Abstract Currently, social media (SM) have evolved beyond their initial purpose, reshaping social and political interactions. This study explores the effect of SM on the circulation of political information in Portoviejo, Ecuador. It examines how SM affects the dissemination and reception of this type of content in the region. Specific objectives included identifying the most used SM platforms, evaluating the predominant political content formats, and measuring their impact on users' political opinions. To this end, a mixed-methodological approach was adopted, both cross-sectional and prospective, and an anonymous survey was conducted, whose results were validated using concordance coefficients and Cronbach's Alpha. The findings reveal a preference for platforms like Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube, a diversity in types of multimedia content, exposure to varied political perspectives, and a notable influence on citizens' opinions and electoral decisions. Differences in online interaction levels and in the enrichment of political discourse were also detected, varying according to demographic and generational factors. These results provide a deeper understanding of the political environment in Portoviejo, offering crucial data for making informed political decisions and implementing effective strategies in the current digital context.

Resumen Actualmente, las redes sociales (RS) han evolucionado más allá de su propósito inicial, reconfigurando las interacciones sociales y políticas. Este estudio explora el efecto de las RS en la circulación de información política en Portoviejo, Ecuador. Se investiga cómo las RS afectan la difusión y recepción de este tipo de contenidos en la región. Los objetivos específicos incluyeron la identificación de las plataformas de RS más utilizadas, la evaluación de los formatos de contenido político predominantes y la medición de su impacto en las opiniones políticas de los usuarios. Para ello, se adoptó un enfoque metodológico mixto, tanto transversal como prospectivo, y se llevó a cabo una encuesta anónima cuyos resultados fueron validados mediante coeficientes de concordancia y el Alfa de Cronbach. Los resultados revelan una preferencia por plataformas como Facebook, Instagram, TikTok y YouTube, una diversidad en los tipos de contenidos multimedia, una exposición a variadas perspectivas políticas, y una notable influencia en las opiniones y decisiones electorales de los ciudadanos. También se detectaron diferencias en los niveles de interacción online y en el enriquecimiento del discurso político, variando según factores demográficos y generacionales. Estos resultados aportan una mayor comprensión del entorno político en Portoviejo, ofreciendo datos cruciales para la formulación de decisiones políticas informadas y la implementación de estrategias efectivas en el contexto digital actual.

The National Development Plan (NDP) advocates for the elimination of poverty, and the reduction of inequality by 2030. These goals can only be achieved if we harness the energies of the people, build an inclusive economy, develop skills, improve the capacity of the state and promote leadership and partnerships across society. This is to be achieved through transforming society more equitably and at the same time making the country more competitive in the global economic system. The article seeks to explore how institutions of higher learning can be transformed through the production of future professors with a developmental agenda. Therefore, the NDP advocates continuous professional development, lifelong learning and knowledge production, and innovation as a focus for building the capacity of individuals and society. The article employed the modernisation theory as a vehicle to drive social change and transformation in higher education. The article employed a systematic review of the literature on transformation and social change in higher education as advocated in the NDP. The findings of the article show that universal human development can be achieved by respecting human rights, promoting equality and empowering people to exercise the opportunities and choices they value in higher education. The article recommends that a structured interaction between lecturers and students within the context of transformative change and social justice should be prioritised in higher education. This can only be achieved through preparing the future professor with a developmental agenda to assist in shaping higher education by designing a curriculum that responds to the needs of the current cohort of students.

Abstract: Hospitals, as the main entities providing medical services, face the crucial question of how to ensure the fairness and accessibility of medical services in strengthening the construction of integrity ethics. Patient-centered care is the code of conduct for medical services, requiring hospitals to provide high-quality and efficient medical services. This study delves into patients’ experiences, needs, and expectations regarding the construction of integrity ethics in hospitals, aiming to offer guidance and practical pathways for protecting patient rights, promoting reforms in the medical service system, and building trust-based doctor-patient relationships. In the context of an aging population and the goal of achieving universal health coverage, it is essential to allocate medical resources reasonably, ensuring the quality and credibility of medical services. Based on the stance of protecting patient rights, this study analyzes the current state of China’s medical service system and proposes specific measures to improve the quality of medical services and patient satisfaction, striving to provide valuable references for fostering positive interaction between patients and hospitals.

Resumen: Los hospitales, como principales entidades proveedoras de servicios médicos, se enfrentan a un punto crucial: cómo garantizar la equidad y la accesibilidad de los servicios médicos en el fortalecimiento de la construcción de la ética de la integridad. La atención centrada en el paciente es el código de conducta de los servicios médicos, que exige a los hospitales la prestación de servicios médicos eficientes y de alta calidad. Este estudio profundiza en las experiencias, necesidades y expectativas de los pacientes en relación con la construcción de una ética de la integridad en los hospitales, con el objetivo de ofrecer orientación y vías prácticas para proteger sus derechos, promover reformas en el sistema de servicios médicos y construir relaciones médico-paciente basadas en la confianza. En el contexto del envejecimiento de la población y el objetivo de lograr una cobertura sanitaria universal, es esencial asignar los recursos médicos de manera razonable, garantizando la calidad y la credibilidad de los servicios médicos. Partiendo de la postura de proteger los derechos del paciente, este estudio analiza el estado actual del sistema de servicios médicos en China y propone medidas concretas para mejorar su calidad y la satisfacción del paciente, esforzándose por ofrecer referencias para promover una interacción positiva entre pacientes y hospitales.

Resumo: Hospitais, como principais entidades fornecedoras de serviços médicos, enfrentam a questão crucial de como garantir equidade e acessibilidade dos serviços médicos no fortalecimento da construção de integridade ética. Cuidados centrados no paciente é o código de conduta para serviços médicos, requerendo que hospitais forneçam serviços médicos de alta qualidade e eficientes.Esse estudo investiga as experiências, necessidades e expectativas dos pacientes a respeito da construção de integridade ética nos hospitais, visando oferecer diretrizes e caminhos práticos para a proteção dos direitos dos pacientes, promovendo reformas no sistema de serviços médicos e construindo relações médico-paciente baseadas na confiança. No contexto do envelhecimento da população e do objetivo de alcançar cobertura universal da saúde, é essencial alocar recursos médicos de forma satisfatória, garantindo a qualidade e credibilidade dos serviços médicos. Baseado na orientação de proteger os direitos dos pacientes, esse estudo analisa o estado atual do sistema de serviços médicos da China e propõe medidas específicas para melhorar a qualidade dos serviços médicos e a satisfação dos pacientes, aspirando fornecer referências valiosas para promover uma interação positiva entre pacientes e hospitais.

Abstract: This article has been constructed from life stories of victims/survivors of power abuse and/or sexual abuse perpetrated by priests of the Catholic Church. It shows that the context in which the abuses occur is composed of a corpus of beliefs, a relational environment based on domination, and sociocultural elements that, together, operate as risk factors or factors that invisibilize, naturalize, or allow abuses. It also makes explicit that such a context, coupled with the abusive interaction of the perpetrator and the relational harms that emerge, is part of a systemic relational labyrinth.

Resumen: El presente artículo ha sido construido a partir de relatos de vida de víctimas/sobrevivientes de abuso de poder y/o sexual perpetrado por sacerdotes de la Iglesia católica. Determina que el contexto en el que se desarrollan los abusos está compuesto de un corpus de creencias, un ambiente relacional basado en la dominación y elementos socioculturales que, en su conjunto, operan como factores de riesgo o factores que invisibilizan, naturalizan o permiten los abusos. Explicita, además, que el contexto, la interacción abusiva del perpetrador y los males relacionales que emergen forman parte de un laberinto relacional sistémico.

Abstract Introduction: Organizational management models influence supervisory activity in nursing. Collaborative practice between students and health professionals in the provision of person- and family-centred care allows them to evolve in the process of autonomy and knowledge transfer. However, this does not guarantee the acquisition of supervisory practices and inter-organisational interaction between the hospital and the academy, which are necessary for carrying out safe and qualified clinical procedures. However, this does not guarantee efficient acquisition of supervisory practices and inter-organizational interaction between hospital and academia, which are necessary to provide safe and effective clinical procedures. Objectives: The aim is to understand the possible dimensions of inter-organisational collaborative practice (academic and hospital), identifying its possible processes and results capable of guaranteeing the safety and quality of clinical procedures. Methods: This study emerges from a first mixed research intervention with N=50 nurse supervisors, non-randomized, using the snowball technique. We will, nevertheless, focus on its qualitative, exploratory, and descriptive approach, using the Focus Group technique in which seven nurse supervisors took part. By using Bardin's assumptions, we conducted the content analysis of the participants' speech. Results: The content analysis allowed us to recognise the Processes of Inter-Collaborative Supervision in Nursing as the main dimension of analysis. The results identify, on the one hand, potential threats, highlighted by the time dedicated to supervision and access to information in the hospital context and, on the other hand, opportunities for articulation, highlighted by the importance of involving the various actors in each context, both in planning training programmes and in using supervisory strategies. Conclusion: This study explores the collaborative processes of nursing supervision between academia and hospitals, highlighting common elements of care and education. It reveals the influence of both bureaucratic and anarchic models in shaping these relationships. The findings underscore the importance of inter-organizational coordination, which plays a critical role in effective health promotion practices.

Abstract: This article aims to reconstruct the career of Eduardo Castelo, a Materfer worker and leader of the Sindicato de Trabajadores de Fiat Materfer (SiTraM) and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), between 1946 and 1976. We will focus on analyzing the interaction between workers and political organizations in a context of combativity and political radicalization of the working class during the 1970s. Based on a comparative analysis, we will reconstruct, on the one hand, the process of joining Fiat Materfer to the recovery of SiTraM in 1970. On the other hand, we will research his participation in union affairs and his incorporation into the PRT until his assassination by the military forces within the framework of the military coup of March 24, 1976. Our research will be based on the review of union and party documents, newspapers of the period studied, documents prepared by the Security Forces and interviews with PRT militants.

Resumen: El presente artículo se propone reconstruir la trayectoria de Eduardo Castelo, obrero de Materfer y dirigente del Sindicato de Trabajadores de Fiat Materfer (SiTraM) y del Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), entre 1946 y 1976. Nos concentraremos en analizar la interacción entre los trabajadores y las organizaciones políticas en un contexto de combatividad y radicalización política de la clase trabajadora durante los años 70. A partir de un análisis comparado, reconstruiremos, por un lado, el proceso que va de su ingreso a Fiat Materfer a la recuperación del SiTraM en 1970. Por el otro, indagaremos sobre su participación en los asuntos sindicales y su incorporación al PRT hasta su asesinato por las fuerzas militares en el marco del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976. Nuestra investigación se basará en la revisión de documentos sindicales y partidarios, periódicos de la época, documentos elaborados por las Fuerzas de Seguridad y entrevistas a militantes del PRT.

Abstract The global syndemic is an issue that is gaining notoriety in the world. The syndemic is understood as the interaction between obesity, malnutrition and climate change, that is, synergy of epidemics and complex situations, which coexist in time and place and their consequences for health. However, little is known about the relationship between the global syndemic and the consumption of ultra-processed foods (UPF). In this context, the present essay aims to reflect on the relationship established between the global syndemic and the consumption of UPA. Starting with obesity, it is known that excessive consumption of UPA is one of the main causes of this chronic non-communicable disease. However, there is also a direct relationship between malnutrition and the consumption of UPA, since people who are in a situation of food insecurity choose economically accessible foods, characterizing themselves as a double burden of malnutrition. While studies on sustainable diets advance, knowledge about the association between climate change and UPA consumption is still incipient. Although studies highlight its environmental impacts in the handling and consumption of meat, in addition to the use of pesticides, it may play a secondary role. In this sense, studies are needed that evaluate the consumption of UPA and its relationship with the global syndemic, to support the formulation of public policies aimed at improving the consumption of healthy and sustainable foods for the planet.

Resumen La sindemia global es un tema que está ganando notoriedad en el mundo. La sindemia se entiende como la interacción entre la obesidad, la desnutrición y el cambio climático, es decir, sinergia de epidemias y situaciones complejas, que coexisten en tiempo y lugar y sus consecuencias para la salud. Sin embargo, poco se sabe sobre la relación entre la sindemia global y el consumo de alimentos ultraprocesados (AUP). En este contexto, el presente ensayo tiene como objetivo reflexionar acerca de la relación que se establece entre la sindemia global y el consumo de AUP. Empezando por la obesidad, se sabe que el consumo excesivo de AUP es una de las principales causas de esta enfermedad crónica no transmisible. Sin embargo, también existe una relación directa entre desnutrición y el consumo de AUP, ya que las personas que se encuentran en situación de inseguridad alimentaria eligen alimentos económicamente accesibles, caracterizándose como una doble carga de malnutrición. Mientras avanzan los estudios sobre las dietas sostenibles, el conocimiento sobre la asociación entre el cambio climático y el consumo de AUP es aún incipiente. Aunque los estudios destacan sus impactos ambientales en el manejo y consumo de carne, además del uso de pesticidas, pudiendo jugar un papel secundario. En este sentido, se necesitan estudios que evalúen el consumo de AUP y su relación con la sindemia global, para apoyar la formulación de políticas públicas encaminadas a mejorar el consumo de alimentos saludables y sostenibles para el planeta.

Resumen El trastorno depresivo mayor (TDM) ha ganado relevancia en los últimos años, ya que es una de las principales causas de discapacidad a nivel mundial y ejerce un impacto significativo en la vida diaria de quienes lo experimentan. La relación entre la disbiosis intestinal y el TDM ha surgido como un componente crucial en el ámbito de la salud mental. La microbiota intestinal, que abarca una amplia diversidad de microorganismos, establece una conexión bidireccional con el TDM a través del eje microbiota-intestino-cerebro, la neuroinflamación y alteración de la función cerebral. El presente trabajo tuvo como objetivo, analizar la relación entre los problemas de equilibrio de los microorganismos en el intestino (fenómeno conocido como “disbiosis”) y el TDM. Se adoptó un enfoque cualitativo que combinó análisis bibliográfico y descriptivo, priorizando fuentes primarias en psicología, neurociencia y microbiología. Se examinaron investigaciones en inglés y español desde 2019 hasta 2023 utilizando motores de búsqueda y bases de datos reconocidas. En este contexto, se observó que el uso de probióticos se ha vuelto cada vez más relevante como parte del tratamiento complementario para el TDM. Los probióticos, como Lactobacillus plantarum DP189 y la bacteria Roseburia intestinalis, ejercen un impacto positivo en la microbiota intestinal, integridad de la barrera hematoencefálica y producción de neurotransmisores. La revisión destaca el papel crucial de la microbiota intestinal en el TDM y la prometedora utilidad de los probióticos como tratamiento complementario. Esto sugiere nuevas perspectivas terapéuticas y subraya la importancia de futuras investigaciones para comprender mejor esta compleja interacción.

Abstract Major depressive disorder (MDD) has gained relevance in recent years, as it is one of the main causes of disability worldwide and has a significant impact on the daily lives of those who experience it. The relationship between gut dysbiosis and MDD has emerged as a crucial component in the field of mental health. The gut microbiota, which encompasses a wide diversity of microorganisms, establishes a bidirectional connection with MDD through the microbiota-gut-brain axis, neuroinflammation and alteration of brain function. The objective of this work was to analyze the relationship between problems with the balance of microorganisms in the intestine (a phenomenon known as “dysbiosis”) and MDD. A qualitative approach was adopted that combined bibliographic and descriptive analysis, prioritizing primary sources in psychology, neuroscience and microbiology. Research in English and Spanish from 2019 to 2023 was examined using recognized search engines and databases. In this context, it was observed that the use of probiotics has become increasingly relevant as part of complementary treatment for MDD. Probiotics, such as Lactobacillus plantarum DP189 and the bacteria Roseburia intestinalis, have a positive impact on the intestinal microbiota, blood-brain barrier integrity, and neurotransmitter production. The review highlights the crucial role of gut microbiota in MDD and the promising utility of probiotics as a complementary treatment. This suggests new therapeutic perspectives and underlines the importance of future research to better understand this complex interaction.

RESUMEN El desarrollo que alcance un infante con repercusión en el resto de su vida adulta, será resultado tanto, de la interacción de sus características biológicas y psicológicas, como de las experiencias que le ofrezca su medio social. De ahí que se afirme el carácter biopsicosocial de los seres humanos y que se valore la socialización desde las primeras edades, por lo positivo y estimulante en su desarrollo. Sin embargo, en ocasiones, esa interacción es limitada por disímiles factores, que pueden partir desde el propio individuo, poseedor de determinadas características que condicionan su interacción con el medio y la particularizan; de la familia como ente propiciador o represor de la misma; de la propia sociedad o comunidad que la favorezca, promueva o estimule. Tal es el caso de los niños con necesidades educativas especiales, neurodivergentes y en situación de discapacidad. En coherencia, se diseñó un proyecto comunitario contentivo de acciones que contribuyen a la socialización y la estimulación del desarrollo de niños neurodivergentes, con énfasis en aquellos diagnosticados con trastorno del espectro autista (TEA). Prevalecen en el estudio los métodos: revisión bibliográfica, análisis-síntesis, entrevistas y observación. Los resultados proyectan la satisfacción de necesidades educativas básicas para la inclusión socioeducativa.

ABSTRACT The development that an infant achieves with repercussions on the rest of his or her adult life will be the result of both the interaction of her biological and psychological characteristics and the experiences that her social environment offers her. Hence, the biopsychosocial character of human beings is affirmed and socialization is valued from the earliest ages, due to its positive and stimulating development. However, sometimes, this interaction is limited by dissimilar factors, which can come from the individual himself, who possesses certain characteristics that condition his interaction with the environment and make it particular; of the family as an entity that promotes or represses it; of the society or community itself that favors, promotes or stimulates it. This is the case of children with special educational needs, neurodivergents and those with disabilities. In coherence, a community project was designed containing actions that contribute to the socialization and stimulation of the development of neurodivergent children, with emphasis on those diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). The methods prevail in the study: bibliographic review, analysis- synthesis, interviews and observation. The results project the satisfaction of basic educational needs for socio-educational inclusion.

Augmentative and alternative communication (AAC) strategies benefit learners with complex communication needs (CCN) by allowing them to participate, interact and learn. AAC is realised in the South African Education policy; however, research indicates that many teachers still have limited AAC knowledge. With this study we aimed to describe the effect of a newly developed evidence-based AAC training programme on special school teachers' perceptions of their own abilities related to teaching learners with CCN as well as their perceptions of the general academic, communication, and classroom interaction skills of learners with CCN and finally the teachers' perceptions of the inclusion of learners with CCN. A quasi-experimental pre-test-post-test group design with a non-randomised control group was used, employing a standardised measuring instrument, with 5 subscales, namely the modified teachers attitude scale (MTAS). The sample size included 58 teachers who participated: 6 in the pilot, 34 in the experimental and 18 in the control group. The brief AAC training session of 4 hours had a positive, statistically significant effect on several items on the subscales measuring teachers' perceptions of their abilities related to teaching learners with CCN, as well as their perceptions of the communication of learners with CCN, classroom interaction skills, and teachers' perceptions on the inclusion of learners with CCN. AAC training is recommended for special school teachers to enhance their own knowledge and to enhance the academic and social skills of learners with CCN. Furthermore, future studies are recommended to determine the prevalence of learners with CCN to influence the planning of services for this population in this context.

Abstract The racial and sexual oppression of Black Brazilian women is, as Lélia Gonzalez (2020) argues, one of the most perceptible yet consistently denied colonial legacies in the country. One of the myths perpetuating the erasure of Brazil's history of enslavement has established an official narrative portraying the nation as a racial paradise. However, when examining records of femicide, intimate partner violence and sexual abuse, it becomes evident that Black women are the most victimised. Faced with the impossibility of repairing the damage caused by the historical legacy of enslavement, which subjected Black women to multifaceted forms of violation, it falls upon us to eradicate all the structural conditions that perpetuate them as the primary targets of violence and dehumanisation. In this article, we delve into what Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui (2015) describes as "taypi" a "middle-world" and an intermediate space where it is possible to witness the interaction between contrasting forms without the boundaries between them disappearing. These contact zones, however, can be permeated by violence when the opposites brought into contact are hierarchised by the colonial context, as Blacks, Indig and Whites were racialised in Brazil. Drawing inspiration from the displacements of times and spaces that are reinformed, the proposal of the taypis of racist imaginaries brings into contact images of racist erasures that, when evidenced through sociological methodology, point to Brazilian "racism by denial" (Gonzalez, 2020), present in national institutions, including journalism.

Resumo A opressão racial e sexual das mulheres negras brasileiras é, como defende Lélia Gonzalez (2020), uma das heranças coloniais mais perceptíveis e mais denegadas no contexto do país. Um dos mitos responsáveis pelo apagamento da história da escravização no Brasil instituiu como história oficial que esta nação seria um paraíso racial. Contudo, ao recorrermos aos registros de feminicídio, violência íntima e abusos sexuais, verifica-se uma repetição das mulheres negras como as mais vitimizadas. Diante da impossível reparação dos danos causados pelo passado de escravização que violentou as mulheres negras das mais variadas formas, cabe, no presente, eliminar todas as condições estruturais que as mantêm como alvo preferencial de violências e desumanização. Neste artigo recorremos ao que Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui (2015) descreve como “taypi”, um “mundo-do-meio” e um espaço intermediário onde é possível observar o contato entre formas opostas sem que os limites entre elas desapareçam. Essas zonas de contato, entretanto, podem ser permeadas por violência quando os opostos colocados em contato foram hierarquizados pelo contexto colonial, como Negres, Indígenas e Branques foram racializades, no Brasil. Inspirados nos deslocamentos de tempos e espaços que se reinformam, a proposta dos taypis de imaginários racistas coloca em contato imagens de apagamentos racistas que, ao serem evidenciados por meio da metodologia sociológica, apontam para o “racismo por denegação” (Gonzalez, 2020) brasileiro, presente em instituições nacionais, incluindo nos jornalismos.

The history of the ora (with the symbol Φ) as a trade instrument is inextricably linked to the history of Orania, a village on the southern bank of the Orange River in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa. The closest town to Orania is Hopetown (43 kilometres to the northwest). Orania is about 160 kilometres south of Kimberley, the biggest city in the Northern Cape. Orania has a number of unique features. Firstly, all inhabitants are white and speak Afrikaans, with the implication that this is the language used for all activities (business, education, religion and social interaction). It is therefore viewed as a white Afrikaner cultural enclave. Secondly, the aim of Orania is self-determination as far as its future is concerned. In this context it has been described as a continuation of the Verwoerdian ideal of the 1960s. This aim is supported by "selfwerksaamheid" (loosely meaning "to work with our own for our own"), that is, a policy in terms of which preference is given to the employment of people from Orania. Thirdly, Orania has its own trade instrument, the ora, the symbol for which is Φ.2 The ora is described as a coupon used in settlement of cash transactions. Calling the ora currency would be a contravention of the South African Reserve Bank Act, 1989. The Orania Sakekamer [chamber of commerce] issues the ora. It is linked on a one-to-one basis to the South African rand, that is, at a rate of Φ 1,00 = R1,00. The inhabitants of Orania prefer to use ora when referring to amounts and this paper follows the same convention. Literature on Orania refers to the ora and its use in trade, but there is no research focusing on the development of the ora since it wasfirst launched in 2004. This paper seeks to contribute to filling this gap in the existing literature. The ora serves the needs of the inhabitants of Orania. A population census undertaken in Orania in December 2021 and early in 2022 reported the town'spopulation as 2 377 people, of whom 1 635 were 20 years and older. The same census also showed that Orania comprised 649 households and 220 businesses. Based on the 2021/22 census, the total personal annual income of the residents of Orania in 2021 was estimated at Φ295 672 222. Per capita personal annual income of the 2 377 inhabitants was therefore estimated at Φ124 389. Based on the same census data, the annual household income in Orania was estimated at Φ190 331179. The difference in estimates cannot be explained in terms of the 2021/2022 census data and was previously highlighted as an area for further research. These estimates show some correlation with the survey data obtained from the 2021 business survey conducted in Orania. Business turnover in 2021 was estimated at Φ281 950 000. More research is necessary to ascertain whether the increase in the value of ora issued correlates at all with the growth rate of economic activity in Orania. If this correlation can be determined, ora in circulation will be a useful indicator of the growth of economic activities in Orania. The growth rate of ora coupons cannot be compared with growth in economic activity because the latter has not previously been calculated on a comparable basis. Recently research was published that will contribute to a basis for determining future economic growth. This research shows that the ora contributes to "community building" (a sense that the residents are building their own future) in Orania and limits cash risks in the town. However, the ora also has certain disadvantages for residents of Orania. Holders of ora coupons and dOra must exchange them for rand in Orania for cash transactions outside the town. Any discount that businesses grant on ora transactions reduces their turnover and gross profit. The fact that ora coupons are not machine-readable increases the administration costs of the coupons. The final conclusion is that the ora is inextricably linked to Orania. The town can exist without the ora, but the ora cannot exist without Orania.

Hierdie artikel fokus op die geskiedenis van die ora (Φ3) sedert die eerste vrystelling daarvan 20 jaar gelede in 2004. Die ora is onlosmaaklik verweef met Orania, 'n Afrikaanse dorp in die Noord-Kaap. Die ora is op 'n een-tot-een-grondslag gekoppel aan die Suid-Afrikaanse rand. Die ora sirkuleer as 'n wettige betaalmiddel vir gebruik in kontanttransaksies in Orania. Die bestaan en sirkulasie van die ora is een van die unieke eienskappe van Orania. 'n Verdere unieke eienskap van Orania is die uitsluitlike gebruik van Afrikaans in die dorp. Alle bedrywighede (godsdiensbeoefening, kultuuraktiwiteite, onderrig en saketransak-sies) geskied uitsluitlik in Afrikaans. Voorts het Orania net wit inwoners. Die dorp word dus as 'n wit Afrikaner enklawe beskou. Daarbenewens is die oogmerk van Orania selfbeskikking wat die dorp se toekoms betref. Dit bring Orania in lyn met die voortsetting van die Verwoerdiaanse ideaal van afsonderlike ontwikkeling tot selfbeskikking. Hierdie ideaal word in Orania ondersteun deur "selfwerk-saamheid", met ander woorde 'n beleid dat voorkeur gegee word aan indiensneming van die inwoners van Orania. Die inwoners van Orania verkies om bedrae in ora te noem en nie in rand nie. Gevolglik word daardie praktyk in hierdie artikel gebruik. Gebaseer op die 2021/22-sensusopname in Orania, is totale persoonlike jaarlikse inkomste op Φ295 672 222 beraam. Per capita persoonlike jaarlikse inkomste vir die 2 377 inwoners is dus op Φ124 389 beraam. Hierteenoor is die jaarlikse inkomste van huishoudings in Orania in 2021 op Φ190 331 179 beraam. Hierdie verskil in ramings kan nie met behulp van die bestaande sensusopnamedata verklaar word nie en is tevore aangestip as 'n gebied vir verdere navorsing. Die 2021-besigheidsopname van Orania rapporteer data oor sake-ondernemings in die dorp. Op grond van hierdie opnamedata is die jaarlikse omset van sakeondernemings in Orania in 2021 op Φ281 950 000 beraam. Meer navorsing is nodig om te bepaal of die groei in ora-koepons wat uitgereik word, hoegenaamd korreleer met die groei in ekonomiese bedrywighede in Orania. Die groeikoers van ora-koepons kan nie met groei in ekonomiese bedrywighede vergelyk word nie omdat laasgenoemde nie voorheen op 'n vergelykbare basis bereken is nie. Onlangse navorsing is die eerste inisiatief om 'n basis te skep vir die bepaling van Orania se toekomstige ekonomiese groei. Indien hierdie korrelasie deur toekomstige navorsing bepaal kan word, sal dit 'n nuttige en maklike aanwyser van ekonomiese bedrywighede op die dorp wees. Die navorsing toon ook dat die ora tot gemeenskapsbewussyn bydra, byvoorbeeld omdat die inwoners bedrae in ora uitdruk, eerder as in rand. Die ora verminder ook kontantrisiko in Orania, omdat die ora nie buite die dorp gebruik kan word nie. Die ora het egter ook sekere nadele vir inwoners van Orania. Houers van ora-koepons en dOra moet dit in Orania vir rand inwissel vir kontanttransaksies buite die dorp. Enige afslag wat sake-ondernemings op ora-transaksies toestaan, verminder hul omset en bruto wins. Die feit dat ora-koepons nie masjienleesbaar is nie, verhoog die administrasiekoste van die koepons. Die ora en Orania is onlosmaaklik met mekaar verweef. Die dorp kan egter sonder die ora bestaan, terwyl die ora nie sonder Orania kan bestaan nie.

Abstract Objective: The objective of this paper is to explain the method of Interactional Discourse Analysis (IDA) conceived and developed in the Latin American context, based on categories that have emerged from empirical research on political and academic discourse over a period of 40 years. Originality/support: The main contribution of this method lies in its multidisciplinary theoretical and methodological framework, which differs in many aspects from European critical analyses. It is anchored in four central categories: dialogue, text, evaluation, and change, which allow for the examination of discursive and ideological issues. IDA serves as a guiding tool for research in the humanities and social sciences. Method: The research is conducted from a synchronic (micro) and diachronic (macro) perspective. The former investigates the interaction among text producers in different types of dialogues, while the latter observes interaction and ideologies throughout social change. Strategies/Data collection: Data collection strategies from linguistics, conversation analysis, dialogue studies, and social sciences are employed. Conclusions: IDA is a recognized multidisciplinary Latin American method that contributes to uncovering patterns of interaction and changes in political and academic discourse.

Resumo Objetivo: O objetivo é explicar o método de Análise Interacional do Discurso (IAD) que vem sendo construído e desenvolvido no contexto latino-americano, a partir de categorias que emergiram de pesquisas empíricas sobre o discurso político e acadêmico ao longo de 40 anos. Originalidade/suporte: A principal contribuição do método é oferecer um quadro teórico-metodológico multidisciplinar que difere em muitos aspectos das análises críticas europeias. Está ancorado em quatro categorias centrais: diálogo, texto, avaliação e mudança, que permitem examinar problemas discursivos e ideológicos. A AID serve de orientação para pesquisas nas áreas de humanidades e ciências sociais. Método: A pesquisa é realizada numa perspectiva sincrónica (micro) e diacrônica (macro). A primeira estuda a interação entre os produtores dos textos em diferentes tipos de diálogos e a segunda observa a interação e as ideologias ao longo da mudança social. Estratégias/ coleta de datos: São utilizadas estratégias de coleta de dados da linguística, da análise da conversação, do diálogo e das ciências sociais. Conclusões: A AID é um método multidisciplinar reconhecido na América Latina que contribui para revelar padrões de interação e mudanças no discurso político e acadêmico.

Resumen Objetivo: Explicar el método del Análisis Interaccional del Discurso (AID) que ha sido construido y desarrollado en el contexto latinoamericano con base en categorías surgidas de la investigación empírica sobre el discurso político y académico a lo largo de cuarenta años. Originalidad/aporte: El principal aporte del método es que ofrece un marco teórico-metodológico multidisciplinar diferente en muchos aspectos a los análisis críticos europeos. Se ancla en cuatro categorías centrales: diálogo, texto, evaluación y cambio, que permiten examinar problemas discursivos e ideológicos. El AID sirve para orientar la investigación en las humanidades y en las ciencias sociales. Método: La investigación se lleva a cabo desde una perspectiva sincrónica (micro) y diacrónica (macro). La primera estudia la interacción entre los productores de los textos en diferentes tipos de diálogos y la segunda observa la interacción y las ideologías a lo largo del cambio social. Estrategias/recolección de información: Se usan estrategias de recolección de datos de la lingüística, el análisis de la conversación, el diálogo y las ciencias sociales. Conclusiones: El AID es un método latinoamericano multidisciplinar reconocido que contribuye a develar patrones de interacción y cambios en el discurso político y académico.

Resumen El uso de TikTok en las campañas políticas se ha convertido en una tendencia local y global, porque abarata la financiación de candidatos y posibilita explorar formatos multimediales. En esta dirección, el objetivo del artículo es analizar el uso de esta red social en las elecciones regionales de Colombia durante el año 2023, teniendo como hipótesis que, independiente del contexto geográfico, TikTok incidió en la elección de los candidatos ganadores y con ello valida la postura teórica de las leyes de la interfaz. La metodología toma como corpus el número de seguidores y "tiktoks" realizados por los dos candidatos con mayor votación en cada uno de los 32 departamentos y capitales de Colombia. El método integra dos estrategias: un análisis descriptivo de redes sociales que evidencia los casos en los que el candidato ganador tenía más seguidores o piezas comunicativas en TikTok, y un análisis de correlación canónica que establece la relación entre la utilización de la red social y las zonas geográficas del país. La discusión sugiere que TikTok se ha convertido en una herramienta fundamental para las campañas políticas que trasciende el territorio y que esta tendencia se mantendrá en ascenso, debido a la singularidad de su algoritmo y diversidad de ofertas para la interacción de usuarios. El artículo aporta a la literatura de campañas electorales, interfaz de TikTok e influencia en contextos territoriales. Por último, se propone una agenda de investigación que profundice en las transformaciones de este fenómeno para la cultura "pop-lítica" y las emociones sociales.

Abstract The use of TikTok in political campaigns has become a global and local trend because it makes it cheaper to finance candidates and allows the exploration of multimedia formats. The article intends to analyze the use of this social media platform in the regional elections of Colombia during 2023, hypothesizing that regardless of the geographical context, it influenced the election of the winning candidates and strengthened the theoretical position of the interface laws. The methodology takes as a corpus the number of followers and TikTok videos made by the two candidates with the highest number of votes in each of Colombia's 32 departments and capitals. The method integrates two strategies: a descriptive analysis of social media that evidences the cases in which the winning candidate had more followers or communicative pieces on TikTok and a canonical correlation analysis that establishes the relationship between the use of the platform and the country's geographical areas. The discussion suggests that TikTok has become a fundamental tool for political campaigns that transcend territory and that this trend will continue to rise due to the uniqueness of its algorithm and the diversity of offers for user interaction. The article contributes to the literature on electoral campaigns, TikTok interface, and influence in territorial contexts. Finally, we propose a research agenda that delves into the transformations of this phenomenon for pop-political culture and social emotions.

Resumo A utilização do TikTok nas campanhas políticas tornou-se uma tendência global e local, porque torna mais barato o financiamento dos candidatos e permite explorar formatos multimidiáticos. Nessa direção, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar a utilização dessa rede social nas eleições regionais na Colômbia em 2023, com a hipótese de que, independentemente do contexto geográfico, o TikTok influenciou a eleição dos candidatos vencedores, reforçando assim a posição teórica das leis da interface. A metodologia toma como corpus o número de seguidores e "tiktoks" feitos pelos dois candidatos mais votados em cada um dos 32 departamentos e capitais da Colômbia. O método integra duas estratégias: uma análise descritiva de redes sociais que destaca os casos em que o candidato vencedor tinha mais seguidores ou peças comunicativas no TikTok; e uma análise de correlação canónica que estabelece a relação entre a utilização da rede social e as áreas geográficas do país. A discussão sugere que o TikTok se tornou uma ferramenta fundamental para campanhas políticas que transcende o território e que essa tendência continuará a aumentar, devido à singularidade do seu algoritmo e à diversidade de ofertas para a interação dos utilizadores. O artigo contribui para a literatura sobre campanhas eleitorais, interface TikTok e influência em contextos territoriais. Por fim, propõe uma agenda de pesquisa que aprofunda as transformações desse fenômeno para a cultura "pop-lítica" e as emoções sociais.

Resumo O protesto social chileno de 2019 causou uma crise profunda, que os partidos procuraram resolver abrindo um processo de mudança política através da Convenção Constitucional. Esta resposta institucional sugere o fim do protesto e que os movimentos sociais e partidos políticos agiram separadamente. No entanto, este artigo sustenta que ambos os atores interagiram diretamente, argumentando que a Convenção prolongou institucionalmente o protesto social. Para compreender o alcance e os obstáculos da interação entre estes atores, foram realizadas 45 entrevistas com membros da Convenção Constitucional (convencionais) representantes do mundo social e partidário. Ao contrastar as duas perspectivas, conclui-se que a persistência da desconfiança mútua entre os dois tipos de atores, aliada às limitações temporais impostas pelo desenho institucional do processo, dificultaram a construção de acordos amplos entre as partes. Este estudo oferece uma visão detalhada da natureza interna da Convenção e contribui para a compreensão da interação entre ativistas e partidos, tanto no nível institucional como no contexto do protesto social.

Resumen El estallido social chileno de 2019 provocó una profunda crisis que los partidos buscaron solucionar abriendo un proceso de cambio político a través de la Convención Constitucional. Esta respuesta institucional sugiere el fin del estallido y que movimientos sociales y partidos políticos actuaron separadamente. Sin embargo, este artículo sostiene que ambos actores interactuaron directamente, argumentando que la Convención prolongó institucionalmente el estallido social. Para comprender el alcance y los obstáculos de la interacción entre estos actores, se llevaron a cabo 45 entrevistas a miembros de la Convención Constitucional (convencionales), que representan tanto al mundo social como partidista. Al contrastar ambas perspectivas, se concluye que la persistencia de la desconfianza mutua entre ambos tipos de convencionales, junto con las limitaciones temporales impuestas por el diseño institucional del proceso, obstaculizó la construcción de acuerdos amplios entre las partes. Este estudio ofrece una visión detallada al interior de la Convención y contribuye a la comprensión de la interacción entre activistas y partidos tanto a nivel institucional como en el contexto del estallido social.

Abstract The social outbreak of 2019 caused a deep crisis in the Chilean political system, which political parties sought to solve by opening a constitutional change process through the Constitutional Convention. This institutional response appeared to indicate the outbreak had ended and that social movements and political parties acted separately. However, this article contends that both actors directly interacted, arguing that the Convention institutionally prolonged the social outbreak. To understand the scope and obstacles of the interaction between these actors, I conducted 45 interviews with members of the Constitutional Convention (convencionales) both party members and those coming from the social movements. By contrasting both perspectives, this article finds that the persistence of mutual distrust across members of the constitutional convention, along with the time constraints imposed by the institutional design of the process, hindered the construction of broad agreements. This study offers a detailed view of the internal dynamics of the Convention, contributing to the understanding of the interaction between activists and parties both at the institutional level and in the context of the Chilean social outbreak.