ABSTRACT Social technology is based around three axes: community, environmental protection and economic solidarity. The páramo itself is a vital ecosystem for water regulation as it is the source of water supplies for human consumption and performance of economic activities. This article intends to identify the limitations to apply social technology to the protection of the páramo in the central highlands of Ecuador, where processes of self-management, empowerment, participation, agreement-making, cooperation and pursuit for collective welfare have been observed. The methodology is quantitative within the framework of discourse analysis. The results show that, in order to reach a large agreement for the protection and recovery of the páramo, involving all of the communities settled in the area, it is necessary to overcome limitations mostly related to the lacking attention by the government in regards to basic utilities, management plans for conservation areas and studies for economic alternatives allowing communities to subsist in the lower zones, compromising not to extend their agricultural borders further into the highlands. This information helps strengthen natural resource management from a new perspective.

RESUMEN La tecnología social se fundamenta en tres ejes: la comunidad, el cuidado ambiental y la solidaridad económica. Por su parte, el páramo es un ecosistema vital en la regulación hídrica porque sustenta el suministro de agua para consumo humano y el desarrollo de actividades económicas. Este artículo se centra en identificar las limitaciones para aplicar los fundamentos de la tecnología social en la protección del páramo, ubicado en la Sierra central del Ecuador, lugar donde se observan procesos de autogestión, empoderamiento, participación, logro de acuerdos, cooperación y búsqueda del bienestar colectivo. La metodología es cualitativa, en el marco del análisis del discurso. Los resultados muestran que, para que exista un gran acuerdo de protección y recuperación del páramo, entre todas las comunidades asentadas en esta zona, es necesario vencer limitaciones relacionadas, principalmente, con la falta de atención por parte del gobierno en temas de servicios básicos, planes de manejo para áreas de conservación y estudio de alternativas económicas que permitan a las comunidades subsistir en las zonas bajas y comprometerse a no ampliar la frontera agrícola hacia zonas altas. Esta información contribuye a fortalecer la gestión de recursos naturales desde una nueva perspectiva.

RESUMO A tecnologia social baseia-se em três eixos: a comunidade, o cuidado ambiental e a solidariedade econômica. O páramo é um ecossistema vital para a regulação hídrica pois ele fornece agua para o consumo humano e a realização de atividades económicas. Esse artigo focou-se na identificação das limitações para aplicar os fundamentos da tecnologia social para a proteção do páramo, situado na Sierra central de Equador, sítio onde pode-se observar processos de autogestão, empoeiramento, participação, efetuação de acordos, cooperação e procuração de um bem-estar coletivo. A metodologia é qualitativa, dentro do contexto da análise do discurso. Os resultados mostram que, para ter um acordo grande para a proteção e recuperação do páramo, com todas as comunidades estabelecidas na zona, é necessário vencer limitações relacionadas principalmente à falta de atenção do governo em relação à serviços básicos, planes de gestão de áreas de conservação e estudo de alternativas económicas que permitam que as comunidades possam subsistir nas zonas baixas, e comprometer-se a não estender a fronteira agrícola em direção às zonas altas. Essa informação contribui a fortalecer a gestão de recursos naturais com uma nova perspectiva.

Frente a um cenário de aumento dos adoecimentos mentais relacionados ao trabalho, torna-se cada vez mais popular a expressão “riscos psicossociais no trabalho” para se referir a aspectos no trabalho que devem ser observados na preservação da saúde mental dos trabalhadores. Institutos de pesquisa públicos governamentais estabelecem definições sobre o que são estes riscos psicossociais e seus impactos na saúde e se tornam referência para a atuação em seus países. No entanto, constata-se nelas uma mistura entre os fatores causadores de violências, e os danos e agravos à saúde propriamente ditos. A partir dos estudos sobre saúde mental e trabalho presentes na literatura científica recente, destacamos na discussão do que são os riscos psicossociais, duas questões centrais não podem faltar: a organização do trabalho e seu impacto na subjetividade do trabalhador e as relações sociais que estruturam a sociedade e também estão presentes no cotidiano do trabalho, marcando e diferenciando socialmente trabalhadores e trabalhadoras, influenciando a distribuição de poder e de melhores e piores condições de trabalho conforme raça, classe social, gênero, capacidades, entre outras formas de separação e identificação de coletivos humanos.

We are facing a crisis of an increasing work-related mental illnesses, which makes the expression “psychosocial risks at work” increasingly popular to refer to aspects at work that must be observed to preserve workers' mental health. Public government research institutes establish definitions of what these psychosocial risks are and their impacts on health and become references for action in their countries. However, there is a mix between the factors that cause violence and the damage and health problems themselves. Based on studies on mental health and work present in recent scientific literature, we highlight two central issues cannot be missed: the organization of work and its impact on the worker's subjectivity and the social relations that structure the society marking and socially differentiating male and female workers, influencing the distribution of power and better and worse working conditions according to race, social class, gender, capabilities, among other forms of separation and identification of collectives humans.

Ante un escenario de aumento de las enfermedades mentales relacionadas con el trabajo, la expresión “riesgos psicosociales en el trabajo” se está volviendo cada vez más popular para referirse a aspectos en el trabajo que deben ser observados para preservar la salud mental de los trabajadores. Los institutos de investigación de los gobiernos públicos establecen definiciones acerca de cuáles son estos riesgos psicosociales y sus impactos en la salud y se convierten en referentes para la acción en sus países. Sin embargo, existe una mezcla entre los factores que causan la violencia y los daños y problemas de salud mismos. Con base en estudios sobre salud mental y trabajo presentes en la literatura científica reciente, resaltamos en la discusión acerca de qué son los riesgos psicosociales, no pueden faltar dos temas centrales: la organización del trabajo y su impacto en la subjetividad del trabajador y que las relaciones sociales que estructuran la sociedad también están presentes en el trabajo cotidiano, marcando y diferenciando socialmente a trabajadores y trabajadoras, influyendo en la distribución del poder y en las mejores y peores condiciones laborales según raza, clase social, género, capacidades, entre otras formas de separación e identificación de colectivos humanos.

Heelwat navorsing is al gedoen in 'n poging om 'n greep op aspekte van goeie en slegte plaaslike regering te kry. 'n Kernvraag wat steeds onbeantwoord bly is die volgende: Wat is "plaaslike regering", en hoe kan die werklikheid waarna die begrip verwys, verstaan en herken word? 'n Begripsraamwerk van "plaaslike regering" is onlangs ontwikkel bestaande uit die herkenbare eienskappe van die begrip om dit te identifiseer. Gepaardgaande daarmee is 'n sosiale ontologie van sorg vir "plaaslike regering" ontwikkel. Die veronderstelling is dat plaaslike regerings in Suid-Afrika en ander lande aan die hand van daardie eienskappe herken sal word. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is daar egter 'n moontlike nietipiese voorbeeld van plaaslike regering, naamlik Orania, 'n bestaande dorp binne die geografiese gebied van die Thembelihle Plaaslike Munisipaliteit in die Noord-Kaapprovinsie. Orania is nie 'n muni-sipaliteit ingevolge die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet en wetlike raamwerk nie. Die vraag is gevolglik of Orania wel as 'n "plaaslike regering" beskou kan word. In antwoord op die vraag gee hierdie artikel 'n ontiese¹ beskrywing van Orania aan die hand van die gekose begripsraamwerk en sosiale ontologie van sorg. Dit blyk uit die beskrywing en ontleding daarvan dat Orania wel aan die institusionele, funksionele en territoriale eienskappe van die begrip "plaaslike regering" voldoen en op 'n outentieke wyse as plaaslike regering funksioneer. Die gevallestudie wys dat 'n outentieke plaaslike regering een is wat 'n integrerende deel uitmaak van sy plaaslike gemeenskap en omsluitende wêrelde, wat voortdurende ongemak met die hede beleef en met sorg, besorgdheid en sorgsaamheid daarop reageer.

Much research has been conducted to grasp aspects of good and bad local governance. A central question that remains unanswered is: What constitutes "local government" and how can the reality to which this concept refers be understood and recognised? Recently, a conceptual framework was developed by identifying recognisable characteristics of this concept's reference. The assumption is that local governments in South Africa and other countries will be recognised based on these characteristics. Alongside this, a social ontology of care for "local government" was established. However, within the South African context, a potentially atypical example of local government is found, namely Orania, an existing town situated within the geographical area of the Thembelihle Local Municipality in the Northern Cape province. Orania is not a municipality in terms of the South African constitution and legal framework. The question thus arises whether Orania can indeed be considered a "local government". In response to this query, this article provides a description of Orania using the chosen conceptual framework and social ontology of care as part of a case study design. The analysis and ontological description ofOrania, by means of the conceptual framework, reveal that the phenomenon of Orania does indeed possess a territorial jurisdictional sphere (the Orania Overlay Zone), a democratically elected representative council (the OVR), and a Town Council and its administration that performs a range of local functions and responsibilities. While the territory of a municipality is generally determined by authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions (such as province, state, and national government), the territorial area known as the Orania Overlay Zone results from the purchase and cultivation of land by members of a homogeneous cultural community. Therefore, the territory is not only a demarcation of jurisdiction, but the place to which this community is connected. The institutional aspect of local government is likely a universal feature. The nature and scope of the institutional structure of local governments are often also the result of standardised external authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions. Consequently, the structures may not necessarily resonate with the needs and resources of the sometimes diverse society that constitutes the inhabitants of such an area. In the case of Orania, the institutional structure of local government (the OVR and the Town Council) is directly determined by the community, as represented by various land entities, based on the community's specific needs and available resources. The performance of a limited range of local functions can also be considered a universal feature of local government. In this particular case, the functions of the relevant local government are determined by its decision-making bodies, such as the Town Council, in consultation with the community as represented by the various land entities. Consequently, typical local government functions are performed according to the community's needs and available resources. Non-typical local government functions, such as residence rights, are performed within the general scope of the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and other national legislation. The analysis confirmed that Orania meets the characteristics consistent with the concept of "local government" as outlined in the conceptual framework. Additionally, viewing Orania through the theoretical lens of social ontology of care highlights that it is a human construct, making objective observation and description challenging. Orania is a network of interconnected individuals and social institutions situated within overlapping human, spiritual, natural, territorial, and political worlds. The authenticity of this existence lies in its concern for the affairs of the world in which it is situated and the conscientiousness with which it carries out its functions in conjunction with others. The case study shows that an authentic local government is one that forms an integral part of its local community and surrounding worlds, continually experiencing discomfort (anxiety) with the present, and responding to that anxiety with care, concern, and nurturing for society and its things.

Resumen Este artículo analiza, a través de la simulación, dos sistemas de desarrollo regional en dos regiones de Chile (Antofagasta y Coquimbo), para contrastar su potencial para promover el desarrollo endógeno. Los modelos se elaboraron con la plataforma de simulación Social SocLab, la cual se basa en la teoría de los sistemas de acción organizada. El modelo se nutre de información proveniente de entrevistas con las partes interesadas, estrechamente relacionadas con la toma de decisiones en la asignación de fondos públicos para la innovación y el desarrollo productivo. Comparando los modelos con un enfoque cualitativo, los resultados muestran que el modelo descentralizado de Antofagasta tiene mayor potencia para promover el desarrollo endógeno, al permitir un alto grado de influencia y coordinación entre los actores locales y presentar un mejor estado de recursos críticos para este propósito, mientras que el modelo centralizado de Coquimbo presenta un gran dominio y autonomía de un solo actor (gobierno central) sobre otros actores locales, que de esta manera corren el riesgo de desvincularse del interés regional. Este documento es original y es pionero porque aplica con éxito una plataforma de simulación basada en una teoría social bien conocida (sistema de acción organizado) para modelar y simular dos sistemas de actores responsables del desarrollo endógeno regional, a fin de comprenderlos mejor, compararlos a la luz de algunos atributos para el desarrollo endógeno y luego elaborar algunas políticas de mejora en este sentido.

Abstract This paper analyses, through simulations, two regional development models to contrast their potential to promote endogenous development in two Chilean regions (Antofagasta and Coquimbo). The models were developed with the SocLab social simulation platform, which is based on the theory of Organized Action Systems. The models' input was generated by interviews with stakeholders closely involved in the allocation of public funds for innovation and productive development. The results show that Antofagasta's decentralised model promotes endogenous development by permitting a high degree of influence and coordination among local actors, while presenting a better state of critical resources for this purpose. For the Coquimbo region, the centralised model presents greater dominance and autonomy of a single actor (central government) over other actors who should respond to the local interest. The models were compared by using a qualitative approach. The novelty of the paper relies on the application of a simulation platform based on the Organized Action System theory to model and simulate two systems of actors responsible for regional endogenous development. The proposed approach helps to better understand and compare different development models which contribute to policy making.

ABSTRACT Nayib Bukele has been unconstitutionally re-elected as President of El Salvador. His government can rely on a hegemonic party system that presents a façade of democracy but denies opposition parties any real power. The elections followed an unparalleled subversion of democratic institutions and processes, carried out to consolidate the Central American leader’s electoral autocracy. Bukele claims popular legitimacy, but he has used his rule to eliminate checks and balances, manipulate the independence of the judiciary and the state administration, and stifle press freedom. Behind his grip on authority lies a desire to achieve political and economic influence for the Bukele family and an aspiring business elite associated with it. The President has built his popularity as a political leader through the spectacularization of a state of emergency. Ostensibly a crackdown on gangs, the measure is being used to arbitrarily detain citizens and repress critical voices. Bukele manages El Salvador’s security crisis not to reduce violence, but to bolster support for his regime.

RESUMEN Nayib Bukele ha sido reelegido inconstitucionalmente como Presidente de El Salvador. Su gobierno puede confiar en un sistema de partido hegemónico que presenta una fachada de democracia, pero niega a los partidos de oposición cualquier poder real. Las elecciones siguieron a una subversión sin precedentes de las instituciones y procesos democráticos, llevada a cabo para consolidar la autocracia electoral del líder centroamericano. Bukele afirma tener legitimidad popular, pero ha utilizado su gobierno para eliminar controles y contrapesos, manipular la independencia del poder judicial y de la administración estatal, así como reprimir la libertad de prensa. Detrás de su control de la autoridad se esconde un deseo de lograr influencia política y económica para la familia Bukele y una élite empresarial aspirante asociada a ella. El Presidente ha construido su popularidad como líder político mediante la espectacularización de un régimen de excepción. La medida, que aparenta ser una guerra contra las pandillas, se está utilizando para detener arbitrariamente a los ciudadanos y reprimir las voces críticas. Bukele maneja la crisis de seguridad de El Salvador no para reducir la violencia, sino para reforzar el apoyo a su régimen.

Abstract This paper investigates the projects of establishing university fees supported by the government of Carlos Menem during his first term and the early opposition that such proposals received from the student movement in Argentina. Based on a varied series of sources and references, the article covers, firstly, the issue of university gratuity during the 20th century. Secondly, it focuses on the characteristics of Menem's agenda towards higher education, in which possible tariffs appeared as a key element. Thirdly, it examines the growth of a majority current of opinion in the universities against this possible measure, from the first moments of the Menem government. In this sense, the paper argues that free university education, one of the features that distinguishes the current Argentine university in the regional context, was seriously threatened during the nineties and that its continuity cannot be explained without considering the resistance put up by the student movement and other actors during those years.

Resumen Este trabajo investiga los proyectos de arancelamiento universitario sostenidos por el gobierno de Carlos Menem durante su primer mandato y la temprana oposición que recibieron tales planteos por parte del movimiento estudiantil en Argentina. A partir de una variada serie de fuentes y de referencias, el artículo recorre la cuestión de la gratuidad universitaria durante el siglo XX para luego concentrarse en las características de la agenda menemista hacia la educación superior, en la que el posible arancelamiento aparecía como un elemento central, y en el crecimiento de una corriente de opinión mayoritaria en las facultades en contra de esa posible medida, desde los primeros momentos del gobierno de Menem. En este sentido, el trabajo sostiene que la gratuidad universitaria, uno de los rasgos que distinguen a la universidad argentina actual en el contexto regional, estuvo seriamente amenazada durante los noventa y que su continuidad no puede explicarse sin considerar la resistencia que opusieron el movimiento estudiantil y otros actores durante esos años.

Abstract: In 1928, the Delhi Health and Social Service Union was established to centralize and coordinate the various public health projects in Delhi Province. During its brief existence-it was dissolved in 1932-it intervened in areas such as inspection of school children, maternity and child welfare, health campaigns, housing, overcrowding, and beggary, among others. The analysis of the Union will provide insight into important debates about public health in 1910s, 1920s, and 1930s. This study will examine the relevance of the Indian population’s active participation through volunteer work and donations, and the participation of the colonial government, which would lead the way without assuming full responsibility, particularly in financial matters. However, some critical voices saw the need for more direct colonial state intervention, as well as the need for a central organization.

Resumen: En 1928 se formó la Delhi Health and Social Service Union, que buscaba centralizar y coordinar los varios proyectos de salud pública en la provincia de Delhi. Durante su breve existencia, pues se disolvió en 1932, intervino en áreas como la inspección de niños y niñas en escuelas, el bienestar materno-infantil, la promoción de la salud, la vivienda, el hacinamiento y la mendicidad, entre otras. El análisis de su funcionamiento permitirá entender debates importantes sobre salud pública durante las décadas de 1910 a 1930 que incluían: la relevancia de que la población india interviniera activamente con trabajo voluntario y donaciones, y la participación del gobierno colonial, que daría la pauta, pero sin asumir un compromiso mayor, principalmente de carácter financiero. Sin embargo, había voces críticas que veían la necesidad de que el Estado colonial interviniera de manera más directa y de que hubiera una organización central.

ABSTRACT Chile has a relatively long history of monitoring and managing large-scale commercial fish stocks. However, many other small-scale fisheries, particularly those operating in estuaries, usually lack basic fisheries and biological information. International experience indicates that a monitoring system designed for large-scale stocks cannot simply be resized to address the complexity, relatively low total economic value, and the large number of actors and supply chains in small-scale fisheries. This article proposes a strategy to monitor data-poor fisheries operating in estuaries. The striped mullet (Mugil cephalus), locally known as "lisa", in the Rapel River, central Chile, was selected to establish a pilot monitoring program for small-scale fish resources. From May 2022 to May 2023, fisheries information, including fleet description, catch and effort data, and fish biological attributes such as length and weight, were collected and described for the first time in the region. Drawing insights from this case study, we propose developing a generic monitoring system tailored specifically for monitoring fish stocks in estuaries. This conceptualization is based on: i) change agents, who are individuals trained to work with both the social and biological dimensions of each coastal fish stock; ii) experienced fisheries scientists outside government agencies; and iii) local fishers’ knowledge to provide constant feedback for adapting temporal and spatial scales for monitoring. This monitoring scheme is cost-effective and can be efficiently replicated in other estuarine fisheries in Chile.

Resumo Este artigo aborda a questão da habitação e dos aglomerados subnormais no contexto de municípios selecionados da Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, e verifica a viabilidade de cumprimento da meta 11.1 dos objetivos de desenvolvimento sustentável (ODS) em escala regional. São utilizados como fontes de dados, estudos recentes encomendados e divulgados pelo Governo Federal Brasileiro e dados do Censo. Na realidade estudada, o município de Belford Roxo, com índices alarmantes de comunidades e domicílios em contexto de aglomerados subnormais, apresenta tendência de deterioração da situação da habitação. Japeri e Queimados, pelas taxas de crescimento demográfico das últimas décadas, também merecem ser monitorados. Enquanto Nova Iguaçu, Mesquita e Nilópolis, com percentuais menores de suas populações vivendo em aglomerados subnormais, apresentam condições propícias para o alcançar a meta 11.1 dos ODS até 2030.

Abstract This article addresses the issue of housing and subnormal agglomerations in selected municipalities within the Metropolitan Region of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and verifies the feasibility of achieving target 11.1 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on a regional scale. Recent studies commissioned and released by the Brazilian Federal Government and Census data are used as data sources. In the reality studied, the municipality of Belford Roxo, with alarming rates of communities and households in the context of subnormal agglomerations, shows a tendency to deteriorate the housing situation. Japeri and Queimados, due to the demographic growth rates of recent decades. Conversely, Nova Iguaçu, Mesquita, and Nilópolis, with smaller proportions of their populations living in subnormal agglomerations, present a favorable condition for achieving target 11.1 of the SDGs by 2030.

Resumen Este artículo aborda el tema de la vivienda y de las aglomeraciones subnormales en el contexto de municipios seleccionados de la Región Metropolitana de Río de Janeiro - Brasil, y verifica la viabilidad de alcanzar la meta 11.1 de los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible (ODS) a escala regional. Los estudios recientes encargados y publicados por el gobierno federal brasileño y los datos del censo se utilizan como fuentes de datos. En la realidad estudiada, el municipio de Belford Roxo, con índices alarmantes de comunidades y viviendas en el contexto de aglomeraciones subnormales, muestra una tendencia al deterioro de la situación habitacional. Japeri y Queimados, debido a las tasas de crecimiento demográfico de las últimas décadas, también merecen ser monitoreadas, mientras que Nova Iguaçu, Mesquita y Nilópolis, con porciones más pequeñas de sus poblaciones viviendo en aglomeraciones subnormales, presentan una condición favorable para alcanzar la meta 11.1 de los ODS para 2030.

Abstract The Expenditure Ceiling, effective from 2017 to 2022, marked a significant period in Brazilian fiscal policy and triggered numerous debates regarding its impact on macroeconomic variables. This article employs the synthetic control method and utilizes annual data from the World Bank and IMF to assess its influence on the central bank policy rate (Selic) from 2017 to 2021 and the real rate of public investment between 2017 and 2019. The findings indicate that the implementation of the expenditure ceiling aligned with a decrease in the Selic rate, consistent with previous research on long-term and neutral interest rates. However, analyzing public investment proves challenging due to the substantial reduction in government investments resulting from the 2015-2016 recession. Ceiling 201 2022 variables (Selic 202 2019 longterm long term rates However 20152016 2015 2016 2015-201 recession 20 2015201 2015-20 2 201520 2015-2 20152 2015-

Resumo Tendo vigorado entre 2017 e 2022, o Teto de Gastos marcou um importante período da política fiscal brasileira e gerou uma série de debates acerca de seus efeitos sobre variáveis macroeconômicas. Usando a metodologia do Controle Sintético e dados anuais do Banco Mundial e do FMI, este artigo avalia o seu impacto sobre a taxa básica de juros (Selic) entre 2017 e 2021 e sobre a taxa real de investimento público entre 2017 e 2019. Os resultados indicam que a implementação do Teto coincidiu com uma queda na Selic não observada no contrafactual, estando em linha com resultados anteriores relacionados às taxas de juros longas. A análise do investimento público, por sua vez, revela que não é possível isolar o efeito do Teto, haja vista a queda de investimentos governamentais durante a recessão de 2015-2016. 201 2022 macroeconômicas FMI (Selic 202 2019 contrafactual longas vez 20152016. 20152016 2015 2016. 2016 2015-2016 20 2015201 2015-201 2 201520 2015-20 20152 2015-2 2015-

Resumen Dados los vertiginosos cambios de la sociedad, las universidades ecuatorianas en general, y la Universidad Central del Ecuador (UCE) en particular, están obligadas a enfrentar estos retos; para lo cual es necesario partir desde sus orígenes para comprender su pasado, entender su presente y sobre todo proyectar su futuro, desde una perspectiva más amplia, incluyente, democrática, abierta al diálogo de saberes y conocimientos. Por ello, el presente trabajo tiene como propósito analizar los distintos contextos en los que se ha desenvuelto la gestión de la UCE; la metodología aplicada se basa en la revisión documental, la misma que ha dado como resultado: comprender y proyectar nuevas formas de gestión universitaria. Concluyendo finalmente en la necesidad de aplicar un modelo de gobernanza universitaria con énfasis en la gestión participativa, toda vez que el problema ya no es la gobernabilidad de la institución, sino la capacidad de gobernar de sus actores.

Abstract Given the dizzying changes in society, Ecuadorian universities in general, and the Central University of Ecuador (UCE) in particular, are forced to face these challenges; For which it is necessary to start from its origins to understand its past, understand its present and above all project its future, from a broader, inclusive, democratic perspective, open to the dialogue of knowledge and knowledge. Therefore, the purpose of this work is to analyze the different contexts in which the management of the UCE has developed; The applied methodology is based on documentary review, which has resulted in: understanding and projecting new forms of university management. Finally concluding in the need to apply a university governance model with emphasis on participatory management, since the problem is no longer the governability of the institution, but the ability of its actors to govern.

Abstract Objective: To learn from the viewpoint of rainfed bean producers in northern Mexico about their socioeconomic dynamics and to identify the factors that affect their vulnerability, taking the Llanos region in the State of Durango as a reference. Methodology: The research was approached from a qualitative approach using the phenomenological method, employing the indepth interview technique, the informants were men and women dedicated to bean production. Results: From the analysis of the interviews, the following five categories related to peasant vulnerability in the Durango plains were generated: low profitability, socio-productive fragility, modifications in the social structure, lack of opportunities for better living conditions and government participation, of which socio-productive fragility emerged as the central phenomenological category. Limitations: Low participation of peasant women in contrast to the number of male informants. Conclusions: The socioeconomic dynamics followed by the peasantry of the Llanos de Durango throughout its history is a multifactorial phenomenon that has resulted in a series of conditions that pose a threat to the main livelihood of rural communities in the region, which could negatively influence in the long term the supply of staple foods such as beans.

Resumen Objetivo: Conocer, desde la óptica de los productores de frijol de secano del norte de México, su dinámica socioeconómica e identificar los factores que inciden en su vulnerabilidad, tomando como referencia la región de los Llanos en el Estado de Durango. Metodología: La investigación parte de un enfoque cualitativo mediante el método fenomenológico, empleando como técnica la entrevista a profundidad, los agricultores entrevistados fueron hombres y mujeres que se dedican a la producción de frijol. Resultados: Derivado del análisis de las entrevistas se generaron las siguientes cinco categorías relacionadas con la vulnerabilidad campesina en los Llanos de Durango: baja rentabilidad, fragilidad socioproductiva, modificaciones en la estructura social, falta de oportunidades para mejores condiciones de vida y participación del gobierno, de estas emergió como categoría fenomenológica central la fragilidad socioproductiva. Limitaciones: Baja participación de mujeres campesinas en contraste con el número de entrevistados del género masculino. Conclusiones: La dinámica socioeconómica que ha seguido el campesinado de los Llanos de Durango a través de su historia es un fenómeno multifactorial que ha dado como resultado una serie de condiciones que suponen una amenaza para el principal medio de vida de las comunidades rurales de la región, lo que podría influir negativamente a largo plazo en el abasto de alimentos básicos como es el caso del frijol.

Resumo O presente trabalho tem como tema a influência das mudanças climáticas nos conflitos do Sudão, em especial em Darfur. Desde a conquista da independência, em 1956, o Sudão teve de lidar com disputas tanto na região Sul (que culminou com a separação do Sudão do Sul, em 2011), quanto em Darfur, resultando em um conflito aberto em 2003. Nos últimos dois decênios, as mudanças climáticas passaram a ser consideradas crescentemente como potenciais fatores de exacerbação dessas tensões locais. Diante disso, busca-se responder à seguinte questão: quais são as implicações das mudanças climáticas para o panorama securitário do Sudão, particularmente em Darfur? Em termos teóricos, o artigo adota a perspectiva crítica de segurança, com a finalidade de compreender o caráter multidimensional das fontes não tradicionais de ameaça à segurança do país, como a ameaça climática. Em termos metodológicos, fez-se uso de uma abordagem qualitativa e hermenêutica, com a análise de relatórios de órgãos da ONU, de documentos do governo sudanês e de outras obras. Embora os fenômenos climáticos tenham contribuído para a exacerbação da instabilidade no Sudão e das disputas em Darfur, conclui-se que sua influência ocorreu de forma indireta, em conjugação com outras dimensões sociais, econômicas e políticas. Entende-se, porém, que a inclusão dos aspectos climáticos seria uma ferramenta importante para se reduzir a instabilidade local.

Resumen El presente trabajo tiene como tema la influencia del cambio climático en los conflictos en Sudán, especialmente en Darfur. Tras obtener su independencia en 1956, Sudán ha tenido que lidiar con disputas tanto en la región sur (que culminaron con la separación de Sudán del Sur en 2011) como en Darfur, lo que resultó en un conflicto abierto en 2003. En las últimas dos décadas, el cambio climático ha pasado a ser considerado cada vez más como un factor potencial que exacerba estas tensiones locales. Ante esto, buscamos responder la siguiente pregunta: ¿cuáles son las implicaciones del cambio climático para el panorama de seguridad de Sudán, particularmente en Darfur? En términos teóricos, el artículo adopta una perspectiva crítica de seguridad, con el objetivo de comprender el carácter multidimensional de las fuentes no tradicionales de amenazas a la seguridad del país, como la amenaza climática. En términos metodológicos, se utilizó un enfoque cualitativo y hermenéutico, con el análisis de informes de organizaciones internacionales y documentos del gobierno sudanés, además de otros trabajos académicos. Si bien los fenómenos climáticos han contribuido a la exacerbación de la inestabilidad en Sudán, sobre todo las disputas en Darfur, se concluye que su influencia se produjo de manera indirecta, en conjunto con otras dimensiones sociales, económicas y políticas. Se entiende, sin embargo, que la inclusión de aspectos climáticos sería una herramienta importante para reducir la inestabilidad local.

Abstract The central theme of this article is the influence of climate change on the conflicts in Sudan, especially in Darfur. After gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has had to deal with disputes in both the southern region (culminating in the separation of South Sudan in 2011) and in Darfur, resulting in open conflict in 2003. In the last two decades, climate change has increasingly come to be seen as a potential factor exacerbating these local tensions. In the light of this, we seek to answer the following question: what are the implications of climate change for Sudan’s security panorama, particularly in Darfur? In theoretical terms, the article adopts a critical security perspective, with the objective of understanding the multidimensional nature of non-traditional sources of threat to the country's security, such as the climate threat. In methodological terms, a qualitative and hermeneutical approach was used, with the analysis of reports from International Organizations and documents from the Sudanese government, in addition to other academic works. Although climate phenomena have contributed to the exacerbation of instability in Sudan, especially the disputes in Darfur, it is concluded that their influence occurred indirectly, in conjunction with other social, economic and political elements. In our view, the inclusion of climatic aspects would be an important tool to reduce local instability.

Resumo A finalidade desse artigo é caracterizar as práticas de participação da cidadania recentes em Costa Rica. Presentam-se os resultados de duas pesquisas que tinham os objetivos de identificar as práticas de participação da cidadania enquadrada no modelo de governo aberto no governo central, e como o vínculo com a cidadania foi feito com o apoio de ferramentas quantitativas; para a análise dos governos locais usou-se uma metodologia qualitativa, além da participação ativa nos espaços municipais como as atividades de prestação de contas dirigidas pela prefeitura nos cantões Heredia e Turrialba. O marco referencial utilizado incluiu as teorias vinculadas à gestão do modelo de governo aberto e a participação da cidadania. A conclusão principal foi que, mesmo com a implementação de vários mecanismos para fornecer a participação da cidadania para tomar decisões, o modelo ainda não está muito avançado e é necessário fortalecer as metodologias, os canais e os recursos. JEL: H83 Administração pública.

Resumen El propósito del presente artículo es caracterizar las prácticas de participación ciudadana que se han venido desarrollando en Costa Rica. Se muestran los resultados de dos investigaciones cuyos objetivos son identificar las prácticas de participación ciudadana en el marco del modelo de gobierno abierto en el gobierno central, y sobre cómo se estructura el vínculo con la ciudadanía desde las municipalidades, respectivamente. Para el primer caso, se definió una metodología cualitativa con el apoyo de herramientas cuantitativas; para el análisis de los gobiernos locales se utilizó una metodología cualitativa, así como la participación activa en espacios municipales tales como las actividades de rendición de cuentas gestionadas por la alcaldía en los cantones de Heredia y Turrialba. El marco de referencia utilizado fueron las teorías vinculadas a la gestión del modelo de gobierno abierto y la participación ciudadana. Como conclusión principal se extrae que aún y cuando se han venido implementando diversos mecanismos para dar participación a la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones, el modelo aún es incipiente y es necesario fortalecer tanto las metodologías como los canales y los recursos. JEL: H83 Administración pública.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to define the practices of citizen participation in development in Costa Rica. The results of two research projects are shown; the objectives of these were, respectively, to identify the practices of citizen participation within the framework of the open government model of the central government, and how the link of citizens and the municipalities is structured. For the first case, a qualitative methodology was used, along with quantitative tools; for the analysis of local governments, a qualitative methodology was used along with active participation in municipality-based spaces such as accountability activities managed by the Mayor's office in the cantons Heredia and Turrialba. The framework used was theory related to the administration model of open government and citizen participation. As its main conclusion, it has been determined that even though and with the implementation of various mechanisms for citizen participation in decision-making, the model is still poor and it is thus necessary to strengthen methodologies, channels and resources. JEL: H83 Public Administration.

Resumen Abordamos las continuidades y transformaciones en las prácticas y la circulación de los objetos de arte y culto que conforman el acervo patrimonial de la iglesia San Ignacio en Buenos Aires durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX –incluyendo los años posteriores a la expulsión de la Compañía de Jesús y su breve regreso al Río de la Plata durante el gobierno de Juan Manuel de Rosas–. Durante este lapso, identificamos un doble movimiento tendiente a desacralizar el espacio de la iglesia y a restituirle su lugar central como espacio de culto cristiano. El análisis de las fuentes demuestra que, antes y después del regreso de la orden, San Ignacio ocupaba un lugar nodal en el entramado de la ciudad, así como en la disputa de poder. En sintonía con eso, proponemos delimitar el rol específico que cumplió el entonces gobernador Rosas, así como el superior jesuita Mariano Berdugo, en la construcción de este proceso. Este derrotero permite evidenciar un panorama más amplio en el cual imágenes y prácticas religiosas cobran un lugar activo y relevante, en contraposición con el modo en que la historiografía del arte suele caracterizar el período posterior a 1810 como desacralizado.

Abstract We propose to address the continuities and transformations of the practices and circulation of art and cult objects that make up the patrimonial heritage of the church of San Ignacio in Buenos Aires during the first half of the 19th century –thus including the years after the expulsion of the Society of Jesus and its brief return to Río de la Plata during Juan Manuel de Rosas´s government–. This process operates as a double movement, tending, on one hand, to desacralize the Church and, on the other, to restore its central place for Christian worship. The sources analysis shows that, before and after the return of the Order, San Ignacio occupied a central place within the frameworks of the city, as well as an area of power dispute. We also propose to delimit the specific role played by the then governor Rosas, as well as the Jesuit Superior, Mariano Berdugo, in the construction of this process. We also consider that this course allows us to demonstrate a broader picture in which religious images and practices take on an active and relevant place, in contrast to the way in which art historiography usually characterizes this period as desecrated.

Resumo Abordamos as continuidades e transformações nas práticas e circulação de objetos de arte e culto que compõem o acervo patrimonial da igreja de San Ignacio em Buenos Aires durante a primeira metade do século XIX – incluindo os anos após a expulsão da Companhia de Jesus e seu breve retorno ao RÍo de la PLata durante o governo de Juan Manuel de Rosas. Durante este período, identificamos um duplo movimento que visa dessacralizar o espaço da igreja e restaurar o seu lugar central como espaço de culto cristão. A análise das fontes mostra que, antes e depois da volta da ordem, San Ignacio ocupava um lugar central na estrutura da cidade, bem como na disputa pelo poder. Em linha com isso, propomos definir o papel específico desempenhado pelo então Governador Rosas, bem como pelo superior jesuíta, Mariano Berdugo, na construção deste processo. Este percurso permite-nos revelar um panorama mais amplo em que as imagens e práticas religiosas assumem um lugar ativo e relevante, em contraste com a forma como a historiografia da arte costuma caracterizar o período posterior a 1810 como dessacralizado