis avant de devenir reine, puis reine mère? Alors qu’elle n’est que princesse héritière et que la branche des Médicis dont elle est issue n’est plus au pouvoir à Florence, comment pense-t-elle sa place au sein de la société des princes? Cet article étudie la diplomatie florentine de la dauphine, de 1533 à 1547, afin d’en comprendre les objectifs, mais aussi et surtout les outils et les fondements juridiques. Il s’agit de montrer que la diplomatie des héritiers, dans ce cas précis, s’ancre dans des réalités aux marges du droit international, fondées sur l’usage des domestiques de la maison delphinale, afin de permettre à la dauphine, et, par extension, son mari, futur Henri II, d’asseoir leur existence au sein de la société des princes européens et de se forger une place à la cour de France. Fondé sur la reconstitution de la correspondance de Catherine de Médicis avec son cousin, Côme Ier de Médicis, duc de Florence (1537-1574), cette étude traverse les méandres de la diplomatie de la fin du Moyen Âge, à travers fonds privés, registres de chancellerie et correspondances diplomatiques, dans la lignée d’une historiographie récente qui voit en la diplomatie une “activité politique flexible” (Isabella Lazzarini).

Abstract The study of matrimonial negotiations previously characterised by the perception of the Crown Princes as mere objects of negotiation in diplomatic affairs, reveals a different perspective in the light of the Anglo-Aragonese marriage project of 1268-1285. Peter of Aragon and his son Alfonso were indeed central players in these negotiations. The article explores the active role that certain royal heirs play in diplomatic affairs. This new role accompanied the establishment of the principle of succession in the Crown of Aragon in the 13th century, which transformed the figure of the crown prince into an embodiment of the future of the dynasty. His involvement in diplomatic affairs thus enables him to prepare for his future role as king, but also to consider diplomatic actions in the long term of the dynasty, beyond the mere duration of a reign.

Résumé Les recherches sur les négociations matrimoniales ont eu tendance à présenter les princes héritiers comme de simples objets de négociation dans les affaires diplomatiques. Cette perspective mérite d’être nuancée à la lumière du projet de mariage anglo-aragonais conduit sur la période 1268-1285. En effet, Pierre d’Aragon suivi de son fils Alphonse sont des acteurs centraux dans ces négociations. L'article étudie le rôle actif que certains héritiers royaux peuvent jouer dans le domaine de la diplomatie. Cette fonction se développe en parallèle de l’établissement du principe de succession dans la Couronne d’Aragon au XIIIe siècle qui transforme la figure du prince héritier en une incarnation du futur de la dynastie. Sa participation aux affaires diplomatiques permet dès lors de le préparer à son futur rôle de roi, mais également d’envisager les actions diplomatiques dans le temps long de la dynastie, au-delà de la simple durée d’un règne.

Abstract Between 1323 and 1421, the “fet de Sardenya" and the conquest of Corsica were one of the main issues the king of Aragon had to face. In the midst of a long war against the Commune of Genoa, the domination of the islands was one of the key issues in Aragonese diplomacy. The difficult conquest of the Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae involved both the kings of Aragon and their Crown princes. This study sheds light upon the range of relations, from submission to revolt, between the kings and their primogènits within the Crown of Aragon.

Résumé Entre 1323 et 1421, le “fet de Sardenya” et la conquête de la Corse furent l’un des principaux problèmes auquel les rois d’Aragon furent confrontés. Au cœur d’une longue guerre contre la Commune de Gênes, la domination des îles fut en effet l’un des enjeux de la diplomatie aragonaise. La difficile conquête du Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae impliqua aussi bien les rois d’Aragon que leurs princes héritiers, de sorte que son étude offre un bel éclairage sur l’éventail des relations, allant de la soumission au conflit ouvert, entre les rois et leurs primogènits, au sein de la Couronne d’Aragon.

Abstract Alfonso X was, while he was crown prince, politically active. It is known that he carried out important activities alongside his father. This article analyses his use of diplomacy in these activities. Using the available chronicles and archival sources, his diplomacy is shown both in its characteristics as well as in its relationship with the politics of Ferdinand III of León and Castile.

Resumen Es conocido que, durante su período como infante heredero, Alfonso X desarrolló una cierta actividad política junto a su padre. Aquí se analiza el uso que hizo de la diplomacia dentro de esa actividad política, revisando las causas para su utilización, los momentos, así como las formas en que se sirvió de ella mientras era heredero del reino y en vida de su padre. Para ello se releen las crónicas y las fuentes de archivo disponibles que nos transmiten una actividad ciertamente relevante y con características interesantes: tanto por sus formas, como por su relación con la política de su padre Fernando III de León y Castilla.

Abstract The Asturian Cider Culture was designated as the Spanish candidate before UNESCO declared an Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Cider represents the most identifying product of the region. However, beyond its own expression of heritage, its merit also lies in the wealth of knowledge and techniques transmitted from generation to generation. The social and economic value of this transmission, although, tends to be convenient for all social groups contained in the community. In the case of the cider culture, it is an integrating richness whose evolution represents a response to a changing environment and which contributes effectively when it comes to instilling a feeling of identity and continuity, also creating a link between the past and the present that can be decisive when it comes to guaranteeing a future. Therefore, its future depends on the behavior of those groups that know the rites, techniques, and customs transmitted to the social group.

Resumen La Cultura Sidrera Asturiana ha sido designada candidata española ante la UNESCO para ser declarada Patrimonio Inmaterial de la Humanidad. La sidra representa, sin duda, el producto más identitario de la región, aunque más allá de la propia expresión patrimonial su mérito estriba también en el acervo de conocimientos y técnicas transmitidos generacionalmente. El valor social y económico de esta transmisión, en efecto, acostumbra a ser conveniente para todos los grupos sociales contenidos en la comunidad. Se trata, en el caso de la cultura sidrera, de una riqueza integradora cuya evolución supone una respuesta a un entorno cambiante y que contribuye eficazmente a la hora de infundir un sentimiento de identidad y continuidad, creando además un vínculo entre el pasado y el presente que puede resultar decisivo en el momento de garantizarle un futuro. Por lo tanto, su devenir depende del comportamiento de aquellos grupos conocedores de los ritos, las técnicas y las costumbres que se transmiten al conjunto social.

Resumo A Cultura Sidreira Asturiana tem sido designada candidata espanhola ante a UNESCO para ser declarada Patrimônio Imaterial da Humanidade. A sidra representa, sem dúvida, o produto mais identitário da região, embora além da própria expresão patrimonial, seu mérito estriba também no acervo de conhecimentos e técnicas transmitidos geracionalmente. O valor social e econômico desta transmisão, de fato, acostuma a ser conveniente para todos os grupos sociais na comunidade. Trata-se, no caso da cultura sidreira, de uma riqueza integradora cuja evolução supõe uma resposta a um entorno cambiante e que contribui eficazmente na hora de infundir um sentimento de identidade e continuidade, criando também um vínculo entre o passado e o presente que pode resultar decisivo no momento de garantizar-lhe um futuro. Por tanto, seu devenir depende do comportamento de aqueles grupos conhecedores dos ritos, as técnicas e as costumes que são transmitidas ao conjunto social.

Abstract Chinese migration has been driven by migration policies in Colombia contributing to factors such as the strengthening of diplomacy, economic opportunities, cultural exchange, etc. Due to the cross-border opening, Colombia has been able to attract a significant number of Chinese migrants generating a favorable environment for new opportunities and improving their living conditions. The objective of this research was to analyze the local perspectives of Chinese migration in Colombia and its impact on local development. A descriptive quantitative approach methodology was implemented through a deductive method to deepen the perceptions and impact in the national context. The instrument entitled “PMI Universidad ECCI” was designed and validated corresponding to its centuries: Perspectives of International Migration which inquired in 15 items of three perspectives: economic, social and cultural perspectives evaluated on a Likert scale A sample of 93 professional experts in international trade was used. The findings revealed that Chinese migration has generated a significant impulse in the development of the Colombian national territory, providing employment and cultural diversity, likewise, a permanent cooperation between north and south is suggested, promoting solid foreign and migration policies that promote inclusion. Finally, it is concluded that there are challenges and opportunities in terms of integration and equity in local conditions for the strengthening of international relations between both countries.

Resumen La migración china ha sido impulsada por políticas migratorias en Colombia contribuyendo a factores como el fortalecimiento de la diplomacia, oportunidades económicas, intercambio cultural, etc. Debido a la apertura transfronteriza, Colombia ha logrado atraer a un número significativo de migrantes chinos generando un ambiente propicio para nuevas oportunidades y mejorar sus condiciones de vida. Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo el análisis de las perspectivas locales de la migración china en Colombia y su impacto en el desarrollo local. Se implementó una metodología de enfoque cuantitativo de tipo descriptivo por medio de un método deductivo para profundizar las percepciones e impacto en el contexto nacional. Se diseñó y validó el instrumento titulado “PMI Universidad ECCI” correspondientes a sus siglas: Perspectivas de la Migración Internacional el cual indagó en 15 ítems de tres perspectivas: económica, social y perspectivas culturales evaluadas en una escala Likert. Se utilizó una muestra de 93 profesionales expertos en comercio internacional. Los hallazgos revelaron que la migración china ha generado un impulso significativo en el desarrollo del territorio nacional colombiano, aportando empleo y diversidad cultural, asimismo, se sugiere una cooperación permanente dada entre norte-sur promoviendo políticas exteriores y de migración sólidas que fomenten la inclusión. Finalmente se concluye que existen desafíos y oportunidades en términos de integración y equidad en condiciones locales para el fortalecimiento de las relaciones internacionales entre ambos países.

Abstract This work examines the foreign communication and propaganda strategy of the last Argentine dictatorship developed by the General Directorate of Press and Diffusion established in 1977 in the Foreign Ministry. Its operation is investigated based on the discovery of a series of folders produced by this agency. We reflect on the drift of this documentation to subsequently analyze its content. This allows us to identify the invitation program for foreign journalists selected to visit Argentina. Those chosen were not only identified figures and defenders of the regime, but also those who expressed more critical positions and those who were capable of producing “non-political” tourist chronicles. His journalistic writings, in turn, allow us to point out invariants (common features) that lead to identifying guidelines of the communication project of the dictatorship. Finally, this work focuses on the peculiar functioning of this Directorate: the presence, among its employees and officials, of women who were prisoners in one of the main clandestine detention centers – the Navy Mechanics School – and who were transferred to the Chancellery to work. Their inscriptions in the documents lead us to reflect on the work with bureaucratic-administrative documentation produced by the terrorist State.

Resumen En este trabajo se examina la estrategia comunicacional y propagandística exterior de la última dictadura argentina elaborada por la Dirección General de Prensa y Difusión, establecida en 1977 en Cancillería. Se investiga su funcionamiento a partir del hallazgo de una serie de carpetas producidas por esta dependencia. Se reflexiona sobre la deriva de esta documentación para, posteriormente, analizar su contenido. Ello permite identificar el programa de invitación a periodistas extranjeros seleccionados para visitar Argentina. Los elegidos no eran solo figuras identificadas y defensoras del régimen, también participaron quienes manifestaban posiciones más críticas y quienes eran capaces de producir crónicas turísticas “no políticas”. Sus escritos periodísticos, a la vez, permiten señalar invariantes (rasgos comunes) que llevan a identificar lineamientos del proyecto comunicacional de la dictadura. Finalmente, este trabajo se detiene en el particular funcionamiento de esta Dirección: la presencia, entre sus empleados y funcionarios, de mujeres que estaban detenidas en uno de los principales centro

Resumo Este trabalho examina a estratégia de comunicação e propaganda externa da última ditadura argentina, desenvolvida pela Direção Geral de Imprensa e Divulgação, criada em 1977 no Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Investigamos seu funcionamento com base na descoberta de uma série de pastas produzidas por essa unidade. Refletiremos sobre o desvio dessa documentação e, em seguida, analisaremos seu conteúdo. Isso torna possível identificar o programa de convites para jornalistas estrangeiros selecionados para visitar a Argentina. Os escolhidos não eram apenas figuras identificadas e defensores do regime, mas também aqueles que expressavam posições mais críticas e que eram capazes de produzir crônicas turísticas “não políticas”. Seus textos jornalísticos, por sua vez, nos permitem apontar invariantes (características comuns) que nos levam a identificar diretrizes do projeto de comunicação da ditadura. Por fim, este documento se concentra no funcionamento específico dessa Diretoria: a presença, entre seus funcionários e oficiais, de mulheres que foram detidas em um dos principais centros de detenção clandestinos –a Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada– e que foram transferidas para a Chancelaria para trabalhar. Suas inscrições nos documentos nos levam a refletir sobre o trabalho com a documentação burocrático-administrativa produzida pelo Estado terrorista.