ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to analyze some tools of critical legal feminism and the way in which the Colombian Constitutional Court has incorporated them into its rulings. To this end, two tools of feminist legal criticism are reviewed in four rulings of the Constitutional Court (two on constitutionality and two tutelas): (1) contextual reasoning, and (2) criticism of legal neutrality. It is concluded that, although jurisprudence has taken important steps to rethink constitutional law from feminist thought and experience and, as seen in the decisions studied, some of its argumentative tools have been used, we cannot speak of a "feminist court", but we can talk about decisions that pave the way for feminist constitutionalism.

RESUMEN El propósito de este escrito es analizar algunas herramientas del feminismo jurídico crítico y la forma en que la Corte Constitucional colombiana las ha incorporado a sus sentencias. Para ello se identifican dos herramientas de la crítica jurídica feminista que son revisadas en cuatro sentencias de la Corte Constitucional (dos de constitucionalidad y dos de tutela): (1) el razonamiento contextual y (2) el cuestionamiento de la neutralidad legal. Se concluye que si bien la jurisprudencia ha dado pasos importantes para repensar el derecho constitucional desde el pensamiento y la experiencia feminista y, como se advierte en las decisiones estudiadas, se ha acudido a algunas de sus herramientas argumentativas, no podemos hablar de una "corte feminista", aunque sí de decisiones que abonan el terreno para un constitucionalismo feminista.

RESUMEN La discriminación y las violencias basadas en género dirigidas en contra de la población LGBTIQ+ se han estructurado a través de los años en una sociedad heteronormativa, machista, patriarcal y religiosa, causando así graves violaciones a derechos humanos relacionada a factores de comisión de delitos como el homicidio, feminicidio y la tortura. Algo característico de la comisión de estos actos es la sistematicidad y el factor de diversidad sexual y de género por el cual se realizan, con el fin de adaptar un pensamiento conservador implementado en la sociedad, causando diferentes formas de discriminación, discursos de odio e interseccionalidad que afectan el pleno desarrollo y la garantía de una vida digna para la población LGBTIQ+. Debido a la zozobra generada en la población LGBTIQ+, y sumado a ello el rasgo histórico de esta violencia sistemática, resulta necesario e interesante abordar la perspectiva de los delitos de lesa humanidad desde un análisis de la diversidad sexual como factor indiscutible de que el género y las diversidades sexuales deben contar con una intervención y aplicación de las tipificaciones contempladas en el Estatuto de Roma, buscando que estos instrumentos internacionales se adapten plenamente a realidades sociales presentes, que han causado en la comunidad internacional preocupación y obligaciones para una plena garantía de derechos e igualdad social para la población LGBTIQ+.

ABSTRACT Discrimination and gender-based violence directed against the LGBTIQ+ population have been structured over the years in a heteronormative, sexist, patriarchal and religious society, thus causing serious violations of human rights related to factors in the commission of crimes such as homicide, feminicide and torture; Something characteristic of the commission of these acts is the systematicity and the factor of sexual and gender diversity by which they are carried out, in order to adapt a conservative thought implemented in society, causing different forms of discrimination, hate speech and intersectionality. that affect the full development and guarantee of a dignified life for the LGBTIQ+ population. Due to the anxiety generated in the LGBTIQ+ population, and added to this the historical feature of this systematic violence, it is necessary and interesting to address the perspective of crimes against humanity from an analysis of sexual diversity as an indisputable factor that gender and sexual diversities must have an intervention and application of the classifications contemplated in the Rome Statute, seeking that these international instruments fully adapt to present social realities and that have caused concern and obligations in the international community for a full guarantee of rights and social equality for the LGBTIQ+ population.

Abstract: The term Ubuntu is often presented as a mere ontological, philosophical African worldview. However, the aim of this article is to equate Ubuntu philosophy with a category of open legal principles of a constitutional nature, which, although they are not formally enshrined in the written constitutions of southern African countries that share the Bantu culture, have a normative deontic character. Therefore, it is worth emphasising that this category of thought is socially present as a norm of practical reason, from which emanates the concept of justice of the Bantu peoples, who preserve a communitarian cultural identity rather than individualistic Western liberalism. The purpose of this study is to associate this worldview with a constitutional foundation of African states, especially those in southern Africa, equating it with the principles of human dignity, equality and freedom, etc., which is important for the consolidation of human rights in Africa. On the other hand, this worldview is confronted by the post-modern paradigms of global liberalism, which is also currently amalgamated in African countries. In order to achieve this objective, the research will be conducted using a methodology based on a bibliographical review and a deductive approach, supported by elements of constitutional legal dogma. Abstract ontological However nature culture character Therefore reason peoples liberalism states Africa dignity freedom etc etc. hand postmodern post modern objective approach dogma

Resumo: A expressão Ubuntu é apresentada muitas vezes como uma mera cosmovisão ontológica, filosófica africana. Entretanto, este artigo tem objetivo de equiparar a filosofia Ubuntu como uma categoria de princípios jurídicos abertos de natureza constitucional, que, embora não estejam plasmados formalmente, nas Constituições escritas dos países da África austral, que partilham da cultura bantu, possuem um caráter deôntico normativo. Portanto, vale frisar que essa categoria de pensamento está presente socialmente como uma norma de razão prática, da qual emana o conceito de justiça dos povos bantus, os quais preservam uma identidade cultural comunitarista, ao invés do liberalismo ocidental individualista. A proposta deste estudo é associar essa cosmovisão a um fundamento constitucional dos Estados africanos, sobretudo os da África austral, equiparando com os princípios da dignidade humana, igualdade e liberdade etc., sendo importante para a consolidação dos direitos humanos na África. Por outra perspectiva, confronta-se essa cosmovisão em virtude dos paradigmas pós-modernos do liberalismo global, que também está amalgamado atualmente, nos países africanos. E, para concreção desse objetivo, a pesquisa será conduzida por uma metodologia pautada na revisão bibliográfica e por método de abordagem dedutiva, coadjuvada pelos elementos da dogmática jurídica constitucional. Resumo ontológica africana Entretanto formalmente austral bantu normativo Portanto prática bantus comunitarista individualista africanos humana etc etc. perspectiva confrontase confronta se pósmodernos pós modernos global atualmente E dedutiva

Abstract Social rights have been considered positive rights that do not require them to be part of the constitution. The most common objection against constitutional social rights holds that social rights are welfare rights and that, by nature, the Constitution should protect only rights of non-interference. In this paper, I show that the previous thesis is debatable, and I offer a liberal argument to defend the constitutionalisation of social rights. In general terms, the arguments presented rest on two main ideas of Rawls's thought linked to his conception of citizens as autonomous persons, as well as to his conception of society. In particular, the paper proposes a systematic understanding of the two principles of justice and an analysis of the notions of society as a system of mutual cooperation, as well as the ideas of self-respect and moral powers.

Resumen Tradicionalmente los derechos sociales han sido considerados como derechos positivos que por su naturaleza no deberían formar parte de la constitución. La objeción más común en contra de los derechos sociales constitucionales sostiene que estos son derechos prestacionales y que la constitución está destinada a proteger solo los derechos de no interferencia. En este trabajo muestro que la tesis anterior es disputable y ofrezco argumentos que desde la tradición liberal permiten defender la constitucionalización de los derechos sociales. En términos generales, los argumentos presentados giran en tornos a dos ideas matrices del pensamiento de Rawls vinculadas a su concepción de los ciudadanos como personas que deberían gozar de autonomía, así como a su concepción de sociedad. En términos particulares el trabajo presenta una lectura sistemática de los dos principios de la justicia y un análisis de las nociones de sociedad como sistema de mutua cooperación, así como de las ideas de autorrespeto y poderes morales.

Resumen: Este es un artículo original con el objetivo de delinear la contribución de Anísio Teixeira a la educación brasileña, presentado en un seminario académico. El legado del pensamiento y de la acción anisiense para la educación brasileña es objeto de estudio de este artículo. El objeto fue analizado por medio de conceptos derivados de tres matrices teórico-metodológicas: el pensamiento alemán expresado en Goethe, Max Weber y Norbert Elias; la filosofía francesa de Glucksmann y Loourau; y la Sociología Brasileña, por medio de los aportes de Freyre, Holanda, Leal, Faoro, Martins, Miceli, Ramos, Adorno, Coelho, Alonso y Arruda, para analizar los fenómenos políticoculturales de la realidad nacional. Los principales conceptos utilizados fueron misión civilizadora, intelectual comprometido, político ilustrado, institución, maître penseur y afinidades electivas. La metodología utilizada fue la elisiana, que busca reconstruir el objeto de estudio a partir de la red de configuraciones sociales en la que se encuentra inmerso. La técnica utilizada fue el análisis cultural del contenido expresado en la bibliografía y en documentos. El artículo concluye resumiendo las contribuciones anisianas en un marco sinóptico, relacionamdo el pensamiento anisiano con los principios constitucionales y legales vigentes. Resumen académico teóricometodológicas teórico metodológicas teórico-metodológicas Goethe Elias Loourau Brasileña Freyre Holanda Leal Faoro Martins Miceli Ramos Adorno Coelho Arruda nacional civilizadora comprometido ilustrado institución electivas elisiana inmerso documentos sinóptico vigentes

Abstract: This is an original article with the objective of outlining Anísio Teixeira's contribution to the Brazilian education presented at an academic seminar. The legacy of Anisian thought and action for the Brazilian education is the object of study of this article. The object was analyzed through concepts derived from three theoretical-methodological matrices: the German thought expressed in Goethe, Max Weber and Norbert Elias; the French philosophy of Glucksmann and Lourau; and the Brazilian sociology, through the contributions of Freyre, Holanda, Leal, Faoro, Martins, Miceli, Adorno, Ramos, Coelho, Alonso and Arruda, in order to investigate the political-cultural phenomena of the national reality. The main concepts used were civilizing mission, engaged intellectual, enlightened politician, institution, maître penseur and elective affinities. The methodology used was the Eliasian kind, seeking to reconstruct the object of study from the web of social configurations in which it is immersed. The technique used was the cultural analysis of the content expressed in the bibliography and documents. The article concludes by summarizing Anisian contributions in a synoptic framework and relating the Anisian thought with the current constitutional and legal principles. Abstract Teixeiras Teixeira s seminar theoreticalmethodological theoretical methodological matrices Goethe Elias Lourau sociology Freyre Holanda Leal Faoro Martins Miceli Adorno Ramos Coelho Arruda politicalcultural political reality mission intellectual politician institution affinities kind immersed documents principles

Resumo: Trata-se de artigo original com o objetivo de delinear a contribuição de Anísio Teixeira para a educação brasileira, apresentado em seminário acadêmico. O legado do pensamento e da ação anisianos para a educação brasileira é o objeto de estudo deste texto. O objeto foi analisado por meio de conceitos oriundos de três matrizes teórico-metodológicas: o pensamento alemão expresso em Goethe, Max Weber e Norbert Elias; a filosofia francesa de Glucksmann e Lourau; e a sociologia brasileira, por intermédio das contribuições de Freyre, Holanda, Leal, Faoro, Martins, Miceli, Adorno, Ramos, Alonso, Coelho e Arruda, para análise dos fenômenos político-culturais da realidade nacional. Os principais conceitos empregados foram missão civilizatória, intelectual engajado, político ilustrado, instituição, maître penseur e afinidades eletivas. A metodologia usada foi a elisiana, que busca reconstruir o objeto de estudo a partir da teia de configurações sociais no qual ele está imerso. A técnica utilizada foi a análise culturalista do conteúdo expresso na bibliografia e nos documentos. O artigo conclui sintetizando as contribuições anisianas em quadro sinótico, relacionando o pensamento anisiano com os princípios constitucionais e legais vigentes. Resumo Tratase Trata se acadêmico texto teóricometodológicas teórico metodológicas teórico-metodológicas Goethe Elias Lourau Freyre Holanda Leal Faoro Martins Miceli Adorno Ramos Alonso Arruda políticoculturais culturais nacional civilizatória engajado ilustrado instituição eletivas elisiana imerso documentos sinótico vigentes

Abstract This paper presents the work of Brazilian sociologist and constitutional author Marcelo Neves, interpreting his theoretical contribution as a non-Eurocentric postcolonial approach to the process of nation-building. It portrays how Neves engages with a long-standing tradition of Brazilian social thought. We argue that Neves stands against the epistemological nationalism of such tradition and is critical of its presuppositions and ideological functions. Nevertheless, he draws on insights from these theories about the peripheries of world society – such as the infiltration of private interests into public ones, and the reproduction of inequality. For Neves, social exclusion constitutes a building block in structuring a stable social order established on precarious forms of citizenship. nonEurocentric non Eurocentric nationbuilding. nationbuilding nation building. nation-building longstanding long standing thought functions Nevertheless ones inequality citizenship

Resumo O artigo apresenta uma interpretação da obra do sociólogo e constitucionalista Marcelo Neves como uma contribuição a uma reflexão sobre o processo de construção do Estado brasileiro desde uma perspectiva pós-colonial, não eurocêntrica. Para isso, apresentamos seu diálogo com a tradição sociológica brasileira representada no “paradigma da formação”. Argumentamos que Neves se afasta do nacionalismo metodológico dessa tradição, com críticas a seus pressupostos e funções ideológicas, mas aproveita algumas das observações sociológicas sobre as periferias descritas por essas teorias – como a infiltração de interesses privados sobre o público e a reprodução de relações sociais profundamente desiguais. Para Neves, a exclusão social surge como peça fundamental a estruturar uma ordem social estável e fundada em formas precárias de cidadania. póscolonial, póscolonial pós colonial, colonial pós-colonial eurocêntrica isso paradigma formação. formação . formação” ideológicas desiguais cidadania

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the characterization of democratic precommitments, through the model proposed by Jeremy Waldron, as heuristics that establish decision-making standards used in court judgements, to ensure a better constitutional-democratic quality of judicial decisions. The problem involves an approach of Kahneman’s theoretical categories. This study uses the bibliographic analysis about law and psychology, for the purpose of qualitative study about the relations between precommitments and heuristics. The conclusion demonstrates the opportunity to enhance the judicial decisions by controlling the heuristics and biases of the human judge through heuristics derived from democratic precommitments, institutionally designed as a constitutional architecture of choices. In this scenario, the recognition of the heuristic characteristic of precommitments presents a vision (without denying the achievements of the most applied theoretical models) that focuses on the natural way of structuring human thought, which impacts the theory of judicial decision. Abstract Waldron decisionmaking decision making judgements constitutionaldemocratic Kahnemans Kahneman s categories psychology choices scenario without models thought

Resumo: O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar a caracterização dos pré-compromissos democráticos, no modelo proposto por Jeremy Waldron, como heurísticas que estabelecem padrões decisórios a serem observados nos julgamentos, a fim de se garantir uma melhor qualidade constitucional-democrática das decisões judiciais. A problemática passa por uma abordagem de heurísticas e vieses que se utilizou de categorias teóricas do pensamento de Daniel Kahneman, entre outros autores. Este estudo se pauta em pesquisa bibliográfica inerente ao direito e à psicologia, para fins de estudo qualitativo das potencialidades da relação entre pré-compromissos e heurísticas. Os resultados demonstram a oportunidade de aprimoramento das decisões judiciais mediante o controle das heurísticas e vieses do ser humano julgador por meio de heurísticas advindas de pré-compromissos democráticos, sendo estes desenhados institucionalmente como uma arquitetura constitucional de escolhas. Neste cenário, o reconhecimento da característica heurística dos pré-compromissos apresenta visão que, sem negar as conquistas dos modelos teóricos mais aplicados, foca no natural modo de estruturação do pensamento humano, o qual causa impacto na teoria da decisão judicial. Resumo précompromissos pré compromissos democráticos Waldron julgamentos constitucionaldemocrática democrática Kahneman autores psicologia escolhas cenário aplicados judicial

In terms of section 29(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution), ''everyone has the right to basic education''. At the same time the Constitution provides that everyone has the right to freedom of conscience, religion, thought, belief and opinion, and the right to participate in the cultural life of his or her choice. Children's right to education versus their right to religion and culture is a highly debated topic in South Africa. The Constitution guarantees both the right to education and the right to religion and culture. In the culturally diverse South African environment the right to education and the child's right to participate in the cultural life of their choice may conflict with each other. The conflict referred to can mean that the child's right to participate in the cultural life of his or her choice might be sacrificed to the right to education. One such instance is the wearing of a headscarf in schools. The headscarf, also known as a hijab, is a traditional piece of clothing worn by Muslim women in accordance with their religious beliefs. The wearing of a headscarf in schools has become a contentious issue as it is seen by some as conflicting with the principles of education and the dress codes of schools. The government has a constitutional obligation to provide basic education to all children in the country. This right is seen as a crucial factor in ensuring that children can develop to their full potential. On the other hand, the right to religion and culture is equally important as it allows individuals to practice their religious beliefs and maintain their cultural identity. To evaluate discrimination against children in a culturally diverse classroom, it is mandatory to look at what the right to basic education entails and what obligations this right place on the state -more specifically on the Department of Basic Education - when it comes to promoting the right to basic education while protecting children's other constitutional rights. The government must adopt a balanced approach to ensure that both the right to education and the right to religion and culture are respected and protected. This study will investigate whether the state fulfils its obligation to protect the child's constitutional right to basic education without infringing on the child's right to religion and culture.

Resumo Por meio da análise de trechos das constituições do Haiti da primeira metade do século XIX, o artigo investiga as características dos direitos humanos no constitucionalismo haitiano pós-revolucionário. Dessa análise, um arranjo conceitual alternativo é extraído para pensar o conteúdo dos direitos fundamentais e da ordem constitucional moderna. Este arranjo é expresso em cinco conceitos: direitos universais do negro; materialidade da escravidão; cidadania diaspórica; propriedade abolicionista; princípio do solo livre; e nação quilombo. A análise é realizada em diálogo com o pensamento de intelectuais negros e negras. Conclui-se que a poética constitucional haitiana opera uma crítica às narrativas hegemônicas sobre a “invenção dos direitos humanos” e, ao mesmo tempo, fornece um imaginário moral mais amplo e plural do constitucionalismo, especialmente por lidar decididamente com o legado da escravidão, do colonialismo e do racismo.

Abstract Through the analysis of excerpts from the Haitian constitutions of the first half of the 19th century, the article investigates the characteristics of human rights in post-revolutionary Haitian constitutionalism. From this analysis, an alternative conceptual arrangement is extracted to think about the content of fundamental rights and the modern constitutional order. This conceptual arrangement is expressed in five concepts: universal Black rights; materiality of slavery; diasporic citizenship; abolitionist property; free soil principle; and quilombo nation. The analysis is carried out in dialogue with the thought of Black intellectuals. It is concluded that the Haitian constitutional poetics operates a critique of the hegemonic narratives about the “invention of human rights” and, at the same time, provides a broader and plural moral imaginary for constitutionalism, especially for dealing decisively with the legacy of slavery, colonialism and racism.

Abstract Transformative constitutionalism is a current of legal thought based on the belief that constitutional judges can play a key role in promoting social change and expanding constitutional rights. Another current, feminist constitutionalism, seeks to remedy deficiencies resulting from the failure of the law and constitutions to sufficiently protect the rights of women. These two constitutionalist currents could be regarded as constituting an unnecessary conceptual separation, since they share a fundamental convergence in their view of the important role constitutional judges can play in the advancement of women’s rights. This note argues that the underlying principles of the various currents of constitutionalism rest on the same legal foundation, that is, a legal system comprised of a constitution with normative force and an institutionalized system of constitutional justice. As a result, the practice of transformative constitutional adjudication is a more realistic and constructive means by which to foster transformative social change than either of the aforementioned constitutionalisms since it does not require the institutionalization of a specific constitutional framework. All that is required is the transformative conviction of the constitutional judges themselves. This note is organized in the following way: first, I analyze the concept of constitutionalism in general; second, I explain transformative constitutionalism; third, I describe feminist constitutionalism; fourth, I propose the concept of transformative constitutional adjudication that combines principles from both of the previously reviewed constitutionalisms; fifth, I examine eight specific cases from various countries where transformative constitutional adjudication was employed in the resolution of the constitutional issue raised.

Resumen La corriente del constitucionalismo transformador se basa en conseguir cambios sustanciales en la realidad social a través de los derechos y del papel de los jueces constitucionales. Al mismo tiempo, existe una corriente constitucionalista feminista que lucha por una reivindicación de los derechos de las mujeres desde la Ley y la Constitución, lo que podría ser, primero, una separación conceptual innecesaria y, segundo, una convergencia fundamental a través del papel de los jueces constitucionales para la reivindicación de los derechos de las mujeres. Esta nota sostiene, como tesis central, que las corrientes del constitucionalismo tienen la misma base jurídica representada en una Constitución con fuerza normativa y la justicia constitucional, por lo que es más realista y valioso referirse a lo que llamo una adjudicación constitucional transformadora, ya que no se necesita un marco constitucional específico, sino sólo la convicción transformadora de los jueces constitucionales. Así: primero, analizo el constitucionalismo y su significado como fenómeno; segundo, explico el constitucionalismo transformador; tercero, describo el constitucionalismo feminista; cuarto, propongo el concepto de adjudicación constitucional transformadora que conjuntaría ambos postulados de los constitucionalismos revisados; quinto, examino algunos casos en la práctica constitucional en los que se demuestra la adjudicación constitucional transformadora.

Abstract Bariatric surgery and the subsequent flashes of argon appear in a dichotomous discourse, which demonstrates that the long-awaited definitive solution to the problem of obesity has not been effective. Health and obesity are subjects of study and research that are thought provoking in different fields of knowledge; be it in Fashion, Science, Psychology, Aesthetics, Law, Literature and Dramaturgy, all of them are linked, in a certain way, to the cult of the body and the search for aesthetic standards. The media and social networks aim at weight control that focuses on the consumer market, be it fashion, health or beauty. They serve as an organizer of individuals' direct and indirect choices regarding food, clothing, alcohol intake or use of dietary supplements. In theory they would culminate in a balanced body that is acceptable to consumption patterns, but not always healthy. Gordophobia is not just in fashion magazines - little or nothing inclusive. It is also in the workplace and everywhere, because it is prejudice that lurks in social relations without being noticed and often permeated by trivialized statements. Law as an agent that promotes inclusion and respect for equality in the face of constitutional law

Resumo A cirurgia bariátrica e as subsequentes fulgurações por argônio aparecem num discurso dicotômico, que demonstra que a tão esperada solução definitiva para o problema da obesidade não tem sido eficaz. A saúde e a obesidade são temas de estudo e pesquisa instigantes em diferentes campos do saber; seja na Moda, na Ciência, na Psicologia, na Estética, no Direito, na Literatura e na Dramaturgia, todos eles estão ligados, de certa forma, ao culto do corpo e à busca de padrões estéticos. A mídia e as redes sociais direcionam a um controle de peso que tem como foco o mercado de consumo, seja de moda, saúde ou beleza. Servem como organizadores das escolhas diretas e indiretas dos indivíduos no que tange aos alimentos, à vestimenta, à ingestão do álcool ou utilização de suplementos alimentares. Em tese culminariam em um corpo equilibrado e aceitável aos padrões de consumo, mas nem sempre saudável. A gordofobia não está somente nas revistas de moda - pouco ou nada inclusivas. Ela está também no ambiente de trabalho e em todos os lugares, pois assim é o preconceito que espreita as relações sociais sem ser notado e muitas vezes permeado banalizado pelas falas falsamente inclusivas. O Direito como agente promotor da inclusão e do respeito à igualdade diante dos contornos do Direito Constitucional.

Abstract While a comprehensive research and literature exists on legal responsibility, the nature of constitutional liability is much less explored. Constitutional liability is a crucial tool for strengthening and development of democracy. In practice, not all countries have a direct constitutional and legislative establishment of constitutional liability as a special form of legal responsibility. For example, Russia has its own way of determining constitutional liability, which can serve as grounds for thought provoking reflection in other legal systems. In this article, the author will consider the constitutional liability as a form of legal responsibility, address the questions of interrelation between constitutional liability and other forms of legal responsibility, as well as explore the grounds of constitutional liability by comparing constitutions, a number of various laws, some subordinate legislative acts of Russia and about fifteen other countries. Such analysis allows one to draw conclusions that bring some novelty, newness into the field of public law as a whole. responsibility explored democracy practice example systems article constitutions laws novelty whole

Resumo Embora exista pesquisa abrangente e literatura sobre responsabilidade jurídica, a natureza da responsabilidade constitucional é muito menos explorada. A responsabilidade constitucional é um instrumento essencial para reforçar e promover a democracia. Na prática, nem todos os países têm previsão constitucional e legislativa explícita de responsabilidade constitucional como um tipo específico de responsabilidade jurídica. A Rússia, por exemplo, tem a sua própria forma de definir a responsabilidade constitucional, o que pode constituir motivo de reflexão em outros sistemas jurídicos. Neste artigo o autor examina a responsabilidade constitucional como uma forma de responsabilidade jurídica, analisa a relação entre a responsabilidade constitucional e outras formas de responsabilidade jurídica e também investiga a base da responsabilidade constitucional comparando constituições, uma série de leis diferentes, algumas leis em vigor na Rússia e em cerca de quinze outros países do mundo. Tal análise permite tirar conclusões que conduzem a novidades no campo do direito público em geral. explorada democracia prática exemplo jurídicos constituições diferentes mundo geral

In many cases, mosques have been accused by anti-terror agencies as a potential place to spread transnational Islamic ideologies. This study examines the perceptions of mosque administrators (ta'mīr) about Pancasila, Islamic sharia and transnational ideology. This research took place in South Tambun, a densely populated subdistrict in Bekasi, West Java. Mostly populated by urbanites, it has heterogeneous religious understanding. A quantitative research method with descriptive statistics is used in this study to analyse the results of the survey conducted. Furthermore, a qualitative technique is carried out through a series of interviews conducted with the respondents. Triangulation is carried out to increase the validity and credibility of the findings. The results showed that 40% of mosque administrators surveyed thought that transnational ideologies were not in accordance with the spirit of Pancasila. Meanwhile, the remaining 40% and 20% of respondents, respectively, consider transnational ideologies to be dangerous to social order, and divisive. The qualitative analysis shows that the respondents do not want the implementation of Islamic sharia and an Islamic state within the Indonesian constitutional framework. CONTRIBUTION: This research can be used by policymakers and anti-terror agents to proportionally and participatively involve mosque administrators to narrow the wiggle room for the spread of transnational ideology

Resumo Ensaio teórico orientado pela pergunta de partida: como a seletividade das políticas imigratórias brasileiras influenciam na institucionalização do racismo? Percorre-se, por meio de autores do pensamento constitucional brasileiro, outras literaturas nacionais e internacionais, itinerário histórico das políticas imigratórias brasileiras. Desenvolve-se um conceito de hospitalidade universal mitigada sob à égide das imigrações seletivas.

Abstract Theoretical essay guided by the starting question: how does the selectivity of Brazilian immigration policies influence the institutionalization of racism? Through authors who has Brazilian constitutional thoughts, national and international literatures are explored, because they are historical itinerary of Brazilian immigration policies. This create a concept of universal hospitality is mitigated based on selective immigration.

ABSTRACT The world is a difficult concept to interpret in Husserl'sphenomenology. On the one hand, such a concept is characterized as the life-world or the world of culture in their fullest sense (Husserl, 2008a, 288; HUA VI, 191). This world can be thought in plural although, however, it exhibits at the same time, both, a horizontal manner of being and an A Priori nature, which, in sum, makes the world possess a progression and unity in front of which "the plural makes no sense" (Husserl, 2008a, 185; HUA VI, 146). On the other hand, the world is also characterized as a subjective acquisition and, for that reason, it implies a dynamic constitutional network which comes to be what it is from the progression from a pre-world [Vorwelt] to a world [Welt] (Walton, 2015; Bower, 2015). Therefore, Husserl's world appears under different determinations that may even seem contradictory (Carr, 1970). In this work, using a differentiation made by Walton (2015) between constitutional and given, I propose that it is possible to reconstruct the concept of world and, thereby, to clarify its "problematic" (Carr, 1970). Thus, I will show that this problematic arises due to the lack of differentiation between the diverse stratum of the world's constitution, which articulates themselves into genetic and generative investigations that express different levels of analysis of that concept. I will conclude that without making this distinction, which leads to different analysis levels, we will obtain an insufficient comprehension of the concept, such as Husserl developed it throughout different moments of his work.

RESUMEN El mundo es un concepto de difícil interpretación en la fenomenología de Husserl. Por un lado, dicho concepto es caracterizado como el mundo de la vida o el mundo de la cultura en su sentido más pleno (Husserl, 2008a, 288; HUA VI, 191). Este mundo puede ser pensado en el plural aunque, sin embargo, exhibe al mismo tiempo tanto un modo de ser que es de carácter horizóntico, como otro de carácter apriórico, los que, en suma, lo hacen poseer una progresión y unidad ante las cuales "el plural carece de sentido" (Husserl, 2008a, 185; HUA VI, 146). Por otro lado, el mundo también es caracterizado como siendo una adquisición subjetiva y, por consiguiente, implica un red de constitución dinámica que llega a ser lo que es a partir de la progresión desde un premundo [Vorwelt] a un mundo [Welt] (Walton, 2015; Bower, 2015). De tal manera, el mundo en Husserl aparece bajo distintas determina ciones que, incluso, pueden parecer contradictorias (Carr, 1970). En este trabajo, utilizando una diferenciación que realiza Walton (2015) entre los órdenes de la constitución y la dación, propondré que es posible reconstruir el concepto de mundo y, de este modo, aclarar su "problematicidad" (Carr, 1970). De esta manera, mostraré que tal problematicidad surge debido a una indiferenciación de los diversos estratos de la constitución del mundo, los que se articulan en investigaciones genéticas y generativas que expresan distintos niveles del análisis de dicho concepto. Concluiré que sin esta distinción que conduce a distintos niveles de análisis, se obtiene una comprensión insuficiente del concepto tal como es desarrollado por Husserl en las distintas etapas de su obra.