Resumen: Con la crisis del petróleo de principios de la década del 70, vimos el inicio del fin de los "años dorados" del modelo burocrático, en la década siguiente el modelo ya estaba ampliamente desacreditado hasta el punto del modelo de reemplazo, Nueva Gestión Pública. (NGP), siendo visto como superior. Sin embargo, los académicos señalan que la NGP no es más que "creencias precientíficas" y Denhardt y Denhardt (2000) proponen el nuevo servicio público que, entre otros aspectos, tiene como objetivo superar el individualismo y el economicismo subyacentes a la NGP. Sin embargo, los supuestos del Nuevo Servicio Público se acercan a los que ha defendido Ubuntu. Por tanto, la pregunta es: qué es Ubuntu, cuáles son los presupuestos del nuevo servicio público y cuáles son sus puntos de convergencia. Basado en una metodología que combina una visión subjetivista y una epistemología del poscolonialismo, este estudio de caso de investigación cualitativa se basó técnicamente en la revisión de la literatura y el análisis del discurso. Se concluyó que las propuestas del nuevo servicio público convergen con los cimientos de Ubuntu y que, a pesar de ser epistemologías construidas en distintos lados de las fronteras, pueden dialogar y complementarse. Resumen 70 años dorados burocrático reemplazo Pública NGP, , (NGP) superior embargo creencias precientíficas 2000 (2000 aspectos tanto convergencia poscolonialismo discurso fronteras complementarse 7 (NGP 200 (200 20 (20 2 (2 (

Abstract: With the oil crisis at the beginning of the 70s, we saw the beginning of the end of the "golden years" of the bureaucratic model, in the following decade the model was already largely discredited, therefore, material and intellectual conditions led us to believe in and defend the superiority of the substitute model, New Public Management (NPM). However, scholars point out that NPM is nothing more than "pre-scientific beliefs" and Denhardt and Denhardt (2000) proposed the New Public Service (NPS) model which, among other aspects, aims to overcome the individualism and economism underlying NPM. However, the assumptions that shape the New Public Service propose the rescue of values that have been defended by Ubuntu for decades. The question is: what is Ubuntu, what are the assumptions of the new public service and what are its points of convergence. In ontological terms, this study adopts a subjectivist view and, epistemologically, it is anchored in post-colonialism. This is a case study associated with qualitative research that was technically based on literature review and discourse analysis. It was concluded that the proposals for the new public service converge with the foundations of Ubuntu and that, despite being epistemologies built on different sides of the borders, they can dialogue and complement each other. Abstract 70s s golden years discredited therefore . (NPM) However prescientific pre scientific beliefs 2000 (2000 NPS (NPS which aspects decades convergence terms epistemologically postcolonialism. postcolonialism post colonialism. colonialism post-colonialism analysis borders (NPM 200 (200 20 (20 2 (2 (

Resumo: Com a crise do petróleo no início da década de 1970, assistiu-se ao princípio do fim dos "anos dourados" do modelo burocrático. Na década seguinte, o modelo já estava amplamente desacreditado; por conseguinte, condições materiais e intelectuais levaram a crer e defender a superioridade do modelo substituto, a Nova Gestão Pública (NGP). No entanto, estudiosos apontam que a NGP não passa de "crenças pré-científicas", e Denhardt e Denhardt (2000) propuseram o modelo do Novo Serviço Público (NSP) que, dentre outros aspetos, visa superar o individualismo e o economicismo subjacente à NGP. No entanto, os pressupostos que fundamentam o NSP propõem o resgate de valores que há décadas são defendidos pelo Ubuntu. Questiona-se: o que é Ubuntu, quais são os pressuposto do Novo Serviço Público e quais são os seus pontos de convergência. Em termos ontológicos, este estudo adopta uma visão subjetivista e, epistemologicamente, ancora-se no pós-colonialismo. Este é um estudo de caso associado à pesquisa qualitativa que tecnicamente alicerçou-se na revisão da literatura e análise de discurso. Concluiu-se que as propostas do Novo Serviço Público convergem com os fundamentos do Ubuntu e que, a despeito de serem epistemologias construídas em lados diferentes das fronteiras, podem dialogar e se complementar. Resumo 1970 assistiuse assistiu anos dourados burocrático seguinte desacreditado conseguinte substituto . (NGP) entanto crenças précientíficas, précientíficas pré científicas , pré-científicas" 2000 (2000 (NSP aspetos Questionase Questiona Questiona-se convergência ontológicos epistemologicamente ancorase ancora póscolonialismo. póscolonialismo pós colonialismo. colonialismo pós-colonialismo alicerçouse alicerçou discurso Concluiuse Concluiu fronteiras complementar 197 (NGP pré-científicas 200 (200 19 20 (20 1 2 (2 (

Resumen ¿Cuál es el lugar de la relación entre subjetividad y colonialidad en la formación psicoanalítica? ¿Con quiénes pensamos o a quiénes leemos? ¿Desde qué lugar? ¿Qué movimientos esconde esta formación? Son algunas de las preguntas que sirven como punto de partida para reflexionar en torno al vínculo entre psicoanálisis y filosofía latinoamericana. Esta vinculación permite abrir nuevas interrogantes sobre el objeto de estudio del psicoanálisis: el sujeto/las subjetividades. El objetivo general que atraviesa estas páginas tiene que ver con indagar los aportes que puede realizar la filosofía decolonial a la crítica de las ideas de sujeto/subjetividad realizada desde el psicoanálisis de grupos, entendiendo que la idea de sujeto podría ser criticada también desde la decolonialidad como una noción moderna/colonial —que se encuentra instalada en el núcleo formativo de las profesionales en Psicología—. La importancia de este recorrido es que nos permite advertir algunas de las consecuencias de pensar al sujeto/subjetividades de forma eurocéntrica, lo cual reproduce y alimenta totalizaciones que generan malestares sobre la base de eludir las explotaciones y clasificaciones que se vienen dando desde antes de la expansión del capitalismo, precisamente desde el siglo XVI, y que viene imponiendo lugares a ocupar según variables interrelacionadas de clase, género y raza.

Resumo Qual é o lugar da relação entre subjetividade e colonialidade na formação psicanalítica? Com quem pensamos ou com quem lemos? A partir de que lugar? Que movimentos essa formação esconde? Estas são algumas das questões que servem de ponto de partida para refletir sobre a ligação entre a psicanálise e a filosofia latino-americana. Esta ligação permite-nos abrir novas questões sobre o objeto de estudo da psicanálise: o sujeito/subjectividades. O objetivo geral que perpassa estas páginas tem a ver com a investigação das contribuições que a filosofia decolonial pode fazer à crítica das ideias de sujeito/subjetividade levada a cabo a partir da psicanálise de grupo, entendendo que a ideia de sujeito também poderia ser criticada a partir da decolonialidade enquanto noção moderna/colonial —que se instala no núcleo formativo dos profissionais da psicologia—. A importância deste percurso é que nos permite alertar para algumas das consequências de pensar o sujeito/subjectividades de uma forma eurocêntrica, que reproduz e alimenta totalizações que geram mal-estar com base na fuga às explorações e classificações que se têm vindo a realizar desde antes da expansão do capitalismo, precisamente desde o século XVI, e que têm vindo a impor lugares a ocupar de acordo com variáveis inter-relacionadas de classe, género e raça.

Abstract What is the place of the relationship between subjectivity and coloniality in psychoanalytic training? With whom do we think or whom do we read? From what place? What movements hide this formation? These are some of the questions that serve as a starting point to reflect on the link between psychoanalysis and Latin American philosophy. This connection allows us to open new questions about the object of study of psychoanalysis: the subject/subjectivities. The general objective that runs through these pages has to do with investigating the contributions that decolonial philosophy can make to the critique of the ideas of subject/subjectivity carried out from group psychoanalysis, understanding that the idea of the subject could also be criticized from decoloniality as a modern/colonial notion —which is installed in the training core of psychology professionals—. The importance of this journey allows us to notice some of the consequences of thinking about the subject/subjectivities in a Eurocentric way, which reproduces and feeds totalizations that generate discomfort on the basis of avoiding the exploitations and classifications that have been taking place since before the expansion of the capitalism, precisely since the 16th century, and that has been imposing places to occupy according to interrelated variables of class, gender and race.

Abstract Inspired by Paul Gilroy's O Atlântico Negro (The Black Atlantic; 1993/2001), this study sets out to interpret four renowned Brazilian popular music (MPB) lyrics: "Chico Rei" (Jarbas Soares, Djalma de Oliveira Costa e Geraldo Soares de Carvalho, 1964); "Zumbi" (Jorge Ben, 1974); "Mestre Sala dos Mares" (João Bosco & Aldir Blanc, 1975) and "Morena de Angola" (Chico Buarque, 1980). By examining the songs within the intellectual framework of The Black Atlantic, the analysis focuses on two main perspectives for interpretation: (a) the imaginary of time/history and (b) the gendered principles of enunciation. Following the methodological approach proposed by Gilroy (1993/2001), music emerges as a public space for articulating and disseminating memories of the black diaspora. Informed by the historical struggles waged by black people, the lyrics reclaim narratives insistently invisible and challenge the supposed place of political "non-agency" of enslaved populations or those living under authoritarian regimes. These compositions, confronting the urgency to break free from the tiresome chorus of a single history, provide privileged access to memories of uprisings against enslavement and colonialism, spreading decolonial knowledge in the contemporary context. The production and inscription of an oppositional memory - one that claims space and place while contesting sedimented versions - is a constant endeavour that is closely related to the establishment of new horizons for struggle in the present.

Resumo Tendo como inspiração O Atlântico Negro de Paul Gilroy (1993/2001), propomos realizar um exercício de interpretação de quatro letras consagradas da música popular brasileira (MPB). São elas: “Chico Rei” (Jarbas Soares, Djalma de Oliveira Costa e Geraldo Soares de Carvalho, 1964); “Zumbi” (Jorge Ben, 1974); “Mestre Sala dos Mares” (João Bosco & Aldir Blanc, 1975) e “Morena de Angola” (Chico Buarque, 1980). Ao tomarmos as canções como parte do arcabouço intelectual d’O Atlântico Negro, consideramos duas principais chaves de leitura: (a) o imaginário de tempo/história e (b) os princípios generificados de enunciação. Seguindo a trilha metodológica proposta por Gilroy (1993/2001), identificamos a música como espaço público de elaboração e difusão de memórias sobre a diáspora negra. Informadas por lutas históricas travadas pelo povo negro, as canções recuperam narrativas insistentemente invisibilizadas e questionam o suposto lugar de “não-agência” política das populações escravizadas ou vivendo sob regimes autoritários. Frente à urgência em interromper o cansativo refrão da história única, encontramos nessas obras acesso privilegiado às recordações sobre revoltas contra a escravização e o colonialismo, difundindo no presente saberes decoloniais. A produção e inscrição de uma memória oposicional - aquela que reivindica espaço e lugar ao mesmo tempo em que contesta versões sedimentadas - é um trabalho constante que está intimamente relacionado com o estabelecimento de novos horizontes de luta no presente.

Resumen: La filosofía de Enrique Dussel no puede entenderse sin la incorporación de conceptos extraídos de la narrativa semita, lo que llamaremos, parafraseando al propio Dussel, metáforas teológicas. Nuestro autor advierte que con tales conceptos es posible hacer una filosofía explícita, no una teología, recuperando la vitalidad del simbolismo del núcleo ético-mítico de las tradiciones populares. Eso le permite desarrollar una filosofía crítica desde la alteridad latinoamericana y de los pueblos del Sur, con lo cual elabora una filosofía original, ajena al colonialismo filosófico, promotora de la descolonización, lo cual le da un carácter disruptivo. Paralelamente, exhibe los límites helenocéntrico y eurocéntrico de la filosofía hegemónica en Occidente. La propia idea de liberación es recuperada de la mitología semita, con lo cual entendió la necesidad de construir un pensamiento incardinado a la realidad social y política de su tiempo, y de asumir el compromiso con los movimientos sociales como parte natural de su pensamiento filosófico.

Abstract: Enrique Dussel's philosophy cannot be understood without the incorporation of concepts extracted from Semitic narrative, what we will call, paraphrasing Dussel himself, theological metaphors. Our author warns that with such concepts it is possible to make an explicit philosophy, not a theology, recovering the vitality of the symbolism of the ethical-mythical core of popular traditions. This allows him to develop a critical philosophy from the Latin American otherness and the peoples of the South, with which he develops an original philosophy, foreign to philosophical colonialism, promoter of decolonization, which gives it a disruptive character. At the same time, it exhibits the Hellenocentric and Eurocentric limits of hegemonic philosophy in the West. The idea of liberation itself is recovered from Semitic mythology, with which he understood the need to build a thought incardinated with the social and political reality of his time, and to assume commitment to social movements as a natural part of his philosophical thinking.

Resumen: Con la teoría de la transmodernidad, Dussel esboza la visión de un mundo multipolar en el que se supera la era de la hegemonía global europea, surgida con la conquista de América en 1492, y las culturas del Sur Global son miembros iguales de una sociedad mundial. En las últimas décadas, sin embargo, han surgido nuevos centros regionales de poder en China, India, Irán, Arabia Saudí y Rusia, que siguen de forma más o menos radical una política antioccidental. Esto significa que ya vivimos en un mundo multipolar, como admiten ahora abiertamente algunos pensadores poscoloniales. Sin embargo, según Dussel, la transmodernidad no es un proyecto antieuropeo, sino que los logros emancipadores de la modernidad europea (en el sentido de la superación de Hegel) deben subsumirse en la transmodernidad. En su ética política, Dussel ha presentado una reinterpretación crítica de los derechos humanos y la democracia bajo el epígrafe de una “política popular”; el derecho internacional, en cambio, es sospechoso de colonialismo, como demuestra su crítica de Francisco de Vitoria. Dado que las nuevas potencias regionales persiguen ahora ellas mismas una política imperial, todos los Estados, incluidos los regímenes poscoloniales de izquierdas, se enfrentan en la actualidad a la decisión entre una política de zonas de influencia imperial o -esta sería la consecuencia de la transmodernidad de Dussel- un ulterior desarrollo crítico del derecho internacional.

Abstract: With the theory of transmodernity, Dussel outlines the vision of a multipolar world in which the era of European global hegemony, which arose with the conquest of America in 1492, is overcome and the cultures of the Global South are equal members of a new global order. In recent decades, however, new regional centres of power have emerged in China, India, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Russia, which more or less radically pursue an anti-Western policy. This means that we already live in a multipolar world, as some postcolonial thinkers now openly admit. However, according to Dussel, transmodernity is not an anti-European project, but rather the emancipatory achievements of European modernity (in the sense of Hegel's Aufhebung) are to be subsumed in transmodernity. In his political ethics, Dussel has presented a critical reinterpretation of human rights and democracy under the heading of a "popular politics". The doctrine of international law, however, is suspected of colonialism, as his critique of Francisco de Vitoria demonstrates. Since the new regional powers are now themselves pursuing an imperial policy, all states, including left-wing post-colonial regimes, are now faced with the choice between a policy of imperial spheres of influence or - this would be the consequence of Dussel's transmodernity - a further critical development of international law.

Abstract. This article addresses the relevance of intersectionality as a conceptual tool for analyzing the experience of students who were admitted to higher education institutions via an affirmative action. Affirmative action policies are usually justified though the following arguments: the need to address the remnants of colonialism and slavery, the positive effects they have in terms of diversity and inclusion in universities, and their impact in the consolidation of social justice in terms of access to higher education. However, it is important to acknowledge that these policies recognize a single identity marker, therefore they do not take into consideration the interplay and interconnection of different socially constructed identities. The argument proposed in this article is that an intersectional phenomenological approach is useful for capturing the complexities of essentialized identity stereotypes, and for the deconstruction of neutral and decontextualized interpretations of positive discrimination. In this sense, intersectionality problematizes the empirical dimension of student experience by underscoring the different scales of oppression that produce and reify educational inequalities.

Resumen. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la pertinencia de la interseccionalidad como herramienta teórico-metodológica para el análisis de la experiencia de estudiantes indígenas beneficiarios de programas de acción afirmativa en educación superior. Los encuadres a partir de los cuales se justifica la implementación de políticas de discriminación positiva suelen hacer referencia a la necesaria reparación de los vestigios históricos del colonialismo y la esclavitud, a sus efectos positivos en la diversidad de la matrícula en instituciones de educación superior y a su potencial como mecanismo para promover la justicia social en los espacios educativos. Sin embargo, dichas políticas suelen operar con base en el reconocimiento de una sola categoría socialmente construida de diferencia, que desdibuja la consustancialidad de las múltiples identidades de los sujetos. Por esta razón, se argumenta que el enfoque fenomenológico de la interseccionalidad permite desmontar los estereotipos esencializados y esencializantes de los marcadores identitarios de las personas beneficiarias. Además, favorece la deconstrucción de las concepciones neutrales y descontextualizadas de la discriminación positiva. La incorporación de la interseccionalidad al estudio de la experiencia estudiantil complejiza la dimensión empírica de distintas escalas de opresión que contribuyen a la producción y reificación de desigualdades educativas.

Resumen El doble filo crítico que caracteriza la posición de Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui ayuda a hacer un tratamiento de la modernidad hegemónica y sus expresiones por medio de dos movimientos reflexivos simultáneos: el epistemológico y el político. Silvia no realiza su trabajo de investigación a través de las categorías y las herramientas tradicionales, nacidas en la academia elitista que promueve la esterilización política de las reflexiones gracias a investigaciones hiperespecializadas, o realizadas bajo la lógica del mercado de saberes y que es la lógica imperante en las instituciones universitarias. La pensadora andina se dedica a usar instrumentos teóricos cuya base política sea ya de por sí crítica, es decir, no aborda al colonialismo o al patriarcado sólo como temas, sino que lo hace con posiciones anticolonialistas y antipatriarcales.

Abstract The critical thinking that characterizes Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui’s position helps to make a treatment of hegemonic modernity and its expressions through two simultaneous reflexive movements: the epistemological and the political. Silvia does not carry out her research work through traditional categories and tools, born in the elitist academy that promotes the political sterilization of reflections thanks to hyper-specialized research, or carried out under the logic of the market of knowledge and which is the prevailing logic in university institutions. The Andean thinker is dedicated to using theoretical instruments whose political basis is already critical in itself, that is, she does not approach colonialism or patriarchy only as issues but does so with anti-colonialist and anti-patriarchal positions.

The institutions of higher learning in South Africa (HEIs) still suffer from the remains of colonialism. Many different activities in HEI have exposed such legacy. For instance, the 2015/2016 #fees must fall, and Rhodes must fall mass student's protest exposed struggle for transformation in academic institutions. The current article wants to understand participants (which are graduates) experiences with regards to accessing the university. Twenty-two graduates were interviewed through individual semi-structured interviews. In a setting that still suffer from legacies of oppression, participants emphasised absence of easy access at the university as symbolising the still existing European domination in African institutions. Thus, poor students access experiences at the university are marked by misperceptions and disappointments due to several obstacles. There is a need for fundamental change in HEIs, by making certain that an inclusive admission of poor students in post-colonial South African universities is evident.

Resumo Este artigo pretende discutir de que forma se configuram políticas neocolonialistas no romance Paradox, rey, de Pío Baroja. Tendo em vista o processo violento de colonização do continente africano imposto pelas nações europeias no século XIX, duas hipóteses conduzem este trabalho: Primeiramente, ao tentar problematizar a dominação francesa em nações africanas, Pío Baroja acaba por repetir as mesmas práticas adotadas pelos franceses, por meio de uma imposição político-cultural e do silenciamento da cultura do outro. Por outra parte, ao tentar inserir uma lógica que fuja das políticas colonialistas que países europeus impunham em solo africano com o objetivo de enriquecimento econômico pela via da exploração, o anarquismo colocado em prática em Bu-tata tampouco se mostra viável. A impossibilidade se dá tanto pelo fato de ser imposto pelos europeus, seja por não conseguir reagir à lógica genocida do colonialismo. Paradox rey XIX trabalho Primeiramente africanas franceses políticocultural político cultural outro parte exploração Butata Bu tata viável colonialismo

Abstract This paper aims to discuss how neocolonialist policies are configured in the novel Paradox, Rey, by PíoBaroja. Considering the violent process of colonization of the African continent imposed by European nations in the 19th century, two hypotheses lead this work: firstly, to problematize French domination in African countries, Pío Baroja ends up repeating the same practices adopted by the French, employing a political-cultural imposition and the cultural silencing of the other. On the other hand, trying to introduce a logic that escapes from the colonialist policies that European countries imposed on the African continent with the objective of economic enrichment by way of exploitation, the anarchism put into practice in Bu-Tata is also not possible. The impossibility is so much since this is imposed by Europeans, for not being able to escape the genocidal logic of colonialism. Paradox Rey PíoBaroja th century work firstly politicalcultural political hand exploitation BuTata Bu Tata possible Europeans colonialism

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo discutir de qué manera se configuran las políticas neocolonialistas en la novela Paradox, Rey, de Pío Baroja. Considerando el proceso violento de colonización del continente africano impuesto por las naciones europeas en el siglo XIX, dos hipótesis conducen este trabajo: primeramente, al intentar problematizar la dominación francesa en naciones africanas, Pío Baroja acaba repitiendo las mismas prácticas adoptadas por los franceses, por medio de una imposición político-cultural y del silenciamiento de la cultural del otro. Por otra parte, al intentar introducir una lógica que escape de las políticas colonialistas que países europeos impusieron en el continente africano con el objetivo de enriquecimiento económico por la vía de la explotación, el anarquismo puesto en práctica en Bu-Tata tampoco se muestra viable. La imposibilidad se da tanto por el hecho de ser impuesto por los europeos, como por no lograr escapar de la lógica genocida del colonialismo. Paradox Rey XIX trabajo primeramente africanas franceses políticocultural político otro parte explotación BuTata Bu Tata viable colonialismo

The aim of this article is to defend African philosophy in its singularity, as opposed to African philosophies in its plurality. African philosophy argues that there are recognisable common traits among Africans, whereas African philosophies as a concept counters this notion, claiming that Africans hold different philosophies, hence generalising about them is impossible. The existence of African philosophy is a contested terrain sparked by colonialism. Failure to defend African philosophy is a recipe for perpetuating the thinking that African indigenes do not have a philosophy. There is also a risk that their worldview could be lost in globalisation and internationalisation. My reaction is mainly inspired by Davison (Davison, Z. 2022. African philosophy: A nebulous label for demeaning indigenous philosophies of people of Africa. Journal of Philosophy and Culture 10(1): 1-9), who refutes the notion of African philosophy but supports African philosophies. In this article, I draw from the existing literature on African philosophy mainly contributed by higher-education-based scholars, including those in the Diaspora. The concepts of philosophy and African are critical; I describe them to advance my argument. I then tackle critical issues surrounding African philosophy, such as the nebulousness of the concept, the historical-political and spatial-cultural connotations, and modernist and postmodernist lenses applied to Africans. Most importantly, I provide examples of common traits among Africans to support my defence of the concept. My conclusion is that African philosophy does exist and is defendable. The article contributes to the African philosophy versus African philosophies debate; this is also important for learning and conducting research about African philosophy in higher education. African scholars should not be blind to the commonalities identifiable in African worldviews that can be used to defend African philosophy.

Abstract Against the backdrop of the circulation of development ideas and practices in Africa in the post-Second World War period, the article focuses on the experimental establishment of Casas do Povo (Houses for the People) in Angola in the mid-1960s, an attempt to reconfigure a corporative institution of the metropole. This case reveals a power dispute between two higher public administration bodies created as part of the political response to the beginning of the anti-colonial struggle and different views about the means to achieve social promotion of Angolan populations. Such controversy, however, does not compromise convergence on the purpose of social development: national defence and integration.

Resumo Tendo como pano de fundo a circulação de ideias e de práticas de desenvolvimento em África, no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, o artigo debruça-se sobre o estabelecimento experimental de Casas do Povo em Angola, em meados da década de 1960, uma tentativa de reconfiguração de uma instituição corporativa da metrópole. Este caso revela uma disputa de poder entre dois órgãos superiores da administração pública criados no âmbito da resposta política ao início da luta anticolonial, para além de diferentes visões sobre os meios para alcançar a promoção social das populações angolanas. Esta controvérsia, porém, não compromete a convergência sobre a finalidade do desenvolvimento social: a defesa e integração nacionais.

Abstract Angolan protest music’s as a repertory that challenged the colonial system benefitted from the European careers of some of its artists. In this article, the absence of Angolan musicians among “the singers of April, or their non-recognition in the historiographical memory of Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, is discussed. It explores some possible explanations for this, by comparing memories of the musicians with the treatment given to the most influential figures of Portuguese and Angolan cultures in the Dictionaries about the Estado Novo (dictatorial regime) and the 25th of April (the date of the revolution). In addition to identifying possible causes for these absences, the Eurocentric thinking underlying this “state of memories” is also examined, with counterarguments made as to the reasonableness of their inclusion within the categories of protest song.

Resumo A música angolana enquanto repertório de resistência ao sistema colonial beneficiou da trajetória europeia de alguns dos seus intérpretes. Neste artigo questiona-se a não inclusão destes artistas como cantores de Abril, o seu não reconhecimento na memória historiográfica do período que permeia a Revolução dos Cravos. Exploram-se possíveis explicações para isso, cotejando as memórias e o passado dos músicos com o tratamento conferido às figuras mais influentes das culturas portuguesa e angolana nos dicionários sobre o Estado Novo e o 25 de Abril. Identificam-se, além das causas possíveis para estas ausências, o pensamento eurocêntrico que subjaz a algumas das presenças, e contra-argumenta-se no sentido da razoabilidade da sua inclusão dentro das categorias associadas à música de protesto.

Résumé La musique angolaise en tant que répertoire de résistance au système colonial a bénéficié de la trajectoire européenne de certains de ses interprètes. Cet article interroge la non-inclusion de ces artistes en tant que « chanteurs d’avril », leur non-reconnaissance dans la mémoire historiographique de la période médiatrice de la Révolution des Œillets. On explore des explications possibles, en comparant les mémoires et le passé des musiciens avec le traitement réservé aux figures les plus influentes des cultures portugaise et angolaise dans les dictionnaires de l’Estado Novo (régime dictatorial) et du 25 avril (date de la révolution). Outre les causes possibles de ces absences, on identifie la pensée eurocentrique qui sous-tend certaines présences et on contre-argumente quant au caractère raisonnable de l’inclusion de ces musiques dans les catégories de la musique contestataire.

There is an intrinsic connection between genocide and colonialism where both concepts are in close proximity and are based on the logic of elimination. The fact that an active genocide of the Palestinian people continues in 2024 is extremely disturbing. A plethora of human rights laws and principles complement and reinforce the protections afforded under international humanitarian law. These laws were developed in order to prevent historical atrocities from repeating themselves. As history is re-written, it is submitted that these laws, while good on paper, are not being put into practice in the case of Palestine. This article reflects on the application of specific international humanitarian laws, namely protecting healthcare, preserving nutrition and safeguarding children during times of conflict, and analyses how these protections are being flouted in the case of Gaza.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden en Macmillan was instrumenteel tydens die Suezkrisis wat beduidende implikasies vir die Midde-Ooste en die globale magsbalans meegebring het, maar nie een van hulle het heeltemal ongeskonde uit die krisis gekom nie. Eisenhower het die inperking van kommunisme as sy hoogste prioriteit geag en het Brittanje se koloniale erfenis as onhoudbaar beskou, en Dulles het die koloniale dimensie dikwels opgehaal. Brittanje se dalende status as 'n wêreldmoondheid is blootgelê en as 'n tweederangse moondheid bevestig. Die feit dat Brittanje 'n koloniale mag was, het 'n stigma gelaat waaraan Eden en Macmillan weinig kon doen. Dit was alombekend dat Eden die reëls van geheimhouding verontagsaam het in sy meedoënlose en bloedige strewe na regverdiging. Wat Eden se konserwatiewe regering noodlottig ondermyn het, was die onenigheid in sy eie geledere. Hyself was polities, fisies en emosioneel deur Suez verpletter. Macmillan het uit die wrak van Suez getree om 'n gedemoraliseerde Konserwatiewe Party te lei en 'n land wat nog in die dieptes van vertwyfeling verkeer het. Frankryk was diep gegrief oor Nasser se steun aan rebelle in Algerië. Die nagevolge van die krisis het die agteruitgang van Europese kolonialisme beklemtoon en 'n blywende impak op Frankryk se internasionale verhoudings gehad. Algerië het ontsaglike probleme vir Frankryk veroorsaak en selfs sy politieke stabiliteit bedreig.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.