Abstract The objective of this research is to identify and describe the main domains and subdomains of the entrepreneurial ecosystem that drive entrepreneurship in Mexico and establish their relationship with the entrepreneurial intention. For this purpose, a structured direct questionnaire was developed which was applied to 1,141 students of accounting, administration, and computer science majors, from the Faculty of Accounting and Administration of the National Autonomous University of Mexico. A descriptive, correlational, and multivariate analysis was carried out. The results allow to know that the training of an entrepreneur integrates social, cultural and economic knowledge, which increases the probability of creating successful entrepreneurship; however, knowledge of the business environment does not represent a strength for students, specifically they lack knowledge about the financing sources. Regarding the students' perception about the market and human capital, it was found that they have a notion of the elements that allow increasing sales in an organization and know how to recognize the importance of human capital. On the other hand, students express concern about procedures and corruption, which are barriers that usually prevent entrepreneurship in Mexico; likewise, they require more information about entrepreneurship support services.

Resumen El objetivo de esta investigación es identificar y describir los principales dominios y subdominios del ecosistema emprendedor que favorecen el emprendimiento en México, y establecer su relación con la intención de emprendimiento, para ello se elaboró un cuestionario directo estructurado el cual fue aplicado a 1,141 estudiantes de las carreras de contaduría, administración e informática, de la Facultad de Contaduría y Administración de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, se realizó un análisis descriptivo, correlacional y multivariado. Los resultados permiten saber que la formación de un emprendedor integra conocimientos sociales, culturales y económicos, lo cual incrementa las probabilidades de crear emprendimientos exitosos, sin embargo, el conocimiento del ambiente empresarial no representa una fortaleza para los estudiantes, específicamente carecen de conocimientos sobre las fuentes de financiamiento. Respecto a la percepción de los estudiantes acerca del mercado y del capital humano, se encontró que estos tienen noción de los elementos que permiten incrementar las ventas en una organización y saben reconocer la importancia del capital humano. Por otra parte, los estudiantes manifiestan preocupación por los trámites y la corrupción que son barreras que suelen impedir el emprendimiento en México; asimismo, requieren de más información sobre de los servicios de apoyo al emprendimiento.

ABSTRACT: This essay analyzes the film Ratas, Ratones, Rateros (1999), by Ecuadorian director Sebastián Cordero, as a reflection of the social problems that affect contemporary Ecuador. Through a textual analysis of the work, it is examined how the main characters, two cousins who are dedicated to theft and crime, represent the Creole liveliness, social resentment and corruption that are some of the characteristic features of Ecuadorian society. Likewise, the film is contextualized with the political and economic scenario of the country at the end of the nineties, marked by the banking crisis, dollarization and government instability. The conclusion to be reached is that Ecuadorian cinema, more than a nationalist art, functions as a mirror of daily reality; as a reflection of the identity and social problems of Ecuadorians.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se analiza la película Ratas, Ratones, Rateros (1999), del director ecuatoriano Sebastián Cordero, como un reflejo de las problemáticas sociales que afectan al Ecuador contemporáneo. A través de un análisis textual de la obra, se examina cómo los personajes principales, dos primos que se dedican al robo y la delincuencia, representan la viveza criolla, el resentimiento social y la corrupción, que son algunos de los rasgos característicos de la sociedad ecuatoriana. Asimismo, se contextualiza la película con el escenario político y económico del país a finales de los noventa, marcado por la crisis bancaria, la dolarización y la inestabilidad gubernamental. La conclusión a la se llegará es que el cine ecuatoriano, más que un arte nacionalista, funciona como un espejo de la realidad cotidiana; como un reflejo de la identidad y de los problemas sociales de los ecuatorianos.

RESUMEN La presencia de agrupaciones del crimen organizado transnacional junto a otros aspectos en el contexto penitenciario y las condiciones de infraestructura y de dotación de los centros de rehabilitación social que se conjugan con la sobrepoblación que ocasiona el hacinamiento, se ubican como las principales causas de la crisis del sector penitenciario que ha traído como consecuencia situaciones de extrema violencia. La investigación realizada se enmarca en el estudio de la crisis carcelaria como un problema global, y tiene como objetivo realizar un análisis de la crisis penitenciaria en el Ecuador y la intervención de la cooperación internacional como un mecanismo para coadyuvar en asuntos de seguridad interna, especialmente mediante el apoyo a la lucha contra el crimen transnacional organizado, el cual se ha infiltrado en los centros de privación de la libertad. Mediante el empleo del método de análisis documental, se ha procurado el estudio de la situación carcelaria, la incidencia del crimen organizado y la necesidad de plantear soluciones en la esfera de la cooperación internacional; particularmente se describen los aspectos más relevantes del Programa de Asistencia contra el Crimen Transnacional Organizado Europa Latinoamérica (EL PAcCTO) procurando mostrar las posibles soluciones a la crisis descrita. Como conclusión, se muestra la relación existente entre distintos flagelos como la corrupción y la vulneración de los derechos humanos como aspectos que deberán ser atendidos.

ABSTRACT The presence of transnational organized crime groups, along with other aspects in the prison context, and the conditions of infrastructure and equipment of social rehabilitation centers, which combine with overcrowding, causing overcrowding, are the main causes of the crisis in the prison sector, which has resulted in situations of extreme violence. The research carried out is framed in the study of the prison crisis as a global problem, with the objective of carrying out an analysis of the prison crisis in Ecuador and the intervention of international cooperation as a mechanism to contribute to matters of internal security, especially by supporting the fight against transnational organized crime, which has infiltrated the centres of deprivation of liberty. Using the documentary analysis method, the study of the prison situation and the incidence of organized crime and the need to propose solutions in the field of international cooperation have been attempted, particularly the most relevant aspects of the Assistance Program against Transnational Organized Crime Europe Latin America (EL PAcCTO) are described, trying to show the possible solutions to the crisis described. In conclusion, the relationship between different scourges such as corruption and the violation of human rights is shown as aspects that must be addressed.

Abstract: The present study aimed to investigate the moderating effect of perceived punishment on the relationship between the Dark Triad personality traits and corruption in Brazil (N = 118) and the United Kingdom (N = 130). Participants answered the Dark Triad Dirty Dozen Scale, as well as measures of corruption and perceived punishment. It was found that punishment predicts corruption in both countries. Regarding the Dark Triad traits, a relationship between Machiavellianism and corruption was identified in Brazil and the United Kingdom, although an interaction with punishment was identified only in Brazil. Moreover, psychopathy had no relationship with corruption or punishment in either country. A direct relationship was found only in Brazil on narcissism, although the interaction term was significant in both countries. In general, it was identified that perceived punishment and the dark triad traits contribute to the understanding of corruption, despite some differences in the results between Brazil and the United Kingdom.

Resumo: O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar o papel moderador da percepção de punição na relação entre Tríade Sombria da personalidade e corrupção no Brasil (N = 118) e no Reino Unido (N = 130). Participantes responderam à Escala Dark Triad Dirty Dozen, bem como a medidas de corrupção e percepção de punição. Foi encontrado que a punição prediz a corrupção em ambos os países. Em relação à Tríade Sombria, o relacionamento entre maquiavelismo e corrupção foi identificado no Brasil e no Reino Unido, embora a interação com a punição tenha sido identificada apenas no Brasil. Adicionalmente, a psicopatia não teve relação com a corrupção ou com a punição em nenhum dos países. Um efeito direto do narcisismo foi encontrado apenas no Brasil, apesar do termo de interação ter sido significativo em ambos os países. De forma geral, foi identificado que a percepção de punição e a tríade sombria contribuíram com a compreensão da corrupção, apesar de algumas diferenças nos resultados entre Brasil e Reino Unido.

Resumen: El presente estudio tuvo como objetivo investigar el efecto moderador del castigo percibido sobre la relación entre los rasgos de personalidad de la tríada oscura y la corrupción en Brasil (N = 118) y en el Reino Unido (N = 130). Los participantes respondieron a la Escala de la Docena Sucia de la Triada Oscura, así como a medidas de corrupción y castigo percibido. Se encontró que el castigo predice la corrupción en ambos países. En cuanto a los rasgos de la tríada oscura, se identificó una relación entre el maquiavelismo y la corrupción en Brasil y en el Reino Unido, aunque se identificó una interacción con el castigo solo en Brasil. Además, la psicopatía no tuvo relación con la corrupción o el castigo en ninguno de los dos países. Se encontró una relación directa solo en Brasil con el narcisismo, aunque la interacción fue significativa en ambos países. En general, se identificó que el castigo percibido y los rasgos de la tríada oscura contribuyen a la comprensión de la corrupción, a pesar de algunas diferencias en los resultados entre Brasil y el Reino Unido.

Como os congressistas manipulam as ferramentas legislativas para reverter reformas anticorrupção? Este trabalho descreve como algumas votações recentes pelos legisladores do Congresso Nacional Brasileiro contribuem para reverter os avanços na luta contra a corrupção. Essas votações são realizadas por meio de acordos entre políticos de todos os espectros ideológicos e tornam a legislação voltada para o combate à corrupção vaga. Para tanto foram coletados e analisados documentos das casas legislativas e da imprensa. As evidências sustentam a hipótese de que as regras criadas para proteger a democracia, promover a responsabilidade e garantir a integridade pública são, na verdade, usadas pelos políticos brasileiros para proteger transações corruptas, reverter os resultados alcançados pelas reformas anticorrupção e garantir a estrutura de poder político. Por meio da análise do caso brasileiro, destacamos a importância das reformas anticorrupção para melhorar a supervisão sobre os partidos políticos. Também enfatizamos que, sem uma supervisão adequada, os partidos políticos podem desempenhar um papel crítico em permitir a corrupção política sistêmica, que ameaça especialmente os países do Sul Global.

How Congressmen Manipulate Legislative Tools to Reverse Anti-Corruption Reforms? This paper describes how some recent votes by legislators in the Brazilian National Congress contribute to reversing advances in the fight against corruption. These votes are made through agreements among politicians from all ideological spectrums, rendering the legislation aimed at combating corruption vague. Documents from legislative houses and the press were collected and analyzed for this purpose. The evidence supports the hypothesis that the rules created to protect democracy, promote accountability, and ensure public integrity are actually used by Brazilian politicians to shield corrupt transactions, reverse the results achieved by anti-corruption reforms, and maintain the political power structure. Through the analysis of the Brazilian case, we highlight the importance of anti-corruption reforms in improving oversight over political parties. We also emphasize that, without adequate oversight, political parties can play a critical role in enabling systemic political corruption, which particularly threatens countries in the Global South.

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

ABSTRACT Nayib Bukele has been unconstitutionally re-elected as President of El Salvador. His government can rely on a hegemonic party system that presents a façade of democracy but denies opposition parties any real power. The elections followed an unparalleled subversion of democratic institutions and processes, carried out to consolidate the Central American leader’s electoral autocracy. Bukele claims popular legitimacy, but he has used his rule to eliminate checks and balances, manipulate the independence of the judiciary and the state administration, and stifle press freedom. Behind his grip on authority lies a desire to achieve political and economic influence for the Bukele family and an aspiring business elite associated with it. The President has built his popularity as a political leader through the spectacularization of a state of emergency. Ostensibly a crackdown on gangs, the measure is being used to arbitrarily detain citizens and repress critical voices. Bukele manages El Salvador’s security crisis not to reduce violence, but to bolster support for his regime.

RESUMEN Nayib Bukele ha sido reelegido inconstitucionalmente como Presidente de El Salvador. Su gobierno puede confiar en un sistema de partido hegemónico que presenta una fachada de democracia, pero niega a los partidos de oposición cualquier poder real. Las elecciones siguieron a una subversión sin precedentes de las instituciones y procesos democráticos, llevada a cabo para consolidar la autocracia electoral del líder centroamericano. Bukele afirma tener legitimidad popular, pero ha utilizado su gobierno para eliminar controles y contrapesos, manipular la independencia del poder judicial y de la administración estatal, así como reprimir la libertad de prensa. Detrás de su control de la autoridad se esconde un deseo de lograr influencia política y económica para la familia Bukele y una élite empresarial aspirante asociada a ella. El Presidente ha construido su popularidad como líder político mediante la espectacularización de un régimen de excepción. La medida, que aparenta ser una guerra contra las pandillas, se está utilizando para detener arbitrariamente a los ciudadanos y reprimir las voces críticas. Bukele maneja la crisis de seguridad de El Salvador no para reducir la violencia, sino para reforzar el apoyo a su régimen.

ABSTRACT This paper describes the main socio-political events that took place in Uruguay in 2023, Luis Lacalle Pou’s fourth year as president (supported by a rightist coalition). During the 2019 electoral campaign, many of Lacalle Pou’s promises were not based on a programmatic shift but on better management (non-policy politics), particularly of economic and security policies. While macroeconomic indicators show moderate performance, security indicators have not improved substantially. Dormant during the pandemic, security became a very important issue in 2023, materialized in high homicide rates and violence linked to drug trafficking and gang conflict. Much like in other Latin American countries, security has become a protracted problem that no single administration can improve. Furthermore, in 2023 there were a series of politi- cal scandals, some of which were linked to organized crime and drug-trafficking. We posit that, jointly, these facts undermine the better management capacity rhetoric. This suggests that the current administration lost the advantage of non-policy poli- tics, which could affect its electoral chances in 2024.

RESUMEN Este artículo describe los principales acontecimientos socio-políticos durante 2023 en Uru- guay, el cuarto año de gobierno de Luis Lacalle Pou (un presidente apoyado por una coali- ción de derecha). Durante la campaña electoral de 2019, muchas de las promesas de Lacalle Pou se basaron en la garantía de una mejor gestión (non-policy politics), en particular en materia de política económica y de seguridad. Si bien los indicadores macroeconómicos muestran un desempeño moderado, los indicadores de seguridad no han mejorado sustancialmente. Los problemas de seguridad, en estado latente durante la pandemia, volvieron a ser un asunto importante en 2023 como muestran las altas tasas de homicidios y violen- cia vinculada al narcotráfico y al conflicto entre bandas. Al igual que en otros países de América Latina, la seguridad se ha convertido en un problema persistente de no sencilla resolución en un único período de gobierno. Además, en 2023 salieron a la luz una serie de escándalos políticos, algunos de ellos vinculados con el crimen organizado y el narcotráfico. En este artículo argumentamos que estos hechos, considerados en conjunto, socavaron las apelaciones discursivas a la mejor capacidad de gestión. Esto sugiere que la actual ad- ministración perdió la ventaja del non-policy politics, lo que podría afectar sus chances electorales en 2024.

ABSTRACT The year 2023 in Chile has been an intense year on the political front. The challenges faced by the government were exacerbated by opposition pressure on security and migration issues and the emergence of corruption cases. In this context of turmoil, the country experienced a second constitutional failure after the resounding rejection of the proposal for the first Constitutional Convention in 2021. Political parties agreed on a new process, but the final proposal was rejected by 56% of voters in December. For many, this event reveals structural problems in Chilean democracy, with fragmented political actors and a volatile citizenry. Two data sources were used to analyze what happened in 2023 further. The first is Congressional information on parliamentary benches and floor votes. The second is a longitudinal survey of three moments during the constitutional process. These tools allowed us to observe the difficulties that the breakdown of legislative discipline created for the expectations of the government, as well as the low evaluation that citizens had of the political system in general and the constitutional process in particular.

RESUMEN El 2023 en Chile fue un año intenso en lo político. Las presiones de la oposición en temas de seguridad y migración, y la aparición de casos de corrupción, exacerbaron los desafíos que enfrentó el gobierno. Con un Congreso caracterizado por su hostilidad y una marcada polarización en la clase política, el gobierno tuvo considerables dificultades para avanzar en su agenda legislativa y fiscal. En este contexto de agitación, el país experimentó un segundo fracaso constitucional después del rechazo contundente a la propuesta de la primera convención constituyente de 2021. Los partidos políticos acordaron un nuevo proceso, pero la propuesta final fue rechazada por el 56% de los votantes en diciembre. Para muchos, este evento revela problemas estructurales en la democracia chilena, con actores políticos fragmentados y una ciudadanía volátil. Para analizar más a fondo lo ocurrido el 2023, se utilizaron dos fuentes de datos. La primera es la información del Congreso sobre las bancadas parlamentarias y las votaciones en sala. La segunda es una encuesta longitudinal de tres momentos durante el proceso constitucional. Mediante estas herramientas, se pudo observar la dificultad que generó la descomposición de la disciplina legislativa sobre las expectativas del gobierno, así como la baja valoración de la ciudadanía sobre el sistema político en general y el proceso constitucional en particular.

ABSTRACT Guatemala’s 2023 was defined by the year’s most stunning and tumultuous election in all Latin America. After his shocking second-place finish in the first round, little-known anti-corruption candidate Bernardo Arévalo of the young Movimiento Semilla party won the presidency. Following years of increasing democratic decline and a vicious lawfare campaign against regime opponents, the 2023 election, which was meant to further bolster authoritarianism, became a democratic breakthrough. This article takes stock of the 2023 electoral cycle, analyzing the social, political, and international factors favorable for authoritarian consolidation alongside the surprising dynamics of democratic resilience. Guatemala’s recent anti-democratic slide was spurred not by executive aggrandizement but by prosecutorial and judicial entities on a political mission and intent on using legal instruments to criminalize dissent. However, through a combination of divisions in the ruling coalition, momentum from prior anti-corruption mobilization, and robust international backing, actors from below, namely indigenous communities and the broad-based opposition movement cultivated by Semilla, saved Guatemalan democracy. In so doing, they carved a path toward political renewal that few could have imagined a year earlier, though its promises remain fragile and uncertain.

RESUMEN El año 2023 en Guatemala estuvo definido por las elecciones más sorprendentes y tumultuosas de toda América Latina. Después de su impactante segundo lugar en la primera vuelta, el poco conocido candidato anticorrupción Bernardo Arévalo del joven partido Movimiento Semilla ganó la presidencia. Tras años de declive democrático creciente y una campaña legal agresiva contra opositores al régimen, las elecciones de 2023, que estaban destinadas a fortalecer aún más el autoritarismo, se convirtieron en un avance democrático. Este artículo hace un balance del ciclo electoral de 2023, analizando los factores sociales, políticos e internacionales favorables para la consolidación autoritaria junto con las dinámicas sorprendentes de resistencia democrática. El reciente declive antidemocrático de Guatemala fue impulsado no por un agrandamiento ejecutivo sino por entidades procesales y judiciales en una misión política e intentando utilizar instrumentos legales para criminalizar la disidencia. Sin embargo, a través de una combinación de divisiones en la coalición gobernante, impulso de movilizaciones anticorrupción anteriores y un sólido respaldo internacional, actores desde abajo, especialmente las comunidades indígenas y el movimiento de oposición amplio cultivado por Semilla, salvaron la democracia guatemalteca. Al hacerlo, trazaron un camino hacia la renovación política que pocos podían haber imaginado un año antes, aunque sus promesas siguen siendo frágiles e inciertas.

Abstract State and municipal finances in Mexico depend almost entirely on federal transfers. In indigenous municipalities, this dependency is greater, as in the case of Oxchuc, in the Altos region of the state of Chiapas. The objective of this work is to demonstrate, through a comparative analysis with other municipalities in Chiapas and Nuevo León, how the transfers received in the Oxchuc city council caused conflicts and a fight of factions for the control of these resources, wich transcends regulatory systems, and is maintained in the government elected by uses and customs.

Resumen En México, las finanzas estatales y municipales dependen casi totalmente de las transferencias federales. En los municipios indígenas esa dependencia es mayor, como en el caso de Oxchuc, en la región de Los Altos de Chiapas. El objetivo de este trabajo es demostrar, a través de un análisis comparativo con otros municipios de Chiapas y Nuevo León, cómo las transferencias recibidas en el ayuntamiento de Oxchuc ocasionaron conflictos y una lucha de facciones por el control de esos recursos, que trasciende los sistemas normativos, y se mantiene en el gobierno elegido por usos y costumbres.

ABSTRACT This research article focuses its efforts on understanding the adverse effect of corruption within state procurement. This situation is becoming a nuisance for civil society because it has a negative impact on the progress of the nation. Legal and documentary hermeneutics is used as a tool to interpret with a critical basis the norms that regulate the conduct of free competition and the defense of collective rights promulgated in the Political Constitution of 1991, when reviewing the foundations of Law 80 of 1993 and the other regulations that delimit state contraction, sanctions for corruption and the SECOP disclosure system necessary to monitor it. Concluding in the need to maintain an assertive criterion among public officials when selecting a contractor, since the State has great difficulties monitoring each contract's progress in the country.

RESUMEN El presente artículo de investigación centra sus esfuerzos en comprender el efecto adverso de la corrupción dentro de la contratación estatal, situación que se está convirtiendo en una molestia para sociedad civil puesto que, repercute negativamente en el progreso de la nación. Se emplea la hermenéutica jurídica y documental como herramienta para interpretar con un sustento crítico las normas que regulan el proceder de la libre competencia y la defensa de los derechos colectivos promulgado en la Constitución Política de 1991, al revisar los fundamentos de la ley 80 de 1993 y las demás normas que delimitan la contracción estatal, las sanciones al corrupto y el sistema de divulgación SECOP necesario para darle seguimiento. Concluyendo en la necesidad de mantener un criterio asertivo entre los funcionarios públicos al momento de seleccionar un contratista, ya que el Estado posee grandes dificultades para estar vigilando el progreso de cada contrato en el país.

Abstract This article analyzes corruption as a new version of othering. Based on theoretical research, the objective is to investigate the linguistic-discursive dimension of constructing the corrupt other given the neoliberal interests of capital accumulation. First, a study is carried out on the concept of othering, based on the theoretical framework of Spivak (1985) and Said (1995), among others complementary, such as the literature that discusses Latin Americanism. Then, the mechanisms and versions of othering are analyzed, such as the humanitarian, civilizing, Human Rights, degraded land, and development mission, based on studies by Backhouse (2013), Chimni (2003), Costa and Gonçalves (2016; 2011) and Gonçalves (2017; 2015; 2012). Afterward, corruption is studied as a new version of othering, based on Bratsis (2014) and Hindess (2005), among others. Finally, the Lava Jato operation is analyzed as an othering experience in recent Brazilian political history, based on research by Ramina (2020 and 2021), Proner (2019), Romano (2021), Koheler (2015), in addition to other Latin American authors. linguisticdiscursive linguistic discursive accumulation First 1985 (1985 1995, 1995 , (1995) complementary Americanism Then humanitarian civilizing Rights land mission 2013, 2013 (2013) 2003, 2003 (2003) 2016 (2016 2011 2017 (2017 2015 2012. 2012 . 2012) Afterward 2014 (2014 2005, 2005 (2005) Finally history 2020 (202 2021, 2021 2021) 2019, 2019 (2019) (2021) 2015, (2015) authors 198 (198 199 (1995 201 (2013 200 (2003 (201 (2005 202 (20 (2019 (2021 (2015 19 (19 (199 20 (200 (2 1 (1 2 (

Resumo Este artigo analisa a corrupção como uma nova versão de othering. O objetivo é distinguir, com base em pesquisa teórica, a dimensão linguístico-discursiva da construção do outro corrupto, tendo em vista os interesses neoliberais de acumulação de capital. Primeiro é realizado um estudo sobre o conceito de othering, com base no referencial teórico central de Spivak (1985) e Said (1995), além de outros complementares, como a literatura que discute o latino-americanismo. Em seguida, são analisados os mecanismos e as versões do othering, como a missão humanitária, civilizatória, dos Direitos Humanos, da terra degradada e do desenvolvimento, a partir dos estudos de Backhouse (2013), Chimni (2003), Gonçalves (2017; 2015; 2012) e outros. Posteriormente, a corrupção é estudada enquanto nova versão de othering, com base em Bratsis (2014), Hindess (2005), dentre outros. Por fim, é analisada a operação Lava Jato enquanto experiência de othering na história política brasileira recente, com base nas pesquisas de Ramina (2020 e 2021), Proner (2019), Romano (2021), Koheler (2015), dentre outras autoras e autores latino-americanos. distinguir teórica linguísticodiscursiva linguístico discursiva corrupto capital 1985 (1985 1995, 1995 , (1995) complementares latinoamericanismo. latinoamericanismo latino americanismo. americanismo latino-americanismo seguida humanitária civilizatória Humanos desenvolvimento 2013, 2013 (2013) 2003, 2003 (2003) 2017 (2017 2015 2012 Posteriormente 2014, 2014 (2014) 2005, 2005 (2005) fim recente 2020 (202 2021, 2021 2021) 2019, 2019 (2019) (2021) 2015, (2015) latinoamericanos. latinoamericanos americanos. americanos latino-americanos 198 (198 199 (1995 201 (2013 200 (2003 (201 (2014 (2005 202 (20 (2019 (2021 (2015 19 (19 (199 20 (200 (2 1 (1 2 (

Resumen La corrupción se ha complicado tanto en la sociedad mundial, que una buena parte de los acuerdos y convenios internacionales la incluyen dentro de sus decálogos como un problema que hay que combatir. En esta realidad, las instituciones en el marco de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible juegan un papel preponderante, pues constituyen una oportunidad para cambiar el rumbo de la sociedad mundial. El número que corresponde al objetivo de “Paz, justicia e instituciones sólidas”, es de particular relevancia; pues supone la creación y el afianzamiento de organizaciones íntegras y sólidas, en las que la transparencia, la rendición de cuentas y el acceso a la información juegan un papel fundamental donde la integridad se convierte en la virtud central y el fundamento del desarrollo sostenible. La cuestión es simple, si vivimos en una sociedad injusta, es porque hay instituciones que tienen esas mismas características. La práctica de la transparencia y la información accesible, juegan un papel fundamental.

Abstract Corruption has become so complicated in world society that a good part of the international agreements and conventions include it within their decalogues as a problema that must be combated. In this reality, the institutions within the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals play a preponderant rol, since they constitute an opportunity to change the course of worl society. The number that corresponds to the objective of “Peace, justice and solid institutions” is of particular relevance; since it supposes the creation and consolidation of upright and solid organizations, in which transparency, accountability and Access to information play fundamental role sustainable development. The question is simple, if we live in an unjust society, it is because there are institutions that have those same characteristics. The practice of transparency and accessible information play a fundamental role.