Abstract: This article compares the cases of Brazil, Chile and Argentina -countries that experienced military coups, dictatorships, armed insurgencies and state terror in the sixties and seventies- with that of Mexico, where similar phenomena occurred, despite the country’s revolution that did away with military coups. The aspects emphasized in this comparative analysis are the political system, armed underground organizations, counterinsurgency and its death toll, the struggle for human rights and memory. It also includes a description of the Mexican Operation Condor -focused on the elimination of drug cultivation- in order to emphasize its similarities with its South American counterpart in spite of their lack of an organic connection. The general argument is that a comparative perspective offers a new angle from which to understand the causes and escalation of political violence in cases that have not been considered to be analogous by examining the juxtaposition of local, transnational and global contexts. This article is based on archival research, the contemporary press, interviews, official reports and secondary sources.

Resumen: En este artículo se comparan los casos de Brasil, Chile y Argentina, países que experimentaron golpes de Estado, dictaduras, insurgencia armada y terror estatal en las décadas de los sesenta y los setenta, con el de México, donde ocurrieron fenómenos similares a pesar de que el país tuvo una revolución que eliminó de escena los golpes militares. Los aspectos que se destacan en el análisis comparativo son el sistema político, las organizaciones armadas clandestinas, la contrainsurgencia y sus saldos, la lucha por los derechos humanos y la memoria. Asimismo, se incluye una descripción de la Operación Cóndor mexicana -enfocada en la eliminación de cultivos de droga- para enfatizar sus similitudes con su contraparte sudamericana, a pesar de que no había ninguna conexión orgánica entre ambas. El planteamiento general es que la perspectiva comparativa ofrece un nuevo ángulo para entender las causas y el escalamiento de la violencia política en casos que no se consideraban equiparables, al examinarse la yuxtaposición de los contextos local, transnacional y global. El artículo se basa en investigación de archivo y hemerográfica, entrevistas, informes oficiales y fuentes secundarias.

On 11 September 2001, the world witnessed a drastic change in the global security landscape that influenced the dynamics of United States counterterrorism. The United States expanded its global alliances, including its financial assistance and cooperation scope, in East Africa as well. A fundamental transformation in the United States Defence Foreign Policy towards Africa was marked by a growing reliance by the United States on African partners, such as Kenya. Despite visible power disparities between the United States and Kenyan asymmetric relations, the two states set an unmatched counterterrorism partnership in East Africa - even with the growing criticism of the United States militarisation in some parts of Africa, such as in the Sahel region, which remains prone to coups despite enduring counterterrorism interventions by the United States. What is particularly interesting is how the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya enhanced a stable and multidimensional implementation of counterterrorism in East Africa. The dynamics of these asymmetric relations on counterterrorism demystify the perception that asymmetric relations between powerful and weak states are inherently unstable. Employing secondary data, the study on which this article reports, sought to deconstruct such rhetoric by conceptualising asymmetry whilst identifying five main conceptualisations of asymmetry theory that characterises the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya. Thereafter, by taking stock of the multidimensional efforts by the United States and Kenya, it is argued that triangular asymmetries are the significant force multipliers of stability and normalcy in asymmetric relations.

Abstract The National Territory of Río Negro became a province in the 1950s, lived its first years of provincialization within military coups which stopped the development of the democratic life in the province. These institutional, economic, and political contexts gave a special imprint to the different areas and to the provincial government managements. About education, Río Negro created its first Ministry of Education with the return of democracy, in 1983, under the radical government of Osvaldo Álvarez Guerrero. The social democratic profile of the governor, who prioritized the health and educational wings, plus the winds of change signed by hope and freedom and a solid management team, let the province being known as an advanced one in educational terms, compared with the rest of the country. This comparation will be made in this work, returning to the investigations from the national area of different people with a well-known experience, and analyzing how every characteristic/politic/event happened at the national level, impacted, and were applied at the provincial level. This will show that Río Negro counted with several factors which allowed the implementation of different educational politics between 1986 and 1996, thought to the democratization of the educational system and that, instead of other provinces, were well applied.

Resumen El Territorio Nacional de Río Negro, devenido en provincia en la década del cincuenta, transcurrió gran parte de sus primeros años de provincialización en el marco de golpes militares que interrumpieron el desarrollo de la vida democrática en la provincia. Esos contextos institucionales, económicos y políticos le dieron una impronta particular a las distintas áreas y gestiones del gobierno provincial. En lo que respecta a la educación, Río Negro constituyó su primer Ministerio de Educación de la mano del retorno de la democracia en 1983, en el marco del gobierno radical de Oscar Álvarez Guerrero. El perfil socialdemócrata del gobernador, que priorizó las áreas de salud y educación, sumado al clima de época caracterizado por la esperanza, la libertad y un equipo de gestión sólido, posibilitó que la provincia se caracterizara como de avanzada en materia educativa en comparación con el resto del país. En este trabajo se realizará esa comparación, retomando las investigaciones para el ámbito nacional de diferentes personas de reconocida trayectoria y analizando cómo cada característica/política/acontecimiento que se dieron a nivel nacional, repercutieron/fueron aplicados a nivel provincial. De esta forma, se podrá observar que Río Negro contó, en el periodo 1986-1996, con una serie de factores que posibilitaron la implementación de determinadas políticas educativas pensadas para la democratización del sistema educativo y que, a diferencia de otras provincias, sí logró llevarlas a la práctica.

Abstract: There was an expansion of the private and residual character of social protection in PT governments (2003-2016). This research sought to apprehend how marxist productions described and explained these transformations. A hybrid bibliographic review was carried out, inspired both by elements of the systematic review and the narrative review, restricted to productions of academic origin and published in book format. Eight works were selected after consecutive filtering phases of the search results. The review indicates a consensus around the deepening of the social protection order based on the logic of the market and residual public protection. However, the applied neoliberal policies took on unprecedented proportions and effects in terms of the country's recent history and its abysmal inequality. The commodity boom and the effects of its decline, added to the "early" and "late" repercussions of the 2008 crisis, allowed the PT governments a greater radius of maneuver. Finally, the occurrence of two coups against social protection (2014-2016) was verified, when a good part of the social gains was sacrificed.

Resumo: Houve expansão do caráter privado e residual da proteção social nos governos petistas (2003-2016). Esta pesquisa buscou apreender como as produções marxistas descreveram e explicaram essas transformações. Foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica híbrida, inspirada tanto em elementos da revisão sistemática quanto da revisão narrativa, restrita a produções de origem acadêmica e publicadas em formato de livro. Foram selecionadas oito obras após fases consecutivas de filtragem dos resultados de buscas. A revisão indica consenso em torno do aprofundamento do ordenamento da proteção social a partir da lógica do mercado e da proteção pública residual. Todavia, as políticas de corte neoliberal aplicadas tomaram inéditas proporções e efeitos em termos da história recente do país e de sua abissal desigualdade. O boom das commodities e os efeitos de seu declínio somados aos rebatimentos "iniciais" e "tardios" da crise de 2008 possibilitaram um raio maior de manobra aos governos petistas. Por fim, foi constatada a ocorrência de dois golpes contra a proteção social (2014-2016), quando boa parte dos ganhos sociais foi sacrificada.

Resumen: Esta investigación buscó aprehender tendencias en cuanto al tratamiento de la cuestión social en los gobiernos del PT como una forma de investigar las estructuras de protección social en el capitalismo brasileño. Nuestro esfuerzo general se centró en el análisis de cómo se trató la cuestión social en Brasil bajo los gobiernos del PT. En esta trayectoria, llevamos a cabo una revisión un tanto híbrida, inspirada en elementos de la revisión sistemática, pero no apegados firmemente a ella. En total, se seleccionaron ocho trabajos tras fases consecutivas de filtrado de los resultados obtenidos. Los resultados de la revisión indican un consenso en torno a la profundización del neoliberalismo, en el sentido de ordenar la protección social desde la lógica del mercado. Sin embargo, las políticas neoliberales aplicadas tomaron proporciones y produjeron efectos sin precedentes en la historia reciente del país y su abismal desigualdad. El auge de las materias primas y los efectos de su declive, sumados a las repercusiones “iniciales” y “tardías” de la crisis de 2008, permitieron un mayor radio de maniobra a los gobiernos del PT. Finalmente, notamos la ocurrencia de dos golpes contra la protección social (2014-2016), cuando se sacrificaron gran parte de las conquistas sociales.

Resumen En este artículo analizamos la evolución del movimiento estudiantil en Argentina entre los golpes de Estado de 1966 y 1976 a partir de un examen cuantitativo de sus enfrentamientos sociales en la UBA, la UNLP, la UNC, la UNR y la UNT. La descripción de las tendencias nacionales en materia de cantidad, formas, escenarios, reclamos y alianzas observados en las acciones, sus covariaciones y las similitudes o diferencias según los casos conducen a distinguir tres etapas bien diferenciadas: la resistencia de 1966, el ‘68 largo de 1969 a 1971/72 y la institucionalización fallida del tercer peronismo. Nuestros hallazgos cuestionan la hipótesis usual de una asociación entre peronización y radicalización e invitan a indagar sobre el gravitante reformismo universitario en tiempos de revolución.

Abstract In this article we analyze the evolution of the student movement in Argentina between the coups d'état of 1966 and 1976 based on a quantitative examination of its social confrontations at the UBA, the UNLP, the UNC, the UNR and the UNT. The description of the national trends in terms of quantity, forms, scenarios, claims and alliances observed in the actions, their covariations and the similarities or differences according to the cases lead to distinguish three stages well differentiated: the resistance of 1966, the long ‘68 from 1969 to 1971/2 and the failed institutionalization of the third Peronism. Our findings question the usual hypothesis of an association between Peronization and radicalization and invite to inquire about the gravitating university reformism in times of revolution.

Resumen En el siglo XXI las «nuevas» derechas en América Latina se vieron compelidas a reconfigurar sus estrategias de acción política ante el paso del ciclo progresista-populista en la región. En efecto, tanto el Poder Legislativo como el Poder Judicial devinieron en espacios políticos e institucionales clave para nuclearse y dotar de legalidad sus estrategias de intervención política, sean golpes de Estado de nuevo tipo (neogolpismo) o guerras jurídicas, respectivamente. En este contexto, el Poder Judicial comenzó a ocupar un lugar destacado en la agenda política e intelectual y un espacio central en la opinión pública. El presente artículo busca analizar la importancia que guardan en las agendas de investigación las guerras jurídicas. La hipótesis que guía nuestro análisis es que en el siglo XXI el Poder Judicial y las «nuevas» derechas sentaron las condiciones de posibilidad para la constitución de situaciones de excepción a través de las guerras jurídicas con el objetivo de inhibir, proscribir o desplazar a dirigentes políticos que propiciaron procesos de cambio social en la región a los efectos de consagrar un nuevo orden social.

Abstract In the 21st century, the «new» right in Latin America found itself compelled to reconfigure their strategies of political action in the face of the progress of the progressive-populist cycle in the region. In effect, both the Legislative Power and the Judicial Power became key political and institutional spaces to nucleate and endow their political intervention strategies with legality, be they coups d'état of a new type (neo-coup) or legal wars, respectively. In this context, the Judiciary began to occupy a prominent place on the political and intellectual agenda and a central space in public opinion. This article seeks to analyze the importance of legal wars in research agendas. The hypothesis that guides our analysis is that in the 21st century the Judiciary and the «new» right established the conditions of possibility for the constitution of exceptional situations through legal wars with the aim of inhibiting, proscribing or displacing leaders politicians who promoted processes of social change in the region in order to consecrate a new social order.

RÉSUMÉ Lors du vernissage de l'exposition emblématique China/Avant-Garde (1989, Pékin), l'artiste Xiao Lu tire deux coups de feu sur son installation Dialogue et tend l’arme à feu à l'artiste Tang Song, qui deviendra plus tard son couple. À partir de ce moment, le monde de l'art attribue la pièce à Tang Song et Xiao Lu. Deux décennies après l'événement, Xiao Lu a contesté qu’elle était l’unique auteure de l'œuvre d'art dans son mémoire fictif, Dialogue (2010). Dans ce texte, elle présente une historiographie de son art, réfléchit sur la performance et interpelle l'appropriation de l'œuvre par Tang Song. Cet article explore la réécriture par l'artiste de l'histoire officielle de l'art et de ses fondements patriarcaux à travers une perspective féministe. Il engage des lectures complémentaires, contradictoires et contraposées de l'art de Xiao Lu et propose une nouvelle approche qui aborde à la fois les dimensions thérapeutiques et politiques du récit autobiographique de l'artiste. lexposition l exposition China/AvantGarde ChinaAvantGarde China/Avant Garde China Avant 1989, 1989 (1989 Pékin, Pékin , Pékin) lartiste artiste larme arme couple moment lart art lévénement, lévénement événement, événement l'événement quelle qu lunique unique lœuvre œuvre dart d fictif 2010. 2010 . (2010) texte lappropriation appropriation lhistoire histoire féministe complémentaires lartiste. artiste. AvantGarde ChinaAvant 198 (198 201 (2010 19 (19 20 (201 1 (1 2 (20 ( (2

ABSTRACT At the opening of the iconic exhibition China/Avant-Garde (1989, Beijing), the artist Xiao Lu fired two shots at her installation Dialogue and handed the gun to the artist Tang Song, who would later become her boyfriend. From that moment on, the artworld attributed the piece to Tang Song and Xiao Lu. Two decades after the event, Xiao Lu disputed the unique authorship of the artwork in a fictional memoir, Dialogue (2010). In this text, she presented a historiography of her art, reflecting on the performance and challenging Tang Song’s appropriation of the work. This article explores Xiao Lu’s re-writing of the official history of art and its patriarchal foundations through a feminist lens. It engages with complementary, contradictory, and contrasting readings of Xiao Lu's art and offers a new approach that addresses both the therapeutic and political dimensions of the artist's autobiographical account. China/AvantGarde ChinaAvantGarde China/Avant Garde China Avant 1989, 1989 (1989 Beijing, Beijing , Beijing) boyfriend event memoir 2010. 2010 . (2010) text Songs s work Lus rewriting re writing lens complementary contradictory artists account AvantGarde ChinaAvant 198 (198 201 (2010 19 (19 20 (201 1 (1 2 (20 ( (2

RESUMO Na abertura da icônica exposição China/Avant-Garde (1989, Pequim), a artista Xiao Lu disparou dois tiros contra sua instalação Dialogue e entregou a arma ao artista Tang Song, que mais tarde se tornaria seu namorado. A partir daquele momento, o mundo da arte atribuiu a peça a Tang Song e Xiao Lu. Duas décadas depois, Xiao Lu disputou a autoria exclusiva da obra de arte em um livro de memórias ficcionais, Dialogue (2010). Nesse texto, ela apresentou uma historiografia de sua arte, refletindo sobre a performance e desafiando a apropriação da obra por Tang Song. Este artigo explora a reescrita de Xiao Lu a respeito da história oficial da arte e seus fundamentos patriarcais por intermédio de uma lente feminista. Abarca leituras complementares, contraditórias e contrastantes da arte de Xiao Lu e oferece uma nova abordagem tanto à dimensão terapêutica como política do relato autobiográfico da artista. China/AvantGarde ChinaAvantGarde China/Avant Garde China Avant 1989, 1989 (1989 Pequim, Pequim , Pequim) namorado momento depois ficcionais 2010. 2010 . (2010) texto feminista complementares AvantGarde ChinaAvant 198 (198 201 (2010 19 (19 20 (201 1 (1 2 (20 ( (2

Abstract This paper aims to analyze the rhetorical nature of Carl Schmitt's works published during the Weimar Republic, in order to demonstrate the association between such works meanings and the purpose of his theoretical interventions. The hypothesis herein investigated is based on the anti-republicanism of Schmitt's conceptual production which has been clearly revealed at the decisive moment of Weimar Constitution and Republic, the 1932 coup against Prussian government whose legitimacy Schmitt has participated in two ways: directly, by his political and juridical coup's defense, and indirectly, by the theses spread in his intellectual activity which weakened the Weimar Republic legitimacy. Schmitts s interventions antirepublicanism anti republicanism 193 ways directly coups defense indirectly 19 1

Resumo Este trabalho visa a analisar a natureza retórica da obra de Carl Schmitt publicada durante a República de Weimar, a fim de demonstrar que o sentido de seus textos desse período se vincula à finalidade de suas intervenções teóricas. A hipótese do trabalho se sustenta no caráter antirrepublicano da produção conceitual de Schmitt, que se revelou com toda nitidez no momento decisivo da duração da constituição e da República de Weimar, o golpe de 1932 desfechado contra o governo da Prússia, de cuja legitimação Schmitt participou de dois modos: diretamente, por meio da defesa jurídica e política do golpe, e, indiretamente, por intermédio das teses por ele difundidas em sua atividade intelectual, que minaram a legitimidade da República de Weimar. Weimar teóricas 193 Prússia modos diretamente indiretamente intelectual 19 1

Abstract: In the Zitlala region of Mexico, ritual fights take place several times a year in which the protagonists clash in pairs in a real exchange of blows without however seeking domination or physical annihilation of the opponent. From the study of this empirical case - far from being a regional singularity - we will, in this article, try to identify specific characteristics of these forms of confrontation by drawing inspiration from the notion of «play». We will then see how and to what extent these confrontations, clearly delimited in space and time, are not fictitious fights or simulacra but proceed from an authentic action within a fictional space which creates the conditions allowing the construction of another reality where the exchange of blows takes on a distinctive meaning.

Resumen: En la región de Zitlala, en México, tienen lugar varias veces al año peleas rituales en las que los protagonistas se enfrentan por parejas en un intercambio de golpes reales, sin buscar la dominación ni la aniquilación física del adversario. A partir del estudio de este caso empírico -lejos de ser una singularidad regional- intentaremos, en este artículo, identificar las características específicas de estas formas de enfrentamiento inspirándonos en la noción de «juego». A continuación, veremos cómo y en qué medida estos enfrentamientos, claramente delimitados en el espacio y en el tiempo, no son combates ficticios o simples simulacros, sino que proceden de una acción auténtica dentro de un espacio ficcional que crea las condiciones para la construcción de otra realidad en la que el intercambio de golpes adquiere un significado distintivo.

Résumé : Dans la région de Zitlala, au Mexique, se déroulent plusieurs fois par an des combats rituels où les protagonistes s’affrontent par paire, dans un échange de coups bien réels, sans toutefois rechercher la domination ou l’anéantissement physique de l’adversaire. À partir de l’étude de ce cas empirique - loin d’être une singularité régionale - on va, dans cet article, tenter de dégager des caractéristiques spécifiques de ces formes d’affrontements en s’inspirant de la notion du «jouer». On verra alors comment et dans quelle mesure ces confrontations, clairement délimitées dans l’espace et le temps, ne sont pas des combats fictifs ou de simples simulacres, mais procèdent d’une action authentique au sein d’un espace fictionnel qui crée les conditions permettant la construction d’un autre réel où l’échange de coups prend un sens distinctif.

Dans cet article, notre objectif était de décrire et d’analyser ce que nous appelons les effets politiques de la troisième offensive néolibérale en Amérique latine, une période qui correspond, en général, à la phase inaugurée par les développements de la crise économique de 2007-2008 qui a frappé les gouvernements progressistes de la région. À partir des cas bolivien et brésilien, nous indiquons que les effets politiques les plus marquants de cette nouvelle offensive néolibérale s’expriment en engendrant de nouveaux types de coups d’État, avec un certain degré de respect des mécanismes légaux, et en favorisant la constitution de mouvements de masse réactionnaires typiques des processus fascistes. En analysant les deux cas, nous soutenons que l’une des exigences du nouveau type de coup d’État est d’obtenir une participation plus active, constante et idéologiquement cohérente de ses bases sociales, afin de donner une légitimité aux attaques exceptionnelles des pouvoirs d’État contre les décisions établies par le suffrage universel. La politisation de cette base sociale ne se fait cependant pas uniquement par la «raison néolibérale». L’actualisation du discours anticommuniste, la défense de la morale chrétienne conservatrice et la dispute culturelle sur l’identité du «peuple-nation» ont stimulé les mouvements réactionnaires de masse, que ce soit sur les réseaux sociaux ou dans la rue, qui configurent, bien que de manière non déclarée, un camp néo-fasciste dans cette situation complexe. article danalyser d analyser latine correspond général 20072008 2007 2008 2007-200 région brésilien sexpriment s expriment dÉtat, dÉtat État, État légaux fascistes lune l dobtenir obtenir active sociales universel raison néolibérale» Lactualisation L actualisation anticommuniste lidentité identité «peuplenation» peuplenation «peuple nation» peuple nation «peuple-nation rue configurent déclarée néofasciste néo fasciste complexe 2007200 200 2007-20 «peuplenation 200720 20 2007-2 20072 2 2007-

The aim of this article is to describe and analyze what we call the political effects of the third neoliberal offensive in Latin America, which is defined as a period that corresponds, in general, to the phase inaugurated by the consequences of the 2007-2008 economic crisis that affected progressive governments in the region. Based on Bolivian and Brazilian cases, we indicate that the most salient political effects of this new neoliberal offensive are expressed by engendering coup d’état of a new type, with a certain degree of observance of legal mechanisms, and by fostering the constitution of reactionary mass movements typical of fascistization processes. From the analysis of the two cases, we argue that a requirement of the new type of coup d’état is to obtain a more active, constant and ideologically cohesive participation of its social bases, in order to give legitimacy to the exceptional attacks of state powers on decisions established by universal suffrage. However, the politicization of this social base is not only built by a “neoliberal reason”. The updating of the anti-communist discourse, the defense of conservative Christian morality and the cultural dispute over the identity of the “nation-people” have boosted reactionary mass movements, whether on social networks or in the streets, which leads, albeit in an undeclared way, to a neo-fascist camp in this complex conjuncture. America corresponds general 20072008 2007 2008 2007-200 region cases détat d état mechanisms processes active bases suffrage However reason. reason . reason” anticommunist anti communist discourse nationpeople nation people “nation-people streets leads way neofascist neo fascist conjuncture 2007200 200 2007-20 200720 20 2007-2 20072 2 2007-

Neste artigo, nosso objetivo foi o de descrever e analisar o que chamamos de efeitos políticos da terceira ofensiva neoliberal na América Latina, período que corresponde, em geral, à fase inaugurada pelos desdobramentos da crise econômica de 2007-2008 que atingiu governos progressistas na região. A partir dos casos boliviano e brasileiro, indicamos que os efeitos políticos mais salientes dessa nova ofensiva neoliberal se expressam por engendrar golpes de novo tipo, com certo grau de observância de mecanismos legais, e por fomentar a constituição de movimentos de massa reacionários típicos de processos de fascistização. Da análise dos dois casos, argumentamos que uma exigência do golpismo de novo tipo é obter uma participação mais ativa, constante e ideologicamente coesa de suas bases sociais, de forma a conferir legitimidade às investidas excepcionais de poderes de Estado a decisões estabelecidas pelo sufrágio universal. A politização dessa base social não se faz, contudo, apenas com a “razão neoliberal”. A atualização do discurso anticomunista, a defesa da moral conservadora cristã e a disputa cultural em torno da identidade do “povo-nação” têm potencializado movimentos reacionários de massa, seja nas redes sociais ou nas ruas, que configuram, ainda que de forma não autodeclarada, um campo neofascista nessa complexa conjuntura. artigo Latina corresponde geral 20072008 2007 2008 2007-200 região brasileiro legais fascistização ativa universal faz contudo razão neoliberal. . neoliberal” anticomunista povonação povo nação “povo-nação ruas configuram autodeclarada conjuntura 2007200 200 2007-20 200720 20 2007-2 20072 2 2007-

This article undertakes a comprehensive assessment of the African Union (AU)'s Agenda 2063 Aspiration 4: A peaceful and secure Africa and the progress made at continental level towards it. Aspiration 4 is informed by the AU's acknowledgment that the scourge of conflict on the continent plays a significant role in hampering socioeconomic development. Against this background, the article examines the role played by the AU and its regional economic communities (RECs) in response to armed conflict on the continent, as exemplified by the AU and Southern African Development Community (SADC) response to the Cabo Delgado conflict in northern Mozambique. The AU's response to the recent surge of military coups in Africa is also examined, with a focus on the coups in Sudan in 2019 and 2021. The article concludes that the Agenda 2063 blueprint is a useful tool for the continental body when dealing with the scourge of conflicts and unconstitutional changes of governments, which threatens to hamper the AU's developmental agenda.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la ocurrencia de múltiples golpes de estado en los países de América Latina alrededor del año 1930. Entre 1924 y 1935 hubo diecisiete golpes, los cuales comenzaron con Chile y Honduras, y fueron seguidos por otros países que experimentaron los primeros golpes militares en su historia. Debido a que la expansión económica de América Latina en esa época dependía principalmente de las exportaciones y, por lo tanto, era vulnerable a las crisis externas, la crisis económica mundial de la década de 1930 es sospechosa de haber tenido un impacto negativo en el desempeño económico de la región. Lo anterior pudo haber provocado que los malos resultados económicos hayan socavado la resistencia de las instituciones políticas. Pero también hubo procesos paralelos de incorporación política de trabajadores y campesinos en la región. Para probar estas hipótesis, se utilizaron modelos de regresión logísticos. Se encontró que variables económicas con rezagos y las variables de incorporación política explicarían la inestabilidad política que se suscitó en ese periodo de tiempo, mientras que las de movilización social lo harían en menor medida. Clasificación JEL: H2, N16, N2, N26, P26.

Résumé : Cet article analyse les coups d’État dans les pays d’Amérique latine autour des années 1930. Entre 1924 et 1935, il y a eu dans cette région dix-sept coups d’État, lesquels ont commencé au Chili et au Honduras. D’autres pays ont connu ensuite leurs premiers coups d’État militaires dans leur histoire. Étant donné que la croissance économique de l’Amérique latine dépendait à l’époque, principalement, des exportations - donc vulnérable aux chocs extérieurs-, la crise économique mondiale des années 1930 est soupçonnée d’avoir eu un impact négatif sur la performance économique de la région. Cela pourrait signifier que les mauvaises performances économiques ont miné la crédibilité des institutions politiques. Mais il y avait également dans la région des processus parallèles d’incorporation politique des ouvriers et des paysans. Afin de tester ces hypothèses, nous utilisons des modèles de régression logistique. Nous montrons que les variables économiques décalées et les variables d’incorporation politique expliqueraient l’instabilité politique qui a eu lieu au cours de cette période, tandis que les variables de mobilisation sociale le feraient dans une moindre mesure. Clasificación JEL: H2, N16, N2, N26, P26.

Abstract: This article analyzes the occurrence of multiple coups d’état in Latin American countries around 1930. Between 1924 and 1935 there were seventeen coups which began with Chile and Honduras and were followed by others that experienced the first military coups in their history. Because Latin America’s economic expansion at that time was primarily dependent on exports and was therefore vulnerable to external shocks, the global economic crisis of the 1930s is suspected of having had a negative impact on the economic performance of the region. This may have caused poor economic performance to undermine the resistance of political institutions. But there were also parallel processes of political incorporation of workers and peasants in the region. To assess these hypotheses, we use logistic regression models. We found that economic variables with lags and the incorporation variables would contribute to account for the political instability that arose in that period, while the mobilization variables would do so to a lesser extent. Clasificación JEL: H2, N16, N2, N26, P26.

Resumen La historia política centroamericana resalta los conflictos entre las élites, las memorias y las biografías apologéticas de personajes, gobernantes o militares. Una revisión sobre las elecciones indirectas en Guatemala, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras y El Salvador evidencia una incipiente renovación historiográfica. El texto sintetiza la organización y ejecución de las elecciones indirectas observando los cambios normativos y la práctica política iniciada desde la crisis de la monarquía española (1810-1812). Además, plantea algunos cambios a largo del siglo XIX como los siguientes: la gradual eliminación de niveles de elección, la introducción del sufragio censatario, la evolución desde las facciones a la formación del partido político; finalmente, se exponen nuevas interrogantes sobre algunas temáticas a profundizar. Un resultado que destacar es que el acceso al poder por medio de golpes de Estado no anuló el derecho al sufragio ni la participación de diversos sectores sociales en los comicios. Los estudios del proceso eleccionario necesitan superar la visión nacional para contar con mayores argumentos que permitan un análisis comparativo de la formación del sistema representativo en América Central.

Resumo A história política centro-americana destaca conflitos entre elites, memórias e biografias apologéticas de personalidades, governantes ou oficiais militares. Uma revisão das eleições indirectas na Guatemala, Costa Rica, Nicarágua, Honduras e El Salvador é prova de uma incipiente renovação historiográfica. O texto sintetiza a organização e execução de eleições indirectas, observando as mudanças normativas e a prática política iniciada desde a crise da monarquia espanhola (1810-1812). Além disso, levanta algumas mudanças ao longo do século XIX, tais como: a eliminação gradual dos níveis eleitorais, a introdução do sufrágio recenseado, a evolução das facções para a formação do partido político; finalmente, são colocadas novas questões sobre algumas questões a serem estudadas em profundidade. Um resultado a destacar é que o acesso ao poder através de golpes de Estado não anulou o direito de sufrágio ou a participação de diferentes sectores sociais nas eleições. Os estudos do processo eleitoral devem ir além de uma perspectiva nacional a fim de fornecer mais argumentos para uma análise comparativa da formação do sistema representativo na América Central.

Abstract The political history of Central America focuses on conflicts between elites, memories and apologetic biographies about politicians, rulers or military men. A review of the electoral experience of Guatemala, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador in the 19th century brings to light a still incipient historiographical renewal. The text summarizes the organization and implementation of indirect elections, observing the normative changes and the political practice initiated since the crisis of the Spanish monarchy (1810-1812). In addition, it raises some changes throughout the 19th century such as the following: the gradual elimination of levels of election, the introduction of census suffrage, the evolution from factions to the formation of the political party; finally, new questions about some issues to deepen are exposed. A result to be highlighted is that access to power by means of coups d'état did not annul the right to suffrage or the participation of diverse social sectors in the elections. Studies of the electoral process need to go beyond the national vision in order to have more arguments for a comparative analysis of the formation of the representative system in Central America.

RESUMO O presente texto constitui uma problematização teórica do caráter conflituoso da memória coletiva, na perspectiva da teoria do antagonismo proposta por Laclau, que constitui uma contribuição deste trabalho, trata-se de uma abordagem inovadora para a compreensão dos fenômenos de trauma histórico, de uma perspectiva atenta à dimensão política da memória. A partir desta problematização se reflete sobre a relevância dos lugares da memória como espaços para inscrição e processamento simbólico dos traumas coletivos, aqueles que, dada a sua natureza material e localização particular no espaço público, podem operar como marcos de referência para a elaboração das repercussões transgeracionais dos traumas coletivos.

ABSTRACT This article presents a theoretical problematization of the conflicting character of collective memory in the perspective of the theory of antagonism proposed by Laclau. It is an innovative approach to understanding the phenomena of historical trauma, from a point of view attentive to the political dimension of memory. From this, we reflect on the relevance of memory places as spaces for inscription and symbolic processing of collective traumas, those that, given their material nature and particular location in the public space, can operate as benchmarks for the elaboration of transgenerational repercussions of collective traumas.

RESUMEN El presente texto efectúa una problematización teórica del carácter conflictivo de la memoria colectiva desde la perspectiva de la teoría del antagonismo propuesta por Laclau, el cual constituye un aporte de este trabajo, dado que resulta una aproximación novedosa para la comprensión de los fenómenos de trauma histórico desde una perspectiva atenta a la dimensión política de la memoria. A partir de esta problematización se reflexiona acerca de la relevancia de los sitios de memoria como espacios de inscripción y tramitación simbólica de los traumas colectivos, los que dada su particular naturaleza material y ubicación en el espacio público pueden operar como hitos de referencia para la elaboración de las repercusiones transgeneracionales de los traumas colectivos.

RÉSUMÉ Ce texte présente une problématisation théorique de la nature conflictuelle de la mémoire collective du point de vue de la théorie de l’antagonisme proposée par Laclau, qui constitue une contribution à ce travail, puisqu’elle aboutit à une approche inédite de la compréhension des phénomènes de traumatisme historique à partir de une perspective attentive à la dimension politique de la mémoire. A partir de cette problématisation, on réfléchit à la pertinence des lieux de mémoire en tant qu’espaces d’inscription et de traitement symbolique des traumatismes collectifs, qui, compte tenu de leur nature matérielle particulière et de leur localisation dans l’espace public, peuvent opérer comme des coups de référence pour l’élaboration des répercussions transgénérationnelles des traumatismes collectifs.

Resumo Este artigo parte da constatação da falta de reflexão sobre a história da área acadêmica para discutir o contexto em que se desenvolve o campo da Comunicação na América Latina. Registra a instrumentalização política da mídia na Guerra Fria a partir da Sociedade Interamericana de Imprensa, ao mesmo tempo em que é forjada a Mass Communications Research nos Estados Unidos como instrumento de guerra psicológica. Aponta inconsistências na história dominante a respeito dos forefathers da disciplina. Observa a articulação do Ciespal com os golpes militares dos anos 1960 no continente. A partir dessas constatações, propõe que apenas uma história social do conhecimento pode oferecer estrutura conceitual e lastro histórico a quem queira compreender o percurso de institucionalização do campo.

Abstract This article starts from the observation of the lack of reflection on the history of the Communications academic area to discuss the context in which this field is developed in Latin America. It records the political instrumentalization of the media during the Cold War from the Inter-American Press Society, at the same time as Mass Communications Research is forged in the United States as an instrument of psychological warfare. It points out inconsistencies in the dominant story regarding the forefathers of the discipline. It observes Ciespal’s articulation with the military coups of the 1960s on the continent. Based on these findings, it proposes that only a social history of knowledge can offer a conceptual structure and a historical foundation for those who want to understand the path of institutionalization of the field.