Resumen En el presente artículo se documenta y analiza la historia de La Casa Real-Imperial de Tijuana desde su fundación en 1982 hasta nuestros días. Se explora la posición de esta agrupación en la historia de la movilización LGBTIQ+ en la región y se propone el análisis de un circuito particular de espectáculos travesti o drag mediante su estudio como organización gay-travesti que apoyaba proyectos comunitarios LGBTIQ+. Con base en la investigación de los Archivos de la Sociedad Histórica GLBT de la ciudad de San Francisco, se problematiza la conformación de espacios de sociabilidad, solidaridad y ayuda mutua mediante la compleja parodia –de género y de la realeza– que realizaban emperatrices y emperadores de La Casa de Tijuana. En este marco, se evidencian puentes de comunicación transfronteriza poco documentados y se aportan reflexiones sobre los espacios de libertad y, a la vez, los rasgos de colonialidad de la subcultura gay-travesti.

Abstract This article proposes to analyze the history of the Imperial-Royal Casa de Tijuana since its foundation in 1982. It explores the position of this group in the history of LGBTIQ+ mobilization in this region and proposes the analysis of a particular circuit of travesti and drag shows, through its study as a gay- travesti organization that supported LGBTIQ+ community projects. Based on research from the GLBT Historical Society Archives of San Francisco, this work studies the formation of spaces of sociability, solidarity, and mutual aid through the complex parody—of gender and royalty—carried out by the Empresses and Emperors of the Casa de Tijuana. This framework shows cross-border communication bridges and provides reflections about the spaces of freedom, as well as the colonial traits embedded in gay-travesti subculture.

Neste trabalho, apresento algumas partes da minha dissertação defendida em 2023, onde analiso depoimentos produzidos e compartilhados durante as dinâmicas efetivadas no campo de pesquisa. Realizei observação participante no programa “Território Hip-Hop” da prefeitura de São Paulo – uma iniciativa de política pública conquistada pela militância da cultura Hip-Hop na cidade. Essa imersão permitiu compreender os desenvolvimentos e interações de jovens negros/as e periféricos/as participantes das atividades do programa. Utilizei trechos de rap de artistas como Baco Exu do Blues, Cristal e Djonga para a produção de dados. As músicas foram usadas como provocações, permitindo levantar questões e reflexões, mais do que apenas fornecer respostas definitivas. Organizei um experimento com dois grupos focais e realizei entrevistas semiestruturadas com alguns/as desses/as adolescentes, captando suas perspectivas e conhecimentos situados. Essa abordagem metodológica permitiu uma análise das experiências, das construções de identidades e posicionamentos dos/as jovens, contextualizando suas vivências no cotidiano. Durante a produção e análise dos dados, investiguei as vozes e conhecimentos desses jovens identificados com a cultura Hip-Hop. Busquei compreender os efeitos subjetivos das mensagens de negritude presentes no rap, que descrevem as realidades raciais no Brasil. Desse modo, analisei como essas mensagens influenciam trajetórias e perspectivas de vida, moldando identidades e identificações. As entrevistas e discussões revelaram o rap como uma poderosa ferramenta transformadora que estimula reflexões profundas e transcende a luta contra opressões, sendo um saber realizado pelo corpo e pela voz, representando múltiplas vivências.

In this paper, I present some parts of my dissertation defended in 2023, where I analyze testimonies produced and shared during the dynamics carried out in the research field. I carried out participant observation in the “Território Hip-Hop” program of the city of São Paulo – a public policy initiative achieved by the activism of Hip-Hop culture in the city. This immersion allowed me to understand the dynamics and interactions of young black people and people from the outskirts of the city who participated in the program’s activities. I used rap excerpts from artists such as Baco Exu do Blues, Cristal and Djonga to produce data. The songs were used as provocations, allowing questions and reflections to be raised, rather than just providing definitive answers. I organized an experiment with two focus groups and conducted semi-structured interviews with some of these adolescents, capturing their perspectives and situated knowledge. This methodological approach allowed an analysis of the experiences, identity constructions and positioning of the young people, contextualizing their experiences in everyday life. During the production and analysis of the data, I investigated the voices and knowledge of these young people who identify with Hip-Hop culture. I sought to understand the subjective effects of the messages of blackness present in rap, which describe racial realities in Brazil. In this way, I analyzed how these messages influence life trajectories and perspectives, shaping identities and identifications. The interviews and discussions revealed rap as a powerful transformative tool that stimulates deep reflections and transcends the fight against oppression, being a knowledge carried out by the body and voice, representing multiple experiences.

Abstract Environmental activism, expressed through art, prompts an educational process, generating reflections and evoking a sense of vulnerability experienced by human bodies before the reality of the climate emergency (Rodriguez-Labajos, 2022). Because ecological art sparks subjective responses aimed at raising awareness and driving action on socio-environmental concerns, this theoretical, reflective, and interpretive article seeks to explore the concepts of “activist art”, “ecological art”, and analogous designations in order to analyse the interplay between culture, environment, and society and the conditions shaping cultural production practices. In pursuit of this objective, our inquiry delved into the framework of Félix Guattari’s concept of “eco-art” (1989/1990), the nature of ecological art approaches and the primary environmental causes they address, the contextual landscape in which environmental activist art practices unfolds and the dynamics of cultural production. Examples from Portuguese artists and projects were used to elucidate the nuances of creative practices and strategies linked to environmental sustainability, aspects relating to environmental education, ethical issues and cultural policies that align with ecological art. This article aims to contribute to the discussion on ecological art by exploring the political identity of art and emphasising the indispensable and inherent analysis between cultural practices and the environment.

Resumo O ativismo ambiental, através da arte, estimula um processo de educação, ao mesmo tempo que gera reflexões e uma experiência de vulnerabilidade sentida pelos corpos humanos diante da realidade da emergência climática (Rodriguez-Labajos, 2022). Devido às subjetividades desencadeadas pela arte ecológica para a consciência e ação sobre as questões socioambientais, este artigo, de cunho teórico, reflexivo e interpretativo, tem o objetivo de abordar os conceitos de “arte ativismo”, “arte ecológica” e outras nomenclaturas análogas, de forma a analisar a relação entre cultura, ambiente e sociedade e as condições por meio das quais as práticas de produção cultural se desenvolvem. Para tanto, procurou-se compreender a perspetiva das três ecologias e da noção de “ecoarte” de Félix Guattari (1989/1990); a natureza das abordagens de arte ecológica e as principais causas ambientais associadas; o contexto em que ocorrem as práticas artísticas de ativismo ambiental e a atividade de produção cultural. Recorreu-se a exemplos de artistas e projetos portugueses para perceber: as particularidades das práticas e das estratégias criativas ligadas à sustentabilidade ambiental; os aspetos referentes à educação ambiental, às questões éticas e às políticas culturais que se adequam à arte ecológica. Com este artigo, pretende-se contribuir para a discussão sobre a arte ecológica sob a ótica da identidade política da arte e da análise necessária e intrínseca entre práticas culturais e ambiente.

Resumo: Esta revisão busca compreender as experiências, demandas e efeitos político-sociais dos movimentos de pessoas com deficiência na América Latina a partir de uma perspectiva feminista crítica. Foi realizada uma análise de 39 artigos científicos. O reconhecimento e a incidência política são as principais demandas do movimento; a Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência incentivou a reivindicação de direitos, embora apresente limitações em sua implementação. Em conclusão, destaca-se que poucos estudos incluem uma análise interseccional, no entanto, identificam as complexidades das desigualdades sociais presentes na América Latina. Considerar uma perspectiva interseccional permitiria compreender a deficiência como uma questão ampla, evitando categorias de identidade e destacando as possíveis alianças entre coletivos para lutas comuns e transformação social. Resumo experiências políticosociais político crítica 3 científicos movimento direitos implementação conclusão destacase destaca se entanto ampla social

Abstract: This review aims to comprehend the experiences, demands, and political-social ramifications of the disability movements in Latin America through a critical feminist lens. A comprehensive analysis of 39 scholarly articles was conducted. The primary focal points of the movement are recognition and political impact, with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities serving as a catalyst for rights advocacy, notwithstanding its implementation limitations. In conclusion, it is noteworthy that a scant number of studies incorporate an intersectional analysis. Nevertheless, these studies discern the intricate nature of social inequities prevalent in Latin America. Adopting an intersectional perspective would facilitate a broader understanding of disability, circumventing identity categories and accentuating potential alliances among collectives for shared struggles and social transformation. Abstract experiences demands politicalsocial lens 3 conducted impact advocacy limitations conclusion Nevertheless transformation

Resumen: Esta revisión busca comprender las experiencias, demandas y los efectos político-sociales de los movimientos de la discapacidad en Latinoamérica desde una perspectiva crítica feminista. Se realizó una revisión de 39 artículos científicos. El reconocimiento y la incidencia política son las principales demandas del movimiento, y la Convención sobre Derechos de Personas con Discapacidad alentó la reivindicación de derechos, aun cuando presenta limitaciones en su implementación. En conclusión, se denota que pocos estudios incluyen un análisis interseccional, no obstante, identifican las complejidades de las inequidades sociales presentes en Latinoamérica. Considerar una perspectiva interseccional permitiría comprender la discapacidad como problemática amplia, evitando categorías identitarias y evidenciando las posibles alianzas entre los colectivos para las luchas comunes y la transformación social. Resumen experiencias políticosociales político feminista 3 científicos movimiento derechos implementación conclusión obstante amplia social

Resumen La teoría de Alain Touraine sobre los movimientos sociales (MS)los caracteriza por tener una identidad colectiva propia, oponente definido y una apuesta disputada por estos dos oponentes. La tesis de este artículo es que la teoría de Touraine sobre los MS no incluye el lema principal de los MS: la emancipación. En este sentido, se considera que las ideas de Boaventura de Sousa Santos pueden contribuir a identificar los MS con potencial emancipador. Como forma de materializar estos conceptos, se presentan ejemplos de MS en Brasil y en el mundo, utilizando las dos teorías mencionadas. MSlos propia oponentes emancipación sentido emancipador conceptos mundo mencionadas

Abstract Alain Touraine’s theory on social movements (SMs) characterizes them as having their own collective identity, a defined opponent, and a dispute between these two opponents. This paper considers that Touraine’s theory on SMs does not contemplate their main motto: Emancipation. It is believed that Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ ideas can contribute to identifying SMs with emancipatory potential. To make these concepts concrete, examples of SMs are presented in Brazil and worldwide and analyzed in light of the two cited theories. Touraines Touraine s (SMs identity opponent opponents motto Emancipation Santos potential concrete theories

Resumo A teoria de Alain Touraine sobre os Movimentos Sociais (MS) os caracteriza por possuírem uma identidade coletiva própria, adversário definido e uma aposta disputada por estes dois adversários. Este artigo tem como tese que a teoria de Touraine sobre MSs não contempla em si o seu lema principal: a Emancipação. Nesse sentido, acredita-se que as ideias de Boaventura de Sousa Santos podem contribuir para identificar MSs com potencial emancipatório. Como forma de ilustrar estes conceitos, são apresentados exemplos de MSs no Brasil e no mundo, analisando-os à luz das teorias citadas. MS (MS própria adversários principal Emancipação sentido acreditase acredita se emancipatório conceitos mundo analisandoos analisando citadas

RESUMEN En este artículo se propone mirar el caso de la escritora y feminista francesa peruana Flora Tristán, en cuanto a una persona viajera que se desplaza, desde Francia a Perú, en búsqueda de sus oríge nes y reparar su identidad ilegítima para tener un giro vital y ético. Dicha empresa fracasa, de acuerdo a lo narrado en sus memorias, obligando a Tristán a redefinir su "viaje" y lugar en el mundo. Nos interesa mirar esa "trayectoria" como un recorrido personal de un ser humano carente de nombre e identidad sólida que va en busca del reconocimiento simbólico y material. Frente al fracaso de esa búsqueda, aparece la letra como lugar desde donde se erige la autora, a partir de la creación de obras literarias, y la líder política con su participación en movimientos sociales feministas. Esto implica analizar el funcionamiento de los nuevos soportes de su identidad: literatura, feminismo y activismo político.

ABSTRACT This article proposes to look at the case of the French-Peruvian writer and feminist Flora Tristán, as a traveling person who moves from France to Peru, her paternal homeland, to constitute or complete a truncated, illegitimate identity. That enterprise fails according to what is narrated in her memoirs, forcing Tristán to redefine her "journey" and place in the world. We are interested in looking at this "trajectory" as a personal journey of a human being lacking a name and solid identity who goes in search of symbolic and material recognition, which she obtains by herself, from the creation of literary works and her participation in feminist social movements. This implies analyzing the functioning of the new supports of her identity: literature, feminism and political activism.

The literature on the Brazilian Homosexual Movement (MHB) is based on the idea of a founding myth. It does not integrate the artisanal gay press, the ephemeral actions and those prevented by the dictatorship. Thus, it neglects the historical process and the challenge of overcoming a deteriorated identity (COLAÇO-RODRIGUES, 2022). Understanding that the social movement category encompasses all phases, including the embryonic one (GOHN, 2008, p. 259), this article examines national and international gay journals, the debate about this press in Lampião, the reference literature on the subject and demonstrates that it was not “limited to good-natured parody […]” (MACRAE, 2018, p. 165), but participated in building the political awareness of homosexuals, thus integrating the MHB.

A literatura sobre o Movimento Homossexual Brasileiro (MHB) opera na ideia do mito fundador. Não reconhece a imprensa gay artesanal, as ações efêmeras ou as impedidas pela ditadura como integrantes. Negligencia, assim, o processo histórico e o desafio de superação da identidade deteriorada (COLAÇO-RODRIGUES, 2022). Este artigo examina periódicos gays nacionais e internacionais, o debate sobre a imprensa artesanal no jornal Lampião e a literatura de referência sobre o tema. Entendendo que a categoria movimento social abarca o conjunto de suas fases, inclusive a embrionária (GOHN, 2008, p. 259), este texto demonstra que tais periódicos não “se limitavam à bem-humorada paródia […]” (MACRAE, 2018, p. 165). Eles participaram efetivamente na construção da consciência política dos homossexuais, integrando, portanto, o MHB.

Abstract Occupy street; promoting and participating in a Carnival block parade, in a public space, is a gesture with political connotations that invariably go back to the history of the city of Rio de Janeiro. Mokery and resistance against public power and the forms of oppression is expressed in musical compositions, fantasy and in unofficial parades, complaining the burocratics rules and the attempts to privatize the party, express in public-private partnerships that have taken account of King Momo’s festivity in the city. The performative play granted by Carnival, the activism post-demonstrations 2013, as historical and political review and political language, allowed us to yield potentials aesthetics of existence, in a new configuration of the field of identity struggles, as well as of party politics, the conceiving about the conduction of urban public administrations, about the capitalist system and about the possibilities of (sur)living in the caustic reality of the city. street parade space Janeiro compositions parades publicprivate private Momos Momo s postdemonstrations post demonstrations 2013 language existence struggles politics administrations surliving sur living 201 20 2

Resumo Ocupar a rua; promover e participar de um desfile de bloco de Carnaval, no Rio de Janeiro, têm conotações políticas que remontam à própria história da cidade. O deboche e a ofensiva contra governos e outras formas de opressão aparecem nas músicas, fantasias, comércios paralelos de bebidas e comidas, sobretudo nos desfiles não oficiais, que costumam denunciar abusos no controle burocrático da festa e investidas mercadológicas com anseios de privatizá-la - por exemplo, parcerias público-privadas têm tomado de assalto a folia momesca. Mas não só isso: o jogo da performance no Carnaval, o ativismo pós-manifestações de 2013, as revisões históricas e de linguagem nos permitem tecer, acerca desse evento, possíveis considerações sobre a emergência de estéticas da existência numa nova configuração do campo das lutas identitárias, assim como das políticas partidárias, da condução das gestões públicas, do sistema capitalista e das questões gerais do (sobre)viver na cáustica realidade da cidade. rua Carnaval Janeiro cidade músicas fantasias comidas oficiais privatizála privatizá la exemplo públicoprivadas público privadas momesca isso pósmanifestações pós manifestações 2013 tecer evento identitárias partidárias públicas sobreviver viver 201 20 2

Abstract This paper joins the debate of a still-expanding literature on queer temporalities that, among other things, raises the question of a queer-specific construction of time. This specific temporality is what I call queerchronotopia. By setting the description of the historical worldview (as described by Reinhart Koselleck, Sepp Gumbrecht, and François Hartog) against queer methodologies developed by scholars like Paul B. Preciado and Jack J. Halberstam, this article claims that, since the last decades of the nineteenth century, definitions and embodiments of queerness and a queer-specific temporality are constantly revised in light of the temporal shift between two paradigmatic social constructions of time-the historical worldview and “our broad present”. First, we summarize how homosexuality goes from an ahistorical aberration at the end of the 19th century to the emergence of the historical homos at the beginning of the gay liberation movement in the 1970s. Second, we try to demonstrate how the appearance of identity temporalities as an aftereffect of identity politics in the 1970s unveils some of the fractures in the temporal experience anchored in the historical worldview. Lastly, we discuss how the latent “broad present” that had already shown some of its aspects in the aftermath of the gay liberation movement and civil rights era in the United States became more evident in the 1980s when the AIDS epidemic becomes increasingly intertwined with a concern with the health of the planet. Without dismissing the pessimist tone that has permeated the academic and intellectual discussions about the future of the planet and the catastrophic threats to human and nonhuman entities living in the Anthropocene, this article concludes by suggesting that the queer community and its activism, particularly in response to the AIDS epidemic, could teach us some lessons about how to live “with the trouble” in our present. stillexpanding still expanding things queerspecific time queerchronotopia Koselleck Gumbrecht Hartog B J Halberstam timethe present . First th s Second Lastly Anthropocene activism trouble

RESUMEN Se exponen los resultados de una revisión integrativa que tuvo como propósito identificar y analizar la producción de literatura académica sobre el activismo loco en el campo de la salud mental y su vinculación con las nociones de discapacidad y neurodiversidad. De las búsquedas realizadas en mayo del 2023, en las bases de datos Web of Science, Scopus y PubMed, se seleccionaron 52 artículos, y se aplicaron estrategias de análisis de contenido temático. Los resultados dan cuenta de diversas articulaciones entre los conceptos abordados, estableciendo una mirada crítica hacia el modelo biomédico en salud mental. En las formas de activismo loco, adquieren relevancia el enfoque de derechos humanos, la lucha contra el estigma y su influencia en los procesos de reforma al sistema de salud mental. Por otra parte, establecen un marco de justicia social, políticas de identidad y prácticas de apoyo mutuo desde la comunidad. En su conjunto, enfatizan innovaciones metodológicas y una mirada interseccional en la producción de conocimientos. Se concluye que es posible situar la locura como campo de constitución de un actor político y sujeto epistémico. Con base en ello, se formulan posibles líneas de investigación sobre los activismos locos en América Latina.

ABSTRACT The following text presents the results of a integrative review whose purpose was to identify and analyze the production of academic literature on mad activism in the field of mental health and its link with the notions of disability and neurodiversity. From searches conducted in May 2023 in the Web of Science, Scopus, and PubMed databases, 52 articles were selected, and thematic content analysis strategies were applied. The results account for various articulations between the concepts addressed, establishing a critical look at the biomedical model in mental health. In the forms of mad activism, the human rights approach, the fight against stigma and its influence on the reform processes of the mental health system become relevant. On the other hand, a framework of social justice, identity policies and practices of mutual support from the community are established. As a whole, they emphasize methodological innovations and an intersectional perspective on the production of knowledge. It is concluded that it is possible to situate madness as a field of constitution of a political actor and epistemic subject. Based on this, possible lines of research on mad activisms in Latin America are formulated.

Climate change represents the most significant challenge facing the global community. The issue in question has an impact on the younger generation, whose prospects may be jeopardised. Both younger and older generations are participating in climate movements. An illustrious instance is the School Strike for Climate, which was orchestrated by the adolescent environmentalist, Greta Thunberg. The climate movements exhibit a range of objectives, actions and focus. Various social movements construct narratives that appeal to the youth demographic. The presence of a coherent narrative aids in the formation of personal identity and the establishment of a shared sense of self among individuals. Collectively, they have the potential to advocate for equitable treatment of the environment. Climate activism, although not regarded as religious, employs religious language and concepts. Research examining the climate movements' impact on churches has revealed the presence of religious effects. Upon conducting research on the involvement of young individuals in churches and climate movements, specifically with regard to their agency, it has been observed that climate movements are fundamentally grounded in religious language and ideals. This article analyses the religious concepts found within youth climate movements and further investigates the correlation between youth climate activism and religion through the analysis of religious rhetoric. INTERDISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS: The interdisciplinary and multi-disciplinary nature of this contribution is spread across the fields of theology and religion. The sub-disciplines of the youth in general, youth ministry and youth work, religious rhetoric, climate change, climate justice and environmental consciousness within the academic discourse of sustainability are studied

Resumen Este artículo estudia, desde el universo de la identidad y los movimientos sociales, el protagonismo que tuvieron los jóvenes peruanos conocidos como la Generación del Bicentenario frente a la toma de posesión del entonces presidente de la República, Manuel Merino, en noviembre de 2020. En ese contexto de movimientos ciudadanos identificamos sus principales características generacionales, posturas ideológicas y modos de protesta. Asimismo, abordamos la forma en que se autodefinen para elaborar una aproximación conceptual respecto a sí mismos como un movimiento social. La investigación es de enfoque mixto y de nivel exploratorio. En este sentido, se aplicó una encuesta a 380 peruanos mayores de 18 años, la mayoría de ellos de la Generación Y y Z. Los resultados muestran un mayor activismo de las mujeres; una poca vinculación partidaria con las propuestas políticas tradicionales; y el uso de recursos como marchas, cacerolazos y redes sociales. Por otro lado, identificamos actos solidarios como la movilización de manifestantes en autos, donaciones a brigadas, colocación de carteles en las fachadas de sus hogares o utilización de instrumentos de música andina en la vía pública. Concluimos que la Generación del Bicentenario desmitifica el desinterés de jóvenes en asuntos políticos y se organiza para defender la democracia a través de dos tipos de manifestantes: pro-democracia y anti-corrupción.

Abstract This article studies, from the universe of identity and social movements, the leading role played by young Peruvians known as the Bicentennial Generation against the swearing-in of the then president of the Republic, Manuel Merino, in November 2020. In this context of citizen movements, we identify their main generational characteristics, ideological stances and modes of protest. We also address the way in which they define themselves in order to elaborate a conceptual approach to themselves as a social movement. The research is of a mixed approach and exploratory level. In this regard, a survey was applied to 380 Peruvians over 18 years of age, most of them from Generation Y and Z. The results show a greater activism of women; a little partisan linkage with traditional political proposals; and the use of resources such as marches, cacerolazos and social networks. On the other hand, we identified acts of solidarity such as the mobilization of demonstrators in cars, donations to brigades, placement of posters on the facades of their homes or the use of Andean music instruments on public streets. We conclude that the Bicentennial Generation demystifies the disinterest of young people in political issues and organizes to defend democracy through two types of demonstrators: pro-democracy and anti-corruption.

Resumen El presente artículo se propone describir las formas de organización de jóvenes trabajadores del Sindicato Starbucks-Chile en un escenario de crisis producto del estallido social de octubre del 2019 y la pandemia del Covid-19. Para esto, se realizó una Netnografía que analiza la red social de Instagram del sindicato. El proceso de recolección de información implicó una búsqueda de imágenes, carruseles, videos, links, reels, historias, boomerangs, que dieran cuenta de las estrategias comunicacionales de los jóvenes trabajadores y sus formas de organización. Los resultados muestran que el contenido de la socialización se puede categorizar en los siguientes ejes temáticos: a) elementos identitarios asociados la precariedad laboral de jóvenes que estudian y trabajan; b) estrategias y acciones frente a la desprotección laboral y; c) perspectivas de género asociadas al rol de mujer trabajadora y las disidencias sexuales. Tomando como referencia una perspectiva del ACD, se concluye y discute que estos ejes temáticos corresponden a una forma de activismo comunicacional en la cual los jóvenes sindicalizados definen y transmiten visiones de sociedad desde una perspectiva de género, construyendo elementos ideológicos que se transforman en un accionar colectivo, en un escenario de importantes transformaciones sociales y políticas en Chile.

Resumo O presente artigo tem como objetivo descrever as formas de organização dos jovens trabalhadores da organização sindical Starbucks-Chile em um cenário de crise resultante do surto social de outubro de 2019 e da pandemia Covid-19. Para isso, realizou-se uma Netnografia que analisa a rede social Instagram do sindicato. O processo de coleta de informações envolveu a busca de imagens, carrosseles, vídeos, links, reels, histórias, bumerangues, que deram conta das estratégias de comunicação dos jovens trabalhadores e suas formas de organização. Os resultados mostram que o conteúdo da socialização pode-se categorizar nos seguintes eixos temáticos: a) elementos de identidade associados à precariedade no trabalho dos jovens que estudam e trabalham; b) Estratégias e ações em face da falta de desproteção ao trabalho e; c) Perspectivas de gênero associadas ao papel das mulheres trabalhadoras e à dissidência sexual. Tomando como referência uma perspectiva da ACD, conclui-se e discute-se que esses eixos temáticos correspondem a uma forma de ativismo de comunicação em que jovens sindicalizados definem e transmitem visões da sociedade a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero, construindo elementos ideológicos que se transformam em uma ação coletiva, em um cenário de importantes transformações sociais e políticas no Chile.

Abstract This article aims to describe young workers of the Starbucks-Chile Union' organization in a scenario of a social crisis resulting from the social outbreak of October 2019 and the Covid-19 pandemic. For this, a Netnography was carried out that analyzed the union's Instagram social network. The process of collecting information involved a search for images, carousels, videos, links, reels, stories, and boomerangs, which gave an account of the communication strategies of young workers and their forms of organization. The results show that the content of socialization can be categorized into the following thematic axes: a) identity elements associated with the job insecurity of young people who study and work; (b) strategies and actions against the lack of labor protection and; (c) gender perspectives associated with the role of working women and sexual dissidence. Taking a CDA perspective as a reference, it is concluded and discussed that these thematic axes correspond to a form of communication activism in which unionized young people define and transmit visions of society from a gender perspective, building ideological elements that are transformed into collective action, in a scenario of important social and political transformations in Chile.

Resumen En este artículo se analizan los repertorios de acción, vínculos, identidades colectivas y estrategias de presión de las organizaciones sociales de ayuda humanitaria, asistencia a desertores y derechos humanos políticos en Corea del Sur. La propuesta central que guía este trabajo sostiene que las redes de activismo político “norcoreano” tienen un alto nivel de incidencia en las relaciones intercoreanas y en los cambios normativos en torno a la unificación. Se observa que los derechos humanos como identidad colectiva de estas redes favorecen la cooperación entre las Coreas cuando el proceso identitario está enraizado en las dinámicas locales y políticas intercoreanas oficiales, mientras que tienden a desafiar la agenda nacional cuando los actores sociales tienen una mayor circulación en redes de derechos humanos internacionales. Esta investigación fundamenta su propuesta en un estudio cualitativo de casos integrados basado en material institucional, análisis de redes sociales y entrevistas a miembros de las ONG en Corea del Sur.

Abstract This article analyzes the repertoires of action, links, collective identities, and pressure strategies displayed by South Korean social organizations for humanitarian aid, defectors assistance, and political human rights. This work states that the “North Korean” political activism networks have a high level of incidence in inter-Korean relations and normative changes surrounding unification. Furthermore, Human Rights as a collective identity of these networks favor cooperation between the Koreas when the identity process is rooted in local dynamics and official inter-Korean policies, while on the other hand, they tend to challenge the national agenda when social actors have greater interactions in international human rights networks. This research is based on a qualitative study of integrated cases constructed upon institutional materials, analysis of social networks and, interviews with members of South Korean NGOs.

Abstract The "Right to identity" has become over time the ethical, political, and legal paradigm that supports the claim of Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo (Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo) for the restitution of those who were appropriated during the years of State terrorism in Argentina. Today, this right is present with constitutional hierarchy in the Argentine legal order and there are public bodies, such as the National Commission for the Right to Identity (CONADI), which aims to ensure it and repair its violation in the past. However, this right did not always exist as such. Its current formulation is the product of a complex history in which the political activism of the Grandmothers, the intervention of professionals and intellectuals who collaborated with their cause and different actors of the transnational networks of human rights, and the defense of children's rights are intercrossed. Based on the research and analysis of oral testimonies and written sources of diverse origins, in this article, we will investigate the historical origins of the “Right to identity” and the actors involved in its “invention”. We will also examine its impact on the struggle of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and its significance beyond this specific cause. This analysis will allow us to observe how the "invention" of this right was produced in the dialogue between global knowledge and the local activism of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and between the historically situated specificity of its cause and the universalist and transhistorical expectation of Human Rights.

Resumen El derecho a la identidad se ha constituido a lo largo del tiempo en el paradigma ético, político y jurídico que sustenta el reclamo de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo por la restitución de quienes fueron apropiados/as durante la vigencia del Terrorismo de Estado en Argentina. En la actualidad, este derecho está consagrado con jerarquía constitucional en nuestro orden jurídico y existen organismos públicos, como la Comisión Nacional por el Derecho a la Identidad (CONADI), que velan por garantizarlo y reparar su violación en el pasado. Sin embargo, este derecho no siempre existió como tal. Su formulación actual es producto de una historia compleja en la que se entrecruzaron el activismo político de Abuelas, la intervención de profesionales e intelectuales que colaboraron con su causa y diferentes actores de las redes trasnacionales de derechos humanos y de defensa de los derechos de la niñez. A partir del relevamiento y análisis de testimonios orales y fuentes escritas de diversa procedencia, en este artículo indagaremos los orígenes históricos del derecho a la identidad y los actores involucrados en su “invención”. Examinaremos también su impacto en la lucha de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo y su trascendencia más allá de esta causa puntual. Este análisis nos permitirá observar cómo la “invención” de este derecho se produjo en el diálogo entre saberes globales y el activismo local de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo y entre la especificidad históricamente situada de su causa y la expectativa universalista y transhistórica de los Derechos Humanos.