Resumen El área fronteriza entre la capitanía de Mato Grosso y las misiones de Mojos y Chiquitos, administradas por los jesuitas españoles, se caracterizó por una serie de conflictos que involucraron a los súbditos de las coronas ibéricas, especialmente a partir de 1750. En este contexto, Portugal y España firmaron el Tratado de Madrid, un acuerdo diplomático que definió sus territorios en las colonias americanas. Según este tratado, los cursos de los ríos debían servir como límites territoriales entre los dominios ibéricos, como el Guaporé y el Madeira. Sin embargo, los ríos no eran meros hitos fronterizos. Este artículo analiza cómo la corona portuguesa intentó apoderarse del Guaporé y qué estrategias utilizó para lograrlo.

Abstract The border area between the Mato Grosso captaincy and Mojos and Chiquitos missions, organized by Castilian Jesuits, it was characterized by a series by litigious episodes involving vassals of Iberian crowns, above all from 1750. It’s about a context in which Portugal and Spain had signed the Treaty of Madrid, a diplomatic agreement that defined their territories in American conquers. Through this treaty, it was established that the river routes should have been used as territorial limits between Iberian dominations, for example Guaporé and Madeira. The rivers, in turn, were not just limit delimitations. This article analyses how Portuguese crown tried to appropriate of Guaporé and which mechanisms had used with this purpose.

Resumo A área limítrofe entre a capitania do Mato Grosso e as missões de Mojos e Chiquitos, organizadas pelos jesuítas castelhanos, foi caracterizada por uma série de episódios litigiosos envolvendo os vassalos das Coroas ibéricas, sobretudo a partir de 1750. Trata-se de um contexto no qual Portugal e Espanha assinaram o Tratado de Madri, acordo diplomático que definia seus territórios nas conquistas americanas. Por meio desse tratado, foi estabelecido que os cursos dos rios deveriam ser usados como limites territoriais entre os domínios ibéricos, a exemplo do Guaporé e do Madeira. Os rios, por sua vez, não eram apenas demarcadores de limites. Este artigo analisa de que maneira a Coroa portuguesa procurava se apropriar do Guaporé e quais mecanismos empregou com essa finalidade.

Resumo Entre 1412 e 1433, ano em que será aclamado por rei, o infante herdeiro de Portugal, D. Duarte, assume boa parte das funções régias. Ao longo de duas décadas, o pai (o veterano rei D. João I) valer-se-á do primogénito para auxiliar a governança régia no tocante à administração, à justiça, ou a certos assuntos económicos. Tal tem sido descrito pela historiografia como a “associação” de D. Duarte ao trono. O presente ensaio parte de uma interrogação: Terá tido D. Duarte um papel próprio no campo diplomático? Procurando responder a essa questão, é tida em conta a situação do infante como primeiro na linha sucessória, a sua pertença a uma dinastia que se mostra politicamente muito unida, e as suas próprias concretizações ao nível das relações externas. A documentação gerada em torno de diversos tratados, envolvendo Aragão, Castela e Navarra, parece sobretudo indicar uma postura sóbria e disciplinada por parte do herdeiro, subordinada a uma lógica dinástica em que o monarca detém a última palavra.

Abstract From about 1412, infante Duarte, Portugal’s heir apparent, took on a large portion of the roles expected of a king, until 1433, the year he finally came to the throne. For two decades, his father, King João I - already a seasoned sovereign - had come to rely on the firstborn to assist him in the everyday management of royal administration, justice, and certain economic matters. This was to become known to historians as the prince-king “association”. This essay departs from an interrogation, of whether Duarte was able - or expected at all - to play a role of his own in diplomatic affairs. My argument takes into account Duarte’s posturing as the first in the line of succession, his position as one of several siblings in a tightly knit dynasty, and his own realisations in external politics. The documentary evidence surrounding several treaties involving Aragon, Castile and Navarre seems to point to Duarte’s restraint as a diplomatic player in his own right, even during the “association” period before he became king. For the most part, he remained subordinate to a dynastic logic, with his father firmly hanging on to the helm.

Resumen Personaje público, pero de cenáculos especializados, Raúl Bazán Dávila (1913-2007) fue un tipo de intelectual y diplomático que representó las tesis maximalistas acerca del Reino de Chile y que polemizó con autores argentinos y bolivianos. Sus inicios políticos habían sido en la revista nacionalista Estanquero, junto a Jorge Prat Echaurren, Jorge Berguño y Mario Barros van Buren. Fue embajador ante Brasil y más tarde se especializó en temas marítimos. Fue un defensor del régimen militar de la primera hora, aunque en 1976 se fue a retiro. Desde entonces ejerció como intelectual público en torno a perspectivas nacionalistas que le llevaron, gesto inédito, a Cancillería chilena respecto a la salida propuesta por la mediación pontificia con Argentina en 1984.

Abstract Raul Bazán Dávila (1913-2007) was a public figure, but from specialized cenacles, represented a type of intellectual and diplomat who represented the maximalist theses about the Kingdom of Chile, and who polemicized with Argentine and Bolivian authors. His political beginnings had been in the nationalist magazine Estanquero, along with Jorge Prat Echaurren, Jorge Berguño and Mario Barros van Buren. He was ambassador to Brazil and later specialized in maritime issues. Defender of the Pinochet’s regime, he was an early defender of it, although in 1976 he retired. Since then, he worked as a public intellectual around nationalist perspectives that led him, an unprecedented gesture, to the Chilean Foreign Ministry regarding the exit proposed by the pontifical mediation with Argentina in 1984.

Resumen: La obra que se reseña a continuación es la compilación de una serie de artículos presentados entre los meses de octubre y diciembre de 2021 en un ciclo de videoconferencias homónimo patrocinado por la Embajada del Paraguay en España, la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid y el Centro Cultural de España Juan de Salazar. En palabras del, por entonces, embajador del Paraguay en el país ibérico, Ricardo Scavone Yegros, el propósito de estos encuentros digitales no fue únicamente difundir la historia de las relaciones culturales entre ambos pueblos más allá de los ámbitos académicos, sino que también destacar la importancia que han tenido para el Paraguay estos lazos, así como el de estimular el interés de futuros investigadores en estas materias. El trabajo, que aborda los vínculos culturales hispanoparaguayos desde una perspectiva histórica e interdisciplinaria, se compone de una breve presentación a cargo del ya mencionado diplomático paraguayo, seguido de una robusta introducción y otros ocho capítulos concernientes a los distintos temas debatidos durante las videoconferencias.

ABSTRACT During the first wave of globalization, the signing of trade treaties that contained the Most Favoured Nation clause proliferated. In this paper, we focus on the Argentine case. On the one hand, we propose that the agreements were extended by the need for governments to belong to an informal mercantile network in a world lacking multilateral institutions. On the other hand, we consider that those legal instruments were the key to commercial claims, especially when protectionism intensified toward the end of the nineteenth century, as is evidenced by the actions of the consular and diplomatic system. The main sources used are trade treaties, conventions, and protocols, as well as the Argentine Memoirs of the Ministry of Foreign and Religious Affairs.

RESUMEN Durante la Primera Globalización proliferó la firma de tratados de comercio que contenían la cláusula de Nación Más Favorecida. En este trabajo abordamos el caso argentino y, por un lado, proponemos que los acuerdos se extendieron por la necesidad de los gobiernos de pertenecer a una red informal mercantil en un mundo carente de instituciones multilaterales; por otro, consideramos que aquellos instrumentos jurídicos fueron el argumento central sobre el que se basaron los reclamos comerciales, en especial, cuando se intensificó el proteccionismo a finales del siglo XIX, tal como prueba el accionar del sistema diplomático y consular. Las fuentes utilizadas son los tratados, convenciones y protocolos comerciales, así como las Memorias del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto de Argentina.

Resumen: Este artículo abordará el proceso de escritura de Sergio Pitol partiendo de sus diarios personales; en ellos apuntó las ideas y progreso de esbozos de las tramas de todas sus novelas y de algunos de sus cuentos. Precisó, también, sus horarios y espacios de escritura (Marienbad, Mojácar, Lanzarote, etc.). Tenemos, pues, los motivos y la génesis de sus ideas creativas que surgieron en diálogo con su vida de diplomático en países de Europa del Este y, por el otro lado, su taller de escritura. Los diarios de Pitol se encuentran en el archivo de la Universidad de Princeton. Su consulta nos ha permitido comprobar una serie de tesis sugeridas por la crítica. En este artículo nos enfocaremos en dos: 1) los personajes y las tramas de sus escritos de ficción están en diálogo directo con personajes y situaciones históricas relacionadas con su biografía; 2) su proceso de escritura se organizó alrededor de la idea de “inspiración”, de ahí la búsqueda de espacios que la propiciaran y lo aislaran del medio cultural y de los asuntos mundanos del trabajo.

Abstract: This article will address Sergio Pitol’s writing process based on his personal diaries, in which he wrote down in them the ideas and progress of the plot outlines of all his novels and some of his short stories. He also specified his writing schedules and writing retreats (Marienbad, Mojacar, Lanzarote, etc.). We have, then, the motives and genesis of his creative ideas that emerged in dialogue with his life as a diplomat in Eastern European countries and, on the other hand, his writing workshop. Pitol’s diaries are in the archives of Princeton University. Their consultation has allowed us to verify a series of theses suggested by critics. In this article we will focus on two: 1) the characters and plots of his fictional writings are in direct dialogue with historical characters and situations related to his biography; 2) his writing process was organized around the idea of “inspiration”, hence the search for spaces that would propitiate it and isolate him from the cultural milieu and the mundane affairs of work.

Abstract Who can speak for the state? Although the noun ‘diplomat’ includes both genders, diplomacy is not attributed to what is considered as ‘feminine’ characteristics, nor even with the figure of a woman herself. This article aims to contribute to the discussion in the field of women’s participation in public service, focusing on high-level bureaucracy – more precisely, the diplomatic career. The main question here concerns what lies behind the structural and structuring inequalities in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MRE) and the Rio Branco Institute (Itamaraty), using gender as an analytical lens – but, of course, without disregarding issues of race and sexuality. To this end, we observed (i) the history of women entering the career since the beginning of the Brazilian republic; (ii) the practices that constitute the diplomatic habitus and ethos, from initial training at Itamaraty to the arrival at the MRE; and (iii) the racial-sexual contract that circumscribes the practices of domination in the institution. state ‘diplomat diplomat genders ‘feminine feminine characteristics herself womens s service highlevel high level precisely MRE (MRE Itamaraty, , (Itamaraty) but course sexuality end i (i republic ii (ii ethos iii (iii racialsexual racial sexual institution (Itamaraty

Resumo Quem pode falar pelo Estado? Apesar de o substantivo diplomata ser comum a dois gêneros, não se atribui à diplomacia características consideradas “femininas”, tampouco a própria figura de uma mulher. O presente artigo tem como objetivo contribuir com a discussão no campo da participação das mulheres no funciona-lismo público, no âmbito da burocracia de alto escalão, mais especificamente a carreira diplomática. A principal questão diz respeito ao que está por trás das desigualdades estruturais e estruturantes no Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE) e no Instituto Rio Branco (Itamaraty), partindo do gênero como lente analítica – mas sem desconsiderar questões de raça e sexualidade. Para tanto, observamos (i) o histórico do ingresso de mulheres na carreira desde o Brasil republicano; (ii) as práticas que constituem o habitus e o ethos diplomático desde a formação no Itamaraty até a chegada ao MRE; e (iii) o contrato racial-sexual que circunscreve as práticas de dominação na instituição. Estado gêneros femininas, femininas , “femininas” mulher funcionalismo funciona lismo público escalão diplomática MRE (MRE Itamaraty, (Itamaraty) sexualidade tanto i (i republicano ii (ii iii (iii racialsexual racial sexual instituição “femininas (Itamaraty

Abstract Over the long term, Mapuche and Hispanic-Chilean relationships were characterized by alternating periods of mutual understanding and war. This article studies how this colonial pact-classified as such because the war did not dismantle the autonomy or authority at the border-irreparably deteriorated in the early years of the Pacification of Araucanía War. Violence continued to coexist with political meetings, although these meetings had taken a different tone since both societies were preparing tactically and diplomatically for the clash that would accompany Chile’s Malleco River invasion. Several indicators expose the deterioration of the pact and the imminence of war. Researchers analyze them through Cornelio Saavedra’s interview with Külaweke-the delegate from the Wenteche (arribano) groups-one of the last milestones before a new phase of military occupation.

Resumen En el largo plazo, las relaciones entre mapuche e hispano-chilenos se caracterizaron por intercalar episodios de guerra con otros de entendimiento mutuo. Esta mecánica ha sido conceptualizada como pacto colonial, en el sentido que la guerra no rompe con las autonomías y autoridades presentes en la frontera. Este artículo estudia cómo dicho pacto se deteriora irremediablemente durante los primeros años de la Guerra de Pacificación. Allí apreciamos que la violencia sigue combinándose con las reuniones políticas, aunque con un tono diferente, pues ambas sociedades van preparándose táctica y diplomáticamente para el choque que acompañará la invasión chilena del Malleco. Los factores que develan la decadencia del pacto, y la inminencia de la nueva guerra, son analizados a través de la entrevista entre Cornelio Saavedra y Külaweke, delegado de los grupos wenteche (arribanos), que constituye uno de los últimos hitos antes de iniciarse la nueva fase militar de la ocupación.

Resumo Esta pesquisa examina a política externa brasileira contemporânea, e sua preocupação central é explorar como a ascensão global da China impactou as diretrizes gerais da política externa brasileira de 2003 a 2018. Argumentamos que a China teve um duplo impacto na política externa brasileira: (i) restringindo seu escopo devido à natureza restritiva das relações sino-brasileiras, principalmente via comércio e divergência política, e (ii) aumentando a inserção autônoma do Brasil no sistema internacional devido às lacunas estruturais produzidas pelo apoio diplomático chinês na esfera global e pela convergência de agendas específicas. Um estudo de caso sobre as relações sino-brasileiras é conduzido com tipologias de ações de política externa elaboradas por Schweller (1994). Em seguida, propomos que a política externa brasileira, por meio da estratégia de ‘bandwagoning for profit’, buscou interpretar uma posição de chacal dentro do sistema internacional. Nossas variáveis são definidas com base em Ripsman, Taliaferro e Lobell (2016), considerando o estímulo estrutural da ascensão da China como variável independente, a permissividade e a clareza do sistema internacional como variável interveniente e o comportamento da política externa brasileira como variável dependent contemporânea 200 2018 i (i sinobrasileiras, sinobrasileiras sino brasileiras, brasileiras ii (ii específicas 1994. 1994 . (1994) seguida bandwagoning profit, profit , profit’ Ripsman 2016, 2016 (2016) independente 20 201 199 (1994 (2016 2 19 (199 (201 1 (19 (20 (1 (2 (

Abstract This research examines contemporary Brazilian foreign policy, and its central concern is to explore how China’s global rise has impacted the general guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy from 2003 to 2018. We argue that China has had a double impact on Brazilian foreign policy: (i) restraining its scope due to the restrictive nature of Sino-Brazilian relations, primarily via commerce and political divergence, and (ii) enhancing Brazil’s autonomous insertion in the international system due to the structural gaps produced by Chinese diplomatic support in the global sphere and from the convergence of specific agendas. A case study on Sino-Brazilian relations is conducted with typologies on foreign policy actions elaborated by Schweller (1994). Then, we propose that Brazilian foreign policy, through the ‘bandwagoning for profit’ strategy, sought to interpret a Jackal position within the international system. Our variables are defined based on Ripsman, Taliaferro and Lobell (2016), considering the structural stimulus of China’s rise as the independent variable, the permissiveness, and clarity of the international system as the intervening variable, and the behaviour of Brazilian foreign policy as a dependent variable. Chinas s 200 2018 i (i SinoBrazilian Sino divergence ii (ii Brazils Brazil agendas 1994. 1994 . (1994) Then bandwagoning profit strategy Ripsman 2016, 2016 , (2016) variable permissiveness 20 201 199 (1994 (2016 2 19 (199 (201 1 (19 (20 (1 (2 (

Abstract Presented herein is the unpublished translation of a manuscript in French, the “Memoir on the heroic virtues of quinoa.” Through this work, the Peruvian physician José Manuel Dávalos tried to be appointed as a foreign member of the prestigious Royal Society of Medicine, from France, at the end of 1787. Despite a laudatory letter of introduction from a Spanish diplomat, his application was rejected, possibly due to Dávalos' lack of credibility in the sense of David Bloor or Steven Shapin. The introduction also provides the historical context in which the Peruvian doctor’s work is inscribed, highlighting the central characteristics of the medical institution to which the Limenean doctor sought membership. French Memoir quinoa. quinoa Medicine France 1787 diplomat rejected Shapin doctors s inscribed membership 178 17 1

Resumen Se presenta aquí la traducción inédita de un manuscrito en francés, la “Memoria sobre las virtudes heroicas de la quinua”. Mediante ese trabajo, el médico peruano José Manuel Dávalos intentaba ser nombrado socio extranjero en la prestigiosa Société Royale de Médecine, de Francia, a fines de 1787. A pesar de la elogiosa carta de presentación de un diplomático español, la solicitud de Dávalos fue rechazada, posiblemente debido a la falta de credibilidad, en el sentido de David Bloor o Steven Shapin. En la introducción, también se ofrece el contexto histórico en el que se inscribe su ensayo, destacando las características de la institución médica a la que postulaba el doctor limeño. francés Memoria quinua. quinua . quinua” trabajo Médecine Francia 1787 español rechazada credibilidad Shapin introducción ensayo limeño 178 17 1

Resumen: El presente artículo se propone explorar las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y Argentina durante la segunda misión diplomática del escritor mexicano Alfonso Reyes (1936 y 1937), momento en que la guerra civil española alcanzó un impacto transnacional. La indagación de las huellas registradas permite sugerir que las articulaciones, las redes y conexiones entre ambas naciones excedieron el espacio diplomático oficial constituyendo, lo que aquí se denomina, redes subalternas. Los desencuentros y oposiciones entre las cancillerías no sólo no impidieron que las relaciones internacionales se expandieran, sino que incluso las representaciones simbólicas sobre la política exterior de México, que se cristalizaron en la opinión pública argentina, actuaron como un factor adicional de legitimidad para el bando republicano en defensa de la España sitiada. En este entramado complejo e inestable, vislumbramos en la actuación de Reyes su dimensión más política y de escritor comprometido.

Abstract: This article aims to explore the diplomatic relations between Mexico and Argentina during the second diplomatic mission of the Mexican writer Alfonso Reyes (1936 and 1937), when the Spanish civil war had a transnational impact. The investigation of the registered traces allows us to suggest that the articulations, networks and connections between both nations exceeded the official diplomatic space, constituting what is called here subaltern networks. The disagreements and oppositions between the foreign ministries not only did not prevent international relations from expanding, but even the symbolic representations of Mexico’s foreign policy that crystallized in Argentine public opinion acted as an additional factor of legitimacy for the Republican side. in defense of besieged Spain. In this complex and unstable framework, we glimpse in Reyes’ performance his most political dimension and that of a committed writer.

Abstract: The death of the journalist Manuel Castro Ramos in May 1875 synthesizes the social, cultural and political complexity that existed in the port of Iquique during the previous decade to the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) and it has been established as an iconic reminder of local memory about this period. This event escalated to the diplomatic spheres of both countries and, later, it was registered in the literature as a conflict of a nationalist nature. However, from a historiographical analysis of primary and secondary sources, it has been possible to reveal other records of the "Castro Ramos case", demonstrating that it was closely related to the internal politics of Peru during the government of Manuel Pardo, especially with the Tarapaca resistance to his policies on the saltpeter industry.

Resumen: La muerte del periodista Manuel Castro Ramos en mayo de 1875 sintetiza la complejidad social, cultural y política que había en el puerto de Iquique durante la década previa a la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) y se establece como recuerdo icónico de la memoria local sobre este periodo. Este suceso escaló a las esferas diplomáticas de ambos países y, posteriormente, quedó registrado en la literatura como un conflicto de carácter nacionalista. Sin embargo, desde un análisis historiográfico de fuentes primarias y secundarias ha sido posible develar otros antecedentes del “caso Castro Ramos”, demostrando que estaba más relacionado con la política interna del Perú durante el gobierno de Manuel Pardo, especialmente con la resistencia tarapaqueña a sus políticas sobre la industria del salitre.

Abstract Jesus Teran Peredo was the plenipotentiary representative of the Mexican Republic to the European nations, a mission entrusted to him by President Benito Juarez during the confrontation with Maximilian of Habsburg, head of the Second Mexican Empire. His main objective was to seek recognition for the Republic and undermine the legitimacy of the French military intervention. As a freemason and former governor of the state of Aguascalientes, Teran Peredo enlisted the support of the Spanish Freemason Juan Prim y Prats to arrange a meeting with the prince of the Habsburg dynasty, in hopes of dissuading him from pursuing his imperial project. However, this attempt was unsuccessful. There are accounts suggesting that Teran Peredo relied on freemasonry for his confidential diplomatic work, a matter that is further discussed in the present article.

Resumen Jesús Terán Peredo fue el representante plenipotenciario de la República Mexicana ante las naciones europeas, encomienda otorgada por el presidente Benito Juárez en plena confrontación con el imperio de Maximiliano, precisamente con la finalidad de procurar el reconocimiento de la República y la deslegitimación de la intervención militar francesa. El abogado masón, ex gobernador del estado de Aguascalientes, se valió del también iniciado español Juan Prim y Prats para gestionar una entrevista con el príncipe de la casa de los Habsburgo, a fin de que desistiera de su proyecto imperial, cosa que no sucedió. Hay versiones de que Terán se apoyó en la masonería para su labor diplomática confidencial, cuestión sobra la que se reflexiona en el presente artículo.

Abstract: Between 1939 and 1953 the Chilean writer Marta Brunet (1897-1967) was appointed to diplomatic functions in the cities of La Plata and Buenos Aires, Argentina. Literary historians and biographers of her time have diminished the relevance for her work of this period spent abroad to a supposed avant-garde influence. Such influence is supposed to mark the beginning of a second stage of her novelistic production far from her early “criollismo”. In this paper, the author’s efforts and movements in the cultural field in the first half of the 20th century are reconstructed to access the relevance of her diplomatic stay in Argentina (1939-1942). Thus, based on an exhaustive archival work, this research identifies the strategies that allowed the author to insert herself in the Argentinian cultural field and expand her name and work to a continental dimension, this involves her collaboration with several newspapers and magazines, so as her relationship with the main cultural referents at the time.

Resumen: Entre 1939 y 1953, la escritora chilena Marta Brunet (1897-1967) realizó labores diplomáticas en las ciudades de La Plata y Buenos Aires, en Argentina. Los historiadores de la literatura y biógrafos de su época han reducido la significación de esta estadía para su obra a una supuesta influencia vanguardista que habría inaugurado una segunda etapa de su producción narrativa alejada del criollismo de sus inicios. En el presente artículo, a partir de un exhaustivo trabajo de archivo, se reconstruyen los esfuerzos y movimientos que la autora tuvo que realizar en el campo cultural chileno para acceder al nombramiento diplomático y la primera parte de su paso por Argentina (1939-1942), su colaboración en diversos medios escritos y su relación con las principales figuras del campo cultural de la época. Todo ello, con el fin de identificar las estrategias que le permitieron a la autora insertarse en el medio trasandino y expandir su nombre y obra a una dimensión continental.

Resumen: El presente trabajo profundiza en un incidente diplomático acontecido en la frontera que conecta el norte de Chile y el centro-oeste de Bolivia y que se expresa en el marco de la demanda interpuesta por Bolivia a Chile en el Tribunal de La Haya (2013-2018). Se trata del viaje del excanciller Choquehuanca junto a una comitiva a puertos chilenos en el año 2016. Con el análisis de este evento se busca comprender sus alcances políticos y sociales, sobre todo a escala regional. Se utilizó un análisis documental y de discurso de fuentes de prensa y bibliográficas, haciendo uso, además, de algunos aportes del giro etnográfico de las relaciones internacionales para sostener que los actores locales y paradiplomáticos aprovechan estas coyunturas para reivindicar problemas asociados al esquivo desarrollo fronterizo de las localidades en que se desenvuelven, trayendo como consecuencia ajustes a veces no previstos por el sistema diplomático y una valoración de las prácticas informales de alcance internacional.

Abstract: The article explores a diplomatic incident that occurred on the border connecting the north of Chile to the center-west of Bolivia, expressed in the lawsuit filed by Bolivia against Chile at the International Court of Justice at The Hague (2013-2018). It concerns a trip by former Foreign Minister Choquehuanca with a delegation to Chilean ports in 2016. The analysis of this event attempts to shed light on its political and social implications, especially on a regional scale. A documentary and discourse analysis of press and bibliographic sources was used, together with contributions from the ethnographic aspect of international relations, arguing that local actors and paradiplomats exploit these situations to revive problems associated with the elusive border development of the places where they operate. This leads to adjustments sometimes not envisaged by the diplomatic system, together with an assessment of informal practices of international scope.