ABSTRACT In the context of current debates on development problems, it is very common to speak of economic transition, of the causes of social crises and to blame, only, national states with internal policies that prevent them from advancing to higher forms of material and spiritual growth, exonerating the great powers and the most important centers of economic and financial power from all kinds of influences. In this sense, even when is visible that most of the analyzes on these issues ignore the struggle sun leashed, historically, with in the socialist experiences and the tribulations because they went through to overcome the agro-industrial and social backwardness in general, it seems convenient to return to the original Marxism and to the practical experience of Lenin, to re-evaluate some of his most important theoretical-methodological contributions and determine which of these could be useful to us today in order to overcome under development. It is precisely what this paper proposes.

RESUMEN En el contexto de los debates actuales sobre los problemas del desarrollo, es muy común hablar de transición económica, de las causas de las crisis sociales y responsabilizar, solo, a los Estados nacionales con las políticas internas que les impiden avanzar a formas superiores de crecimiento material y espiritual, exonerando a las grandes potencias y los más importantes centros de poder económico y financieros de todo tipo de influencias. En este sentido, aun cuando es visible que la mayor parte de los análisis sobre estos temas soslaya las pugnas desatadas, históricamente, dentro de las experiencias socialistas y las tribulaciones porque transitaron para superar el atraso agro-industrial y el social en general, parece conveniente volver al marxismo original y a la experiencia práctica de Lenin, para reevaluar algunas de sus contribuciones teórico-metodológicas más importantes y determinar cuáles de estas podrían sernos útil hoy al objetivo de superar el subdesarrollo. Es, justamente, lo que propone el presente trabajo.

ABSTRACT The issue of fake news has become a viral concern in social networks due to the dangers it implies for the various social actors, and the solutions proposed are varied, some focus on media education and others on the role of technology using artificial intelligence to detect this event and discriminate it, with the limitation that it is not recognized that this fact is inherent to the capitalist relations of production. From the bibliographic analysis it is clear that the predominant approach is that of the communication sciences. Based on these concerns, the purpose of this article is to offer an evaluation from the point of view of the Political Economy of Fake News, recognizing that its deepest cause is a reflection of the sharpening of the fundamental economic contradiction of this system.

RESUMEN El tema de las noticias falsas o Fake News se ha vuelto una preocupación viral en las redes sociales por los peligros que implica para los diversos actores sociales. Frente a ello las soluciones que se proponen son variadas, unas colocan la mirada en la educación mediática y otras en el rol de la tecnología, empleando la inteligencia artificial para detectar este suceso y discriminarlo, con la limitación de que no se reconoce, que este hecho es consustancial a las relaciones capitalistas de producción. Del análisis bibliográfico se deriva que el enfoque predominante es el de las ciencias de la comunicación. A partir de estas preocupaciones, este artículo tiene como propósito ofrecer una valoración desde la óptica de la economía Política de las Fake News, reconociendo que la causa más profunda del mismo es un reflejo de la agudización de la contradicción económica fundamental de este sistema.

Abstract In this article we analyze how the social violence of organized crime is manifested in schools through the reproduction of a patriarchal order that materializes through processes of school precariousness, the formation of models of tense and dialogic masculinity, as well as daily practices of hierarchization, sexual division of schoolwork and the sexualization of the female body in schools. For this, an ethnographic study was carried out in which the staff of six basic education schools in Michoacán collaborated; Direct and participant observation, informal talks, group, and individual interviews were used. We identify that the patriarchal order established by organized crime in the regions is intertwined with the conditions of dismantling and job insecurity in the basic education sector, so that the necessary circumstances are provided for the reproduction of this order through different violent practices inside schools. This is facilitated by the alliances, silences, complicities, and fear of male school workers, who are attracted or subdued by the model of warrior masculinity that has displaced teacher masculinity. We conclude that within the schools in these contexts the gender device is reproduced according to the conditions of violence and territoriality related to organized crime.

Resumen En este artículo analizamos cómo las violencias sociales del crimen organizado se manifiestan en las escuelas mediante la reproducción de un orden patriarcal que se materializa a través de procesos de precarización escolar, de la conformación de modelos de masculinidad tensionadas y dialogantes, así como de prácticas cotidianas de jerarquización, división sexual del trabajo escolar y la sexualización del cuerpo femenino en las escuelas. Para ello, se realizó un estudio etnográfico donde colaboró el personal de seis escuelas de educación básica en Michoacán; se recurrió a la observación directa y participante, charlas informales, entrevistas grupales e individuales. Identificamos que el orden patriarcal que establece el crimen organizado en las regiones se entrama con las condiciones de desmantelamiento y precarización laboral del sector de educación básica, de modo que se disponen las circunstancias necesarias para la reproducción de este orden a través de distintas prácticas violentas al interior de las escuelas. Esto es facilitado por las alianzas, silencios, complicidades y el miedo de los trabajadores escolares varones, quienes se ven atraídos o sometidos por el modelo de masculinidad guerrerista que ha desplazado a la masculinidad magisterial. Concluimos que al interior de las escuelas en estos contextos se reproduce el dispositivo de género acorde a las condiciones de violencia y territorialidad relacionadas con el crimen organizado.

Abstract The objective of this essay is to analyze educational reform in Mexico through the shared interests of the economic elites and the political class. Authoritarian neoliberalism is examined using a qualitative methodology of exploratory and descriptive nature. The concept of authoritarian neoliberalism posits that we are living a stage of capitalism in which states have augmented their authoritarian features in decision making, without the consensus of the population, to reinforce processes of capital accumulation. This has allowed them to generate legal scaffolding and reinforce the repressive apparatus to immunize themselves against social protest, renouncing negotiation and co-optation. All this has been done in alliance with the economic and financial elites. The results show that the educational reform was imposed by the economic elites in an agreement with the political power, without any negotiation with the teachers. With the help of the mass media, teachers were blamed for the failures of the educational system, creating a climate of lynching, especially against those who went out to demonstrate in public. We conclude that the educational reform and its imposition -far from aiming at educational quality- sought to control the teaching profession and consolidate the precarious labor conditions that are characteristic of the neoliberal model.

Resumen El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar la reforma educativa en México focalizando la sinergia de intereses entre las élites económicas y la clase política. Sobre la base de una metodología cualitativa, de índole exploratoria y descriptiva, se examina el neoliberalismo autoritario; este concepto establece que atravesamos una etapa del capitalismo en la cual los Estados han aumentado sus rasgos autoritarios en la toma de decisiones sin tener en cuenta el consenso de la población, con el fin de apuntalar los procesos de acumulación de capital. Lo anterior les ha permitido generar andamiajes jurídicos y reforzar los aparatos represivos con el fin de crear inmunidad ante la protesta social, renunciando a la negociación y a la cooptación; todo ello en alianza con las élites económicas y financieras. Los resultados demuestran que la reforma educativa fue impuesta por las élites económicas en acuerdo con el poder político, sin mediar una postura de negociación con el profesorado. Apoyados por los medios de comunicación masivos, se culpó al personal docente del fracaso del sistema educativo, creando un clima de linchamiento, sobre todo contra quienes salieron a manifestarse en el espacio público. Se concluye que la reforma educativa y su imposición, lejos de pretender una mejora en la calidad, buscaba controlar al magisterio y consolidar la precarización laboral, una medida distintiva del modelo neoliberal.

Abstract In the last decades, Argentine rurality has changed and, along with it, so have peasants’ conditions of subordination in the capitalist system. This article dismisses the false paths to which abstract models of the peasantry as a “concept” lead; our argument is based on detailing the characteristics of the direct producers in the current context in which they live. Through documentary research on agrarian social studies, we compiled a corpus with the main academic and stateproduced contributions referring to similar socioeconomic, political, and cultural issues about the peasantry and we present this as a “first peasant question”, focused on the period between 1970 and 2000. Then, we present six theses that cut across the current social experiences of family farmers: social decomposition and exclusion; the eco-territorial turn; the emergence of social movements; re-ethnicization; agroecology and food sovereignty, and statehood. We conclude that these topics have opened a “new question” that points to lines of research with new theoretical and epistemological consensuses for understanding the actually existing Argentine peasantry.

Resumen En las últimas cuatro décadas la ruralidad argentina ha cambiado, y junto con ella las condiciones de subordinación del campesinado al sistema capitalista. En el presente artículo nos proponemos abandonar los falsos caminos a los que conduce elaborar modelos abstractos de lo campesino como “concepto”; nuestro argumento se basa en desarrollar las características que tienen productoras y productores directos en el actual contexto que les toca vivir. A través de una investigación documental de los estudios sociales agrarios, elaboramos un corpus con los principales aportes de trabajos académicos y estatales que reúnen las problemáticas socioeconómicas, políticas y culturales similares en torno al campesinado y lo catalogamos como una “primera cuestión campesina”, concentrada en el periodo 1970-2000. Luego, se plantean seis tesis que atraviesan la experiencia social actual de las producciones familiares: la descomposición y exclusión social; el giro ecoterritorial; el surgimiento de movimientos sociales; la reetnización; la agroecología; y la soberanía alimentaria y la estatalidad. Se concluye que estos tópicos han inaugurado una “nueva cuestión” que apunta a la construcción de líneas de investigación con nuevos consensos teóricos y epistemológicos para comprender al campesinado argentino realmente existente.

Abstract This article takes up the concept of surplus labor force as understood in Latin American economic thought, due to its importance in pointing out the difficulties of capitalism in incorporating people into quality jobs and explaining the reproduction of inequalities. To contribute to the study of women’s labor exclusion in the region, two objectives are pursued. The first objective is to construct a theoretical-methodological proposal to study the surplus of the labor force by re-reading the structuralist approach from a feminist economics perspective. The second objective is to analyze with this adapted framework the evolution of the surplus of the labor force, as well as the Argentine welfare policy that aims to regulate it and its link with the reproduction of gender inequalities at the national level between 2003 and 2019. For this purpose, a documentary and statistical analysis of different sources is carried out. The results show the structural persistence of exclusion and gender inequality as a result of the articulation between the labor features of the Argentine development style and the consolidated welfare policy pattern. This pattern is based on conditional cash transfers and was functional to the feminization of the surplus of the labor force during the first two decades of the 21st century.

Resumen En este artículo se retoma el concepto de excedente de la fuerza de trabajo tal como se entiende desde el pensamiento económico latinoamericano, por su importancia al señalar las dificultades del capitalismo para incorporar a las personas en empleos de calidad y explicar la reproducción de las desigualdades. A fin de contribuir al estudio de la exclusión laboral de las mujeres dentro de la región, se persiguen dos objetivos. El primero: construir una propuesta teórico-metodológica para estudiar el excedente de la fuerza de trabajo mediante la relectura del abordaje estructuralista desde la economía feminista. Con el segundo se propone analizar, a partir de este marco adaptado, la evolución del excedente de la fuerza de trabajo, así como la política asistencial argentina que pretende regularlo y su vínculo con la reproducción de las desigualdades de género en el ámbito nacional entre 2003 y 2019. Para ello se realiza un análisis documental y estadístico de distintas fuentes. Los resultados permiten constatar la persistencia estructural de la exclusión y la desigualdad de género producto de la articulación entre los rasgos laborales del estilo de desarrollo argentino y el patrón de política asistencial consolidado. Dicho patrón se apoya en las transferencias monetarias condicionadas y resulta funcional a la feminización del excedente de la fuerza de trabajo durante las dos primeras décadas del siglo XXI.

Abstract: This interdisciplinary study addresses migrant identity from interdisciplinarity, such as anthropology, studies of migration policies, rights of the migrant subject and sociology under the spectrum of “Gore Capitalism” by the Mexican Sayak Valencia. In this sense, a comparative reading is carried out between “Ciudad Berraca” by Rodrigo Ramos Bañados and the documentary “A hope without borders” by the Archbishopric of Santiago de Chile, proposing them as devices to denounce the practices of a capitalism that has become gore. In this context, the migrant subject is presented as a rootless and reified entity, a life stripped of its humanity, reduced to a disposable object in a violent capitalist system. This analysis reveals how migration, within the framework of global and transnational dynamics, challenges traditional conceptions of borders and culturalism, highlighting vulnerabilities and risks throughout the migration cycle. The study critiques the power structures that perpetuate the dehumanization and exploitation of migrants, illuminating the complexities of their experience in the era of globalization.

Resumen: Este estudio aborda la identidad migrante desde la interdisciplinareidad. Los estudios antropológicos, de políticas migratorias, derechos del sujeto migrante y las obras sociológicas bajo el espectro del Capitalismo Gore, de la mexicana Sayak Valencia, cobran importancia para los propósitos de esta investigación. En este sentido, se realiza una lectura comparativa entre Ciudad Berraca, de Rodrigo Ramos Bañados (2018) y el documental Una esperanza sin fronteras, del Arzobispado de Santiago de Chile (2022), proponiéndolos como dispositivos de denuncia contra las prácticas de un capitalismo devenido en gore. En este contexto, el sujeto migrante es presentado como una entidad desarraigada y cosificada, como una vida despojada de su humanidad, reducida a un objeto desechable en un sistema capitalista violento. Este análisis revela cómo la migración, en el marco de las dinámicas globales y transnacionales, desafía las concepciones tradicionales de frontera y culturalismo, destacando las vulnerabilidades y riesgos a lo largo del ciclo migratorio, mediante la critica a las estructuras de poder que perpetúan la deshumanización y explotación de los migrantes, iluminando las complejidades de su experiencia en la era de la globalización.

Abstract This paper presents five major theses for understanding the new world conjuncture in which capitalism and humanity entered in 2015-2020. This period is characterized by the crisis of the capitalist civilization and mode of production; the terminal crisis and dismantling of the United States’ hegemony; the geopolitical bifurcation of the world’s economy into an imperialist bloc led by the United States and an emerging bloc centered on China and Russia that has been expanding towards the Global South; the ideological crisis of global liberalism and the rise of fascism and socialism as alternatives; and the crisis of the neoliberal accumulation pattern and the end of Kondratieff’s expansion phase that started in 1994. We briefly indicate the effects of these trends on Latin America.

Resumo Apresentamos cinco grandes teses para entender a nova conjuntura mundial em que ingressam o capitalismo e a humanidade a partir de 2015-2020. Esse período se caracteriza pela crise do modo de produção e da civilização capitalista; pela crise terminal e desmonte da hegemonia dos Estados Unidos; pela bifurcação geopolítica da economia mundial em um bloco imperialista liderado pelos Estados Unidos e outro emergente centrado na China, na Rússia e sua ampliação para o Sul Global; pela crise ideológica do liberalismo global e a ascensão do fascismo e do socialismo como alternativas; pela crise do padrão de acumulação neoliberal e o esgotamento da fase expansiva do Kondratieff iniciada em 1994. Indicamos brevemente os efeitos dessas tendências sobre a América Latina.

Abstract This article examines the emerging changes in paid domestic work resulting from the expansion of social networking platforms in Brazil. The text is based on fieldwork conducted for approximately twelve months, which included online observation and informal conversations, as well as in-depth interviews with wageless domestic workers who live in Rio de Janeiro and its metropolitan area, Baixada Fluminense. The analysis of the empirical material seeks to explore the contradictory aspects of domestic work in the first decades of the 21st century. It explores how social media use changed how workers learn the skills for the job, the dynamics of professional reputation, the creation of new networks, and forms of political subjectivity.

Resumo Este artigo trata de mudanças no serviço doméstico remunerado decorrentes da expansão de plataformas de redes sociais no país. O texto é baseado em trabalho de campo de aproximadamente doze meses e incluiu observação online, conversas informais e entrevistas em profundidade com trabalhadoras domésticas que não possuem vínculo empregatício e residem na cidade do Rio de Janeiro e na Baixada Fluminense. A análise do material empírico busca explorar os aspectos contraditórios do trabalho doméstico nas primeiras décadas do século XXI, atentando para os impactos dos usos de plataformas sobre o aprendizado e inserção na profissão; sobre dinâmicas de construção de reputação profissional; sobre a criação de novas redes de relações; e sobre a emergência de novas formas de subjetividade política entre as trabalhadoras.

Resumo Este trabalho trata dos fundamentos da epidemia das drogas psiquiátricas e tem por objetivo analisar a medicalização da subjetividade e o fetichismo dos psicofármacos em suas bases fundamentais. Trata-se de uma reflexão teórica à luz da análise do discurso inaugurada por Michel Pêcheux, a partir da qual se apresenta um gesto de interpretação, possibilitando identificar a epidemia das drogas psiquiátricas como expressão da medicalização da vida. Com base na crítica dos fundamentos da forma capitalista de consumo e da prescrição dos psicofármacos, esta análise demonstrou como o modelo de metabolismo social do capital impõe aos sujeitos uma terapêutica fetichizada. Espera-se contribuir com práticas que lutam pelo legado do movimento antimanicomial e, com isso, somar aos esforços dos sujeitos envolvidos na produção de práticas terapêuticas efetivamente humanizadas e críticas. fundamentais Tratase Trata Pêcheux interpretação vida fetichizada Esperase Espera isso críticas

Abstract This study deals with the foundations of the psychiatric drug epidemic, aiming to analyze the medicalization of subjectivity and the fetishism of psychotropic drugs in their fundamental bases. It is a theorical reflection in the light of discourse analysis inaugurated by Michel Pêcheux, from which it presents a gesture of interpretation, allowing the identification of the psychiatric drug epidemic as an expression of the medicalization of life. Based on the critique of the foundations of the capitalist form of consumption and prescription of psychotropic drugs, this analysis demonstrated how the social metabolism model of capital imposes a fetishized therapy on the subjects. We hope to contribute to the practices of those who fight for the legacy of the anti-asylum movement and thus add to the efforts of the subjects involved in the production of effectively humanized and critical practices. bases Pêcheux interpretation life antiasylum anti asylum

Modern capitalism has shaped the world, but for many scholars, its principles have disproportionately favoured the prosperity of a minority while neglecting the prospects of the majority, particularly in Southern Africa. The recent COVID-19 pandemic combined with significant inequalities of wealth has put the social policies of countries in Southern Africa to the test. It exposed the inadequacies of the current capitalist order in many countries in the global south, hindering their ability to protect their populations from the pandemic's impact. In contrast, the global north, with stronger social policies and economic flexibility, managed to cushion the severity of pandemic's economic impact on their populations in many ways, even though they suffered the most deaths. In this article, I establish how COVID-19 and neoliberal capitalism made it difficult to achieve the social developmental objectives in Southern Africa. While scholars have documented the medical and economic harms caused by the pandemic, I highlight ways that it, along with considerable inequalities of wealth, impaired social development more broadly. I conclude by establishing how the COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the shortcomings of neoliberal capitalism in Southern Africa's social policies, emphasising the need for re-evaluating and re-alignment of these policies-to foster more equitable and resilient societies.

Abstract: The article aims to situate Claude Lefort’s interpretation of the protest wave that took France in May 1968 and to highlight the impacts that this historical event provoked in his political thought, especially with regard to the understanding of the status of political action within contemporary democratic societies. First of all, we seek to show that his reading of the event is anchored in a mature reflection on the bureaucratic phenomenon, which allows Lefort to discern the generalized social contestation, which occurred not by chance at the University, as a refusal of the capitalist-bureaucratic logic present in the institutions French of the time. After, we address the repercussions of May 68 in the scope of Lefort’s theoretical reflection and the way in which the philosopher is instigated to rethink the notions of history, political subject and revolution at a distance from a matrix of Marxist thought. Finally, it is about following the author’s philosophical effort in its double dimension: the critique of the present and the elaboration of a new paradigm of emancipation.

Resumo: O artigo visa a situar a interpretação de Claude Lefort sobre a onda contestatória que tomou a França, em Maio de 68, e ressaltar os impactos que esse evento histórico provocou em seu pensamento político, sobretudo no que diz respeito à compreensão do estatuto da ação política, no âmbito das sociedades democráticas contemporâneas. Num primeiro momento, busca-se mostrar que sua leitura do acontecimento está ancorada numa reflexão sobre o fenômeno burocrático, o que permite a Lefort discernir a contestação social generalizada, sobrevinda não por acaso na Universidade, enquanto uma recusa da lógica capitalista-burocrática presente nas instituições francesas da época. Em seguida, abordam-se as repercussões de Maio de 68 no âmbito da reflexão teórica de Lefort e a maneira pela qual o filósofo é instigado a repensar as noções de história, sujeito político e revolução a distância de uma matriz de pensamento marxista. Trata-se, enfim, de acompanhar o esforço filosófico do autor, em sua dupla dimensão: a crítica do presente e a elaboração de um novo paradigma de emancipação.

Abstract The book Imágenes, representaciones y movilizaciones indígenas en Latinoamérica [which could translate as Indigenous Images, Representations, and Mobilizations in Latin America] coordinated by Silvia Soriano Hernández, is an invitation to analyze different problems faced by the emerging situation in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is based on four thematic pillars: Perspectives and Different Forms of Resistance, Disputes and Emergencies, Dialogues and Racial Intermarriage, as well as Racism and Interculturality. The book’s chapters reflect the issues, imaginaries, anti-racist struggles, history, and representations of social movements in different regions of Latin America and the Caribbean. This review concludes that the book’s contributions illustrate multiple approaches to socio-anthropological knowledge in which science that has hitherto been sponsored by rapacious imperialism is undergoing changes through reclaiming different epistemologies.

Resumen El libro Imágenes, representaciones y movilizaciones indígenas en Latinoamérica, coordinado por Silvia Soriano Hernández, nos invita a analizar diferentes problemáticas de la situación emergente de América Latina y el Caribe a partir de cuatro ejes: miradas y resistencias, disputas y emergencias, diálogos y mestizajes, y racismos e interculturalidad. En sus capítulos se reflejan problemáticas, imaginarios, luchas antirracistas, historia y representaciones a partir de movimientos sociales en diferentes regiones del continente. Se concluye que las contribuciones del libro ejemplifican los múltiples abordajes del conocimiento socioantropológico, en los que la ciencia, hasta ahora patrocinada por un imperialismo rapaz. está experimentando cambios a partir de la reivindicación de diferentes epistemologías.