Resumen En los últimos años, la región latinoamericana ha sufrido profundos impactos como consecuencia de transformaciones sistémicas asociadas al debilitamiento de la economía, la pandemia del covid-19, la guerra comercial entre China y Estados Unidos e incluso el surgimiento de nuevos conflictos. Este escenario supone importantes desafíos, especialmente para países pequeños de la región como Panamá y Ecuador, los cuales han implementado estrategias de articulación en materia comercial con la República Popular China (RPC) a través de los tratados de libre comercio (TLC). No obstante, dichas estrategias se vislumbran también como mecanismos de contención frente al escenario de crisis e incertidumbre que caracteriza actualmente al sistema internacional. El artículo hace un análisis en torno al proceso de negociación de TLC por parte de Panamá y Ecuador con China, instrumentos que se enmarcan en la estrategia Commercial Diplomacy como formato exclusivo de negociación y de relacionamiento con diversos socios estratégicos. Se argumenta que, dada la condición de vulnerabilidad de los países pequeños en torno a las recientes transformaciones globales, estos han decidido implementar estrategias adaptativas y de contención con China en la agenda comercial.

Abstract In recent years, the Latin American region has suffered profound impacts because of systemic transformations such as the weak global economy, the Covid-19 pandemic, the trade war between China and the United States and even the emergence of new conflicts. This scenario implies challenges, especially for small countries in the region, such as Panama and Ecuador, which have implemented trade coordination strategies with the People’s Republic of China through free trade agreements. However, these strategies are also seen as containment mechanisms in the face of the scenario of crisis and uncertainty that characterizes the international system. The article analytically reflects on the FTA negotiation process by Panama and Ecuador with China, instruments that are part of the Commercial Diplomacy strategy as an exclusive format of negotiation and relationship with various strategic partners. The article argues that, given the vulnerability of small countries regarding recent global transformations, they have decided to implement adaptive and containment strategies with China on the commercial agenda.

RESUMEN El objetivo de este artículo es revisar la situación socioeconómica del distrito de Surmali que se adjuntó a la gobernación de Irevan antes de la Primera Guerra Mundial. En el trabajo se examina el estado de varios sectores de la vida socioeconómica del distrito de Surmali intentando determinar los principales rasgos característicos de los procesos etnodemográficos, administrativos y económicos de la región. Aunque entre las fuentes bibliográficas el lugar principal lo ocupan las llamadas "Revisiones" anuales en la gobernación publicadas por Edelson, fueron rastreados otros documentos de gran interés. La información de las diversas fuentes demuestra de manera convincente que el distrito de Surmali era una de las regiones agrícolas importantes ocupando en algunas ramas un lugar destacado en la gobernación de Irevan. Al mismo tiempo, la extracción de sal en los campos de Gulp desempeñó un papel significativo en la vida económica, no solo de este distrito y la gobernación antes mencionada, siendo también fue un factor importante en el suministro de alimentos de varias regiones y países cercanos. Al igual que en otras región del oeste de Azerbaiyán, en el distrito se sintió el fortalecimiento de las relaciones entre los productos básicos y el mercado, muchos sectores tradicionales de la vida económica se vieron obligados a adaptarse a los requerimientos de una economía de mercado, hubo un claro predominio de la agricultura comercial, hubo cambios bruscos en la estructura etnodemográfica de la población del condado, un aumento en la número y proporción de inmigrantes, y viceversa, una disminución en la proporción de la etnia autóctona.

ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to review the socio-economic situation of the Surmali district which was attached to the Irevan Governorate before the First World War. The paper examines the state of various sectors of the socioeconomic life of the Surmali district trying to determine the main characteristic features of the ethnodemographic, administrative and economic processes of the region. Although among the bibliographical sources the main place is occupied by the so-called annual "Reviews" in the government published by Edelson, other documents of great interest were searched. The information from the various sources convincingly demonstrates that the Surmali district was one of the important agricultural regions occupying in some branches a prominent position in the Irevan Governorate. At the same time, salt mining in the Gulp fields played a significant role in the economic life of not only this district and the aforementioned governorate but was also an important factor in the food supply of several nearby regions and countries. As in other regions of West Azerbaijan, the strengthening of relations between commodities and the market was felt in the district, many traditional sectors of economic life were forced to adapt to the requirements of a market economy, there was a clear predominance of commercial agriculture, there were sharp changes in the ethnodemographic structure of the county population, an increase in the number and proportion of immigrants, and vice versa, a decrease in the proportion of autochthonous ethnicity.

Abstract: This research shows how the changes and continuities in the ideological and technological dispute for the Third World in the Cold War can help us analyze the commercial and diplomatic conflict that the United States pushed for during the Donald Trump administration (2017-2021) against the People’s Republic of China, as a possible preface to a new Cold War. The methodology we have employed is comparative and links the historiography surrounding this conflict with the discipline of Grand Strategy. The originality of this research lies in taking continuity lines from the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States as the starting point for the analysis of the American relationship with China at the beginning of the 2020s, focusing on the economic and technological dispute as part of the strategy of both countries.

Resumen: El objetivo de esta investigación es mostrar cómo los cambios y permanencias en la disputa ideológica, tecnológica y por el tercer mundo en la Guerra Fría, pueden ayudar a pensar el conflicto comercial y diplomático que impulsaron los Estados Unidos durante la administración de Donald Trump (2017-2021) contra la República Popular China, como un posible prefacio de una nueva Guerra Fría. La metodología que hemos empleado es comparativa y vincula la historiografía en torno a este conflicto con la disciplina de la gran estrategia. La originalidad de este estudio se encuentra en tomar líneas de continuidad presentes desde el enfrentamiento entre la Unión Soviética y los Estados Unidos, como punto de partida para comprender las relaciones de los norteamericanos al inicio de la década de 2020 con China, enfocándonos en la disputa económica y tecnológica como parte de la estrategia de ambos países.

Abstract In the late 1920s, the anarchist movement in La Paz played a decisive role in opening and consolidating channels of communication with the indigenous movement in the Bolivian Andes. However, anarchists were not the sole political actors involved in this process. Since the beginning of the 20th century, other left-wing currents - broadly defined - also intervened. This article aims to delineate the dialogues established between anarchism and the indigenous movement, both at the ideological level and amid “ethno-classist” struggles. It engages in a debate with and complicates both nationalist and libertarian historiography. Based on the analysis of a corpus composed of commercial and anarchist press, leaflets, correspondence, interviews, and administrative documentation, we argue that the city-countryside exchanges are part of a long and rich history developed in different localities of Bolivia, from that early moment until the hiatus introduced by the outbreak of the Chaco War in 1932. Furthermore, we suggest that this essentially connected history projects itself from the years that preceded the 1952 Revolution, referred to as the “pre-52”, into the following period, known as the “post-52”. 1920s s Andes However process th century leftwing left wing intervened ethnoclassist ethno classist “ethno-classist struggles historiography press leaflets correspondence interviews documentation citycountryside city countryside Bolivia 1932 Furthermore 195 Revolution pre52, pre52 pre 52 , “pre-52” period post52. post52 post . “post-52” 193 19 pre5 5 “pre-52 post5 “post-52 1 “pre-5 “post-5 “pre- “post- “pre “post

Resumen A fines de la década de 1920, el movimiento anarquista de La Paz cumplió un papel determinante en la apertura y consolidación de los canales de comunicación con el movimiento indígena en los Andes bolivianos. Con todo, éste no fue el único actor político involucrado en un proceso del que, a comienzos de siglo XX, intervinieron otras izquierdas definidas de forma amplia. Así, el objetivo de este artículo es caracterizar los diálogos que se establecieron entre anarquismo y movimiento indígena en el plano ideológico y de las luchas “etnoclasistas”, a partir de un abordaje que discute con y complejiza la historiografía nacionalista y libertaria. En base al análisis de un corpus compuesto de prensa comercial y anarquista, folletería, correspondencia, entrevistas y documentación administrativa, sostenemos que los intercambios ciudad-campo forman parte de una larga y rica historia desarrollada en distintas localidades de Bolivia, desde ese temprano momento hasta el paréntesis introducido por la guerra del Chaco en 1932. Asimismo, sugerimos que esta historia en esencia conectada se proyecta de la etapa anterior a la Revolución de 1952, el “pre-52”, a la etapa posterior a ella, el “pos-52”. 1920 bolivianos todo XX amplia Así etnoclasistas, etnoclasistas , “etnoclasistas” libertaria folletería correspondencia administrativa ciudadcampo ciudad campo Bolivia 1932 Asimismo 1952 pre52, pre52 pre 52 “pre-52” ella pos52. pos52 pos . “pos-52” 192 “etnoclasistas 193 195 pre5 5 “pre-52 pos5 “pos-52 19 “pre-5 “pos-5 1 “pre- “pos- “pre “pos

Resumen: Las familias De la Fuente y Gutiérrez de la Fuente, poseedoras de algunas de las mayores fortunas de Tarapacá, han sido estudiadas en la historiografía peruana y del norte de Chile, como lo demuestran recientes artículos y capítulos de libros de carácter académico e histórico-genealógico. Sin embargo, su paso por Chile, sus actividades comerciales y su accionar en los ámbitos político y militar son prácticamente desconocidos, pese a que terminaron integrándose a los grupos más acomodados e incluso en la élite criolla nacional dentro de la coyuntura emancipadora. En el presente artículo, proponemos dar a conocer la figura de Matías de la Fuente y Palacios, su paso por la provincia de Concepción en un contexto complejo -independencia nacional, 1808-1818- donde se desempeñó como comerciante, productor de pólvora e intendente-militar. Siempre fue leal a Fernando VII, hasta su retirada en 1818 cuando las fuerzas realistas asentadas en Talcahuano decidieron regresar al Callao, Perú. Poco después siguió colaborando con la causa monárquica desde Europa. Pese a ello, el vínculo de ambas familias quedó dentro de la vida política y económica chilena -y peruana- hasta después de la emancipación de ambas naciones americanas a través de su única hija y de sus sobrinos.

Abstract: The De la Fuente and Gutiérrez de la Fuente families, possessors of some of the greatest fortunes in Tarapacá, have been studied in Peruvian and northern Chilean historiography, as recent articles, and book chapters of an academic and historical-genealogical nature show. However, their time in Chile, their commercial activities and their actions in the political and military spheres are practically unknown, despite the fact that they ended up joining the more affluent groups and even the national Creole elite within the emancipatory situation. In this article, we propose to present the figure of Matías de la Fuente y Palacios, his passage through the province of Concepción in a complex context -national independence, 1808-1818- where he worked as a merchant, producer of gunpowder and quartermaster- military. He was always loyal to Ferdinand VII, until his withdrawal in 1818 when the royalist forces based in Talcahuano decided to return to Callao, Peru. Shortly after, he continued to collaborate with the monarchist cause from Europe. Despite this, the bond between both families remained within Chilean -and Peruvian- political and economic life until after the emancipation of both American nations through his only daughter and her nephews.

Résumé En 1939, l'exposition internationale de films éducatifs organisée par la société EDUCINE a eu lieu à Buenos Aires. Cet événement visait à mettre en dialogue des expériences didactiques et des œuvres audiovisuelles nationales et internationales destinées au domaine scolaire. Les États-Unis se sont classés en bonne place parmi les nations participantes, le produit d'une intention diplomatique délibérée. Dans le contexte du conflit armé croissant en Europe et des politiques de bon voisinage envers l'Amérique latine, Washington a cherché à faire en sorte que les pays de la région restent à ses côtés. Les sources documentaires déposées aux Archives nationales du Département d'État américain mettent en évidence comment, dans ce contexte, le cinéma éducatif est devenu un outil tant pour l'État américain que pour ses principales entreprises pour mener à bien des missions de diplomatie culturelle et d'échanges commerciaux. 1939 lexposition l exposition Aires scolaire ÉtatsUnis États Unis participantes dune d une délibérée lAmérique Amérique latine côtés dÉtat État comment lÉtat déchanges échanges commerciaux 193 19 1

Resumo Em 1939, foi realizada em Buenos Aires a mostra internacional de filmes educativos organizada pela Sociedade EDUCINE. Este evento buscou colocar em diálogo experiências didáticas e obras audiovisuais nacionais e internacionais destinadas ao campo escolar. Os Estados Unidos ocuparam um lugar de destaque entre as nações participantes, produto de uma intenção diplomática deliberada. No contexto do crescente conflito armado na Europa e das políticas de Boa Vizinhança para a América Latina, Washington procurou garantir que os países da região permanecessem do seu lado. As fontes documentais depositadas nos Arquivos Nacionais do Departamento de Estado norte-americano evidenciam como, nesse contexto, o cinema educativo tornou-se uma ferramenta para o Estado norte-americano e suas principais empresas realizarem tarefas de diplomacia cultural e intercâmbio comercial. 1939 EDUCINE escolar participantes deliberada Latina lado norteamericano norte americano como tornouse tornou se comercial 193 19 1

Abstract In 1939, the EDUCINE society held the International Educational Cinema Exhibition in Buenos Aires. The purpose of this event was to bring together didactic experiences and national and international audiovisual works aimed for schools. The United States occupied a prominent place among the participating nations, as a result of a deliberate diplomatic intention. In the context of the growing war in Europe and the Good Neighbor policies towards Latin America, Washington sought to ensure that the countries of the region remained on its side. The documentary sources from the U.S. State Department deposited in the National Archives highlight how, in this framework, educational cinema became a tool for both the U.S. government and major American companies to carry out cultural diplomacy and commercial exchanges. 1939 Aires schools nations intention America side US U S U.S how framework exchanges 193 19 1

Resumen En 1939 se realizó en Buenos Aires la exposición internacional de cine educativo organizada por la sociedad EDUCINE. Este evento buscaba poner en diálogo experiencias didácticas y obras audiovisuales nacionales e internacionales destinadas al campo escolar. Estados Unidos ocupó un lugar destacado entre las naciones participantes, producto de una deliberada intención diplomática. En el marco del creciente conflicto bélico en Europa y las políticas de Buena Vecindad hacia América Latina, Washington buscaba asegurar que los países de la región se mantuvieran de su lado. Las fuentes documentales depositadas en los national archives del departamento de estado estadounidense ponen en relieve cómo, en este marco, el cine educativo se convirtió en una herramienta para que tanto el estado norteamericano como sus principales compañías llevaran adelante tareas de diplomacia cultural e intercambios comerciales. 193 EDUCINE escolar participantes diplomática Latina lado cómo comerciales 19 1

Resumo O estudo analisa a relação de causalidade entre o indicador bursátil brasileiro em relação a outros indicadores de bolsa de valores. Especificamente, o tempo de estudo incorpora a crise mundial causada pela covid-19 e a guerra pelo preço do petróleo. Utilizaram-se as séries diferenciadas, considerando a existência de raiz unitária; posteriormente, realizou-se a estimação do modelo VAR e a causalidade de Granger. Nos resultados, verifica-se que a causalidade entre o Ibovespa com o S&P500 e o Nikkei é bidirecional. Esses resultados são consistentes ao relacionar o grau de intercâmbio comercial e de origem do investimento estrangeiro no Brasil. JEL: F21, F37, G15, G17.

Resumen En este artículo se analiza la relación causal entre el indicador de bolsa de valores de Brasil con relación a otros indicadores. El tiempo de estudio incorpora la crisis mundial causada por la COVID-19 y la guerra por el precio del petróleo. Se utilizaron series diferenciadas considerando la existencia de una raíz unitaria; luego se estimó la causalidad de Granger a partir de un VAR. Se verifica que la causalidad entre el Ibovespa con el S&P500 y el Nikkei es bidireccional. Estos resultados son consistentes al relacionar el grado de intercambio comercial y el origen de la inversión extranjera en Brasil. JEL: F21, F37, G15, G17.

Abstract This paper analyzes the causal relationship between the Brazilian stock market indicator and other stock exchange indicators. Specifically, the study time incorporates the world crisis caused by the covid-19 and the war over the price of oil. Were used the differentiated series considering the existence of a unit root, the VAR and Granger Causality models were subsequently estimated. The results show that the causality between the Ibovespa with the S&P500 and Nikkei is bidirectional. These results are consistent when relating the degree of commercial exchange and the origin of foreign investment in Brazil. JEL: F21, F37, G15, G17.

Resumen La economía global ha testificado la consolidación de China en el mercado mundial. Erigido como el segundo socio comercial de México, China ha enfrentado una guerra comercial con Estados Unidos, en medio de una clara estrategia para reafirmar su liderazgo regional y consolidar su presencia en una economía mundial afectada por la covid-19. Con el enfoque de las relaciones económicas internacionales, con énfasis en lo político y comercial, en este artículo se analizan las relaciones recientes entre México, China y Estados Unidos con el objetivo de establecer una perspectiva de la relación trilateral hacia la nueva normalidad. A través de un análisis basado en metodología exploratoria y descriptiva, con apoyo de datos cuantitativos del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico y de la Secretaría de Economía, se puede destacar que: en la etapa post covid-19 se visualiza una guerra comercial con severos impactos regionales por la configuración de alianzas, bloques y posturas, con la que cada economía asumirá su posición y hará valer su competitividad.

Abstract The global economy has witnessed the consolidation of China in the world market. Ranked as Mexico’s second trading partner, China has faced a trade war with the United States, amid a clear strategy to reaffirm its regional leadership and consolidate its presence in a world economy affected by Covid-19. Taking into consideration the approach of international economic relations and emphasis on politics and trade, this article analyzes the recent relations between Mexico, China and the United States, with the aim of establishing a perspective of the trilateral relationship towards the new normality. Through an analysis based on exploratory and descriptive methodology, with the support of quantitative data from the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum and the Ministry of Economy, it can be highlighted that: in the post-Covid-19 stage, a commercial war with severe regional impacts due to the configuration of alliances, blocs and postures with which each economy will assume its position and assert its competitiveness.

Abstract: The paper discusses Brazilian-Chilean relations during the governments of Ernesto Geisel and Augusto Pinochet, between 1974 and 1979. The essay focuses on the decision-making process that resulted in massive transfers of material for military use -including major weapons- made in Brazil to Chile, making the Andean country one of the main recipients of Brazilian weapons in the world. The manuscript is the result of research using primary sources consulted at the National Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is concluded that the security relations between the actors were based on elective affinities, geopolitical convergences, commercial interests, and military-technical cooperation.

Resumen: Este artículo discute las relaciones entre Brasil y Chile durante los gobiernos de Ernesto Geisel y Augusto Pinochet, entre 1974 y 1979. Se concentra la atención en los procesos de toma de decisión que resultaron en masivas transferencias de armamento -incluso de grandes sistemas de armas o major weapons- de fabricación brasileña a Chile, transformando al país andino en uno de los principales importadores de armas brasileñas en el continente y el mundo. Este trabajo es el resultado de una investigación con fuentes primarias consultadas en el Archivo Nacional y en el Archivo del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. Se concluye que las relaciones de seguri dad brasileño-chilenas fueron fundamentadas en afinidades electivas, convergencias geopolíticas, intereses comerciales, y cooperación técnico-militar.

Resumo: O artigo discute as relações brasileiro-chilenas durante os governos de Ernesto Geisel e Augusto Pinochet, entre 1974 e 1979. O ensaio concentra a sua atenção nos processos de tomada de decisão que resultaram em massivas transferências de material de emprego militar - inclusive de grandes sistemas de armas ou major weapons - de fabricação brasileira para o Chile, transformando o país andino num dos principais receptores de armas brasileiras no continente e no mundo. O manuscrito é resultado de pesquisa com fontes primárias consultadas no Arquivo Nacional e no Arquivo do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Conclui-se que as relações de segurança entre as partes foram alicerçadas em afinidades eletivas, convergências geopolíticas, interesses comerciais, e cooperação técnico-militar.

Abstract Despite the so-called American anti-colonial tradition (the legacy of independence, or Spirit of ‘76), between World War II and the beginning of the 1960s, the African policy of the United States was always subordinated to the security priorities of Europe. In fact, at the end of World War II, Europe was threatened with collapse, not only due to the approximately 80 million deaths it caused, but also to the gigantic needs for social and economic reconstruction caused by the massive destruction of its productive, housing and commercial activities, which made it impossible to satisfy the basic conditions of survival. A chaotic situation from which emerged a virtually unstoppable human torrent, through which the populations of the countries involved in the war would seek to conquer a world free from misery and hunger, exploitation and oppression. Faced with this “revolutionary wave”, exacerbated by the political impotence of most European elites largely discredited as a result of their capitulation and collaboration with the Nazi occupier, the US government feared that it could make it possible to implement what it qualified as a communist threat, choosing to help rebuild devastated Europe. What makes it possible to understand the "Europe First Policy" and the consequent subordination of all African perspectives of the foreign policy of the United States to European priorities, an orientation that would begin to be changed between 1958 and 1960, during the Eisenhower administration, who claimed an independent American policy for Africa, when the uninterrupted torrent of the conquest of independence by the colonies was about to submerge the entire continent. In turn, the Kennedy administration ensured the continuity of this policy, despite the apparent support for Afro-Asiatic anti-colonial claims, which highlighted the difficulties of adapting to the political priorities of the decolonization era on the part of European colonial powers, especially Portugal. However, this reorientation has never changed the foreign policy of the United States, which has always focused on defending Europe against all kind of threats.

Resumo Apesar da chamada tradição anticolonial americana (a herança da independência, ou Espírito de 1776), entre a II Guerra Mundial e o início da década de 1960 a política africana dos Estados Unidos esteve sempre subordinada às prioridades de segurança da Europa. De facto, no final da II Guerra Mundial a Europa esteve ameaçada de colapso, devido não só aos cerca de 80 milhões de mortos resultantes do conflito, mas também às gigantescas necessidades de reconstrução social e económica provocadas pela destruição maciça das suas infraestruturas produtivas, habitacionais e comerciais, que impossibilitava a satisfação das condições básicas de sobrevivência. Situação caótica da qual emergiu uma torrente humana praticamente imparável, através da qual as populações dos países envolvidos na guerra procurariam conquistar um mundo livre de miséria e de fome, de exploração e de opressão. Confrontado com esta “vaga revolucionária”, agravada pela impotência política da maior parte das elites europeias, largamente descredibilizadas em resultado da sua capitulação e colaboração com o ocupante nazi, o governo dos Estados Unidos temeu que ela pudesse viabilizar a concretização do que qualificava como “ameaça comunista”, optando por ajudar a reconstruir a Europa devastada. O que permite compreender a “Europe First Policy” ("Prioridade Política da Europa") e a consequente subordinação de todas as perspetivas africanas da política externa dos Estados Unidos às prioridades europeias, orientação que começaria a ser alterada entre 1958 e 1960, durante a administração Eisenhower, que reivindicou uma política americana independente para a África, quando a torrente ininterrupta da conquista da independência pelas colónias estava prestes a submergir todo o continente. Por sua vez, a administração Kennedy assegurou a continuidade desta política, apesar do apoio aparente às reivindicações anticoloniais afro-asiáticas, o que evidenciou as dificuldades de adaptação às prioridades políticas da era da descolonização por parte das potências coloniais europeias, especialmente Portugal. No entanto, esta reorientação nunca mudou a política externa dos Estados Unidos, que sempre privilegiou a defesa da Europa contra todo o tipo de ameaças.

Resumen: Nuestra investigación analiza las relaciones de Estado entre Perú y Bolivia en los años previos al inicio de la guerra contra Chile, en 1879. Argumenta que sus lazos bilaterales, presentados como próximos y ligados a un pasado común, se contraponen a evidencias que aluden a recurrentes tensiones armadas derivadas de las condiciones impuestas en los tratados comerciales firmados entre 1847 y 1878. Sometiendo a Bolivia a un férreo control de su comercio de importación y exportación, durante el período en estudio, el Perú intervino en asuntos políticos y financieros internos bolivianos, transformando al país en un aliado funcional para contener el avance chileno sobre el desierto de Atacama. La conversión de Chile en un enemigo común permitió al Perú extender el proceso interventor sobre la industria salitrera hacia reservas bolivianas y reivindicar, pocos meses antes de la guerra, la extensión de su límite meridional a partir de la revisión de los antecedentes jurídicos del uti possidetis colonial.

Abstract: Our research analyzes the government relations between Peru and Bolivia in the years prior the beginning of the war against Chile, in 1879. It argues that their bilateral affairs, presented as close and linked to a common past, are opposed to evidence that refers to recurrent armed tensions derived from the conditions imposed in the commercial treaties signed between 1847 and 1878. Subordinating Bolivia to an iron control of its import and export trade, during the period under study Peru intervened in Bolivian domestic political and financial affairs, transforming make the country a functional ally to contain the Chilean advance on the Atacama Desert. The conversion of Chile into a common enemy allowed Peru to extend the intervention process over the nitrate industry to Bolivian reserves, and to claim, a few months before the war, the extension of its southern limit from of the review of the legal antecedents of the colonial uti possidetis.

ABSTRACT This seeks to recognize how the strategies that Peru took during the First World War affected northern exports. The city of La Libertad stood out because its export custom linked it directly with the war conflict, generating particularities such as the sugar boom and the Chicama Strike in 1920. It is investigated from the written press, official reports and statistical studies. It is concluded that the First World War affected the estates of La Libertad, improving their commercial relations in the sugar sector, but generating a harmful regional dependence on North America.

RESUMEN Este trabajo busca reconocer que las estrategias tomadas por el Perú durante la Primera Guerra Mundial afectaron la exportación norteña. La Libertad destacó en este proceso, pues su costumbre exportadora la vinculó directamente con el conflicto bélico, y generó particularidades como el auge azucarero y la huelga de Chicama en 1920. Se investiga desde la prensa escrita, reportes oficiales y estudios estadísticos. Se concluye que la Primera Guerra Mundial afectó a las haciendas de La Libertad y mejoró sus relaciones comerciales en el sector azucarero, pero produjo una nociva dependencia regional hacia Norteamérica.

Abstract Using an analysis of apartment buildings built in Brussels by the real estate developer Etrimo between 1950 and 1970, we investigate the ability of collective housing to build and support an inhabitants’ community. After World War II, Etrimo took advantage of the poor state of existing housing stock and the return of Belgian families from Congo to intensify its production of apartment buildings for aspiring middle-class homeowners. These buildings consisted of repeated, identical three-room dwellings offering all modern comforts for the nuclear family of the thirty-year post-war boom. The portrait of this family, reflected in various commercial brochures and the 14,000 dwellings built in Brussels by the private developer, suggests a relatively homogeneous middle class. How did this imagined, abstract community materialise? First, we present how the juxtaposition of identical households may or may not have produced a homogenous community at the project’s different spatial scales. This analysis is based on primary sources at our disposal: sales brochures, Etrimo advertisement posters, writings by the company’s founder Jean-François Collin on the legal and financial set-up of his business, plans of the housing units and complexes. Second, on the basis of interviews with inhabitants and on-site observations of living practices in the collective spaces of the housing estates, we highlight the model Etrimo housing estates offers contemporary society for new ways of living together.

Resumo Sob a perspectiva da disciplina história das relações internacionais, o artigo discute as relações de segurança e de cooperação técnico-militar brasileiro-iraquianas, entre 1978 e 1991. Quatro estudos de caso examinam a ascensão, queda e legado de uma significativa parceria, bem como processos de tomada de decisão que resultaram em massivas transferências de material de emprego militar - inclusive de grandes sistemas de armas - de fabricação brasileira para o Iraque, transformando o país árabe num dos principais receptores de armas brasileiras no mundo. O manuscrito é resultado de pesquisa com fontes primárias consultadas no Arquivo Nacional. Conclui-se que as relações de segurança entre as partes foram alicerçadas em afinidades eletivas, convergências geopolíticas, interesses comerciais, e transcendente cooperação técnico-militar.

Abstract From the International History perspective, the paper discusses Brazilian-Iraqi technical-military cooperation and security relations, between 1978 and 1991. Four case studies focus on the rise, fall and legacy of the partnership, and the decision-making process that resulted in massive transfers of material for military use - including major conventional weapons - made in Brazil to Iraq, making the Arab country one of the main recipients of Brazilian weapons in the world. The manuscript is the result of research based on primary sources consulted at the National Archives. It is concluded that the security relations between the actors were based on elective affinities, geopolitical convergences, commercial interests, and technical-military cooperation.

Abstract After breaking its relations with Hungary in 1941, on the eve of its entry into World War II, Mexico did not reestablish its diplomatic relations with this country, Mexico did not reestablish its diplomatic relations with Hungary -as with much of Central-Eastern Europe- until the mid-1970s. This decision was determined by the scant dimension of commercial and cultural exchanges, by the triangulation between its politics towards the countries of the Soviet bloc and the bilateral relationship established with the United States and for the conversion into an international policy principle of the reinterpretation of the Estrada Doctrine applied by Mexico to the Spanish case. The Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956 extended this policy into the next two decades of the Cold War. The new orientation of Mexican foreign policy during Echeverría’s administration allowed the reestablishment of bilateral ties in 1974 within the framework of the process of normalization of diplomatic and economic relations with the socialist bloc.

Resumen Tras romper sus relaciones con Hungría en 1941, en vísperas de su ingreso en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, México no restableció sus relaciones diplomáticas con este país -al igual que con gran parte de Europa Centro-Oriental- hasta mediados de la década de 1970. Esta decisión estuvo determinada por la escasa dimensión de los intercambios comerciales y culturales, por la triangulación de su política hacia los países del bloque soviético con Estados Unidos y por la conversión en principio de política internacional de la reinterpretación de la Doctrina Estrada aplicada al caso español. La intervención soviética en Hungría en 1956 terminaría de extender esta política a las dos siguientes décadas de la Guerra Fría. La nueva orientación de la política exterior mexicana durante el sexenio de Echeverría permitiría restablecer los vínculos bilaterales en 1974 en el marco del proceso de normalización de las relaciones diplomáticas y económicas con el bloque socialista.