Abstract: This article explores the political persecution unleashed during the post-war period by McCarthyism, which led to the systematic accusation and harassment of American citizens for their leftist beliefs or Communist Party affiliations. This campaign of rumors and denunciations was particularly aggressive against film industry professionals, notably the Hollywood Ten. The emotional climate of the era was charged with fear and anger, emotions that were vividly manifested in the experiences of those targeted. By analyzing the correspondence and screenwriting of Dalton Trumbo, including his work on films like Papillon, this article examines the impact of this persecution and the strategies Trumbo used to confront the U.S. government, survive the blacklist, and sustain his career. It traces his journey from self-exile in Mexico, writing under pseudonyms, and using front names, to his eventual return and recognition in Hollywood. This analysis highlights the importance of constructing a cultural history that captures the collective emotional experiences of communities affected by such events, and it shows how Trumbo’s personal ordeals influenced the dialogues and narratives of the films he contributed to.

Resumen: El artículo explora cómo la persecución política desatada por el macartismo durante el periodo de la posguerra desarrolló y estableció un proceso de acusación y persecución a los ciudadanos estadounidenses por tener ideas de izquierda o pertenecer al Partido Comunista. Este acoso político se llevó a cabo mediante una campaña de rumor y delación que se desató particularmente en contra de los trabajadores de la industria cinematográfica, como fue el caso de los Diez de Hollywood. Todo esto provocó un momento emocional que se hizo manifiesto a través de experiencias relativas como el miedo y la ira. Mediante el análisis de la correspondencia y de la producción de guiones de Dalton Trumbo para películas como Papillon, el presente artículo da cuenta de los efectos y las estrategias seguidas por el escritor para enfrentar al Gobierno norteamericano, superar el ostracismo y mantener un medio de sobrevivencia. De esta manera, se repasa la trayectoria de Trumbo: el autoexilio en México, la escritura de guiones mediante el uso de seudónimos y la solicitud de prestanombres, así como el reconocimiento y la vuelta triunfal a Hollywood. Este análisis destaca la importancia de construir una historia cultural que recoja las experiencias colectivas emocionales de las comunidades afectadas por tales acontecimientos, y muestra cómo las tribulaciones personales de Trumbo influyeron en los diálogos y relatos de las películas en las que colaboró.

Resumo: O artigo explora como a perseguição política desencadeada pelo macarthismo durante o período pós-guerra desenvolveu e estabeleceu um processo de acusação e perseguição de cidadãos americanos por terem ideias de esquerda ou pertencerem ao Partido Comunista. Essa perseguição política foi realizada por meio de uma campanha de boatos e denúncias dirigida especialmente contra os trabalhadores da indústria cinematográfica, como no caso dos Dez de Hollywood. Tudo isso provocou um momento emocional que se manifestou por meio de experiências relativas, como medo e ira. Mediante a análise da correspondência de Dalton Trumbo e da produção de roteiros para filmes como Papillon, este artigo relata os efeitos e as estratégias seguidas pelo escritor para enfrentar o governo americano, superar o ostracismo e manter um meio de sobrevivência. Dessa forma, a trajetória de Trumbo é revisada: o autoexílio no México, a escrita de roteiros usando pseudônimos e nomes emprestados, bem como seu reconhecimento e retorno triunfante a Hollywood. Essa análise destaca a importância da construção de uma história cultural que capte as experiências emocionais coletivas das comunidades afetadas por esses eventos e mostra como as tribulações pessoais de Trumbo influenciaram os diálogos e as narrativas dos filmes em que ele colaborou.

Abstract: In 1816, José Antonio Moldes had been elected congressman for the Constituent Congress held in the city of San Miguel de Tucuman to organize the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata. He was unable to take up the position because another congressman with different political views had filed an accusation against him. A legal case was brought against him, he was dismissed from his post and subsequently imprisoned. This article seeks to examine how political differences were resolved within the revolutionary bloc in the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata between 1816 and 1820. To this end, we will examine what happened in other American spaces, to link what happened in Rio de la Plata to other revolutionary processes. We will also explore what happened in that political community in previous years to attempt to determine whether, after 1816, political coexistence deteriorated and the ways these political tensions were resolved became more violent.

Resumen: En 1816, José Antonio Moldes había sido elegido diputado para el Congreso Constituyente convocado en la ciudad de San Miguel de Tucumán, que tenía como objetivo organizar las Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata, pero no pudo asumir su banca porque otro diputado de una tendencia política diferente formuló una acusación en su contra, se le inició una causa judicial, fue separado de su banca y luego encarcelado. Este artículo, por lo tanto, buscará indagar en cómo se procesaron las diferencias políticas al interior del bloque revolucionario en las Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata entre 1816 y 1820, y para eso tendremos en cuenta lo ocurrido en otros espacios americanos, para poner en relación al Río de la Plata con lo ocurrido en otros procesos revolucionarios, pero también lo sucedido en esa comunidad política en los años previos, para tratar de dilucidar si a partir de 1816 la convivencia política se deterioró y las formas en que se dirimieron esas tensiones políticas se volvieron más violentas.

Resumo O artigo aborda o debate sobre aborto e diversidade sexual em três instâncias do Poder Legislativo no ano das eleições de 2018: a Câmara dos Deputados, o Senado Federal e a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. O objetivo é analisar quais referências aos temas do aborto e da diversidade sexual foram vinculadas a candidatos e partidos, entendendo que o resultado das eleições concretizou a onda conservadora. Em pesquisa qualitativa, usando metodologia de análise de discurso, são examinados pronunciamentos levantados nos mecanismos de busca das casas legislativas através de palavras-chaves. Também são analisados materiais de campanha produzidos por lideranças evangélicas. Aborto e diversidade sexual informam elementos acionados em disputas discursivas no campo político polarizado: conservadores e religiosos incluem aborto e “ideologia de gênero” em suas estratégias de acusação, enquanto a defesa da diversidade e de minorias e a denúncia de fake news são mote do lado progressista.

Abstract The article addresses the debate on abortion and sexual diversity in three instances of the Legislative Branch in the 2018 election year: the House of Representatives, the Federal Senate, and the Legislative Assembly of the state of Rio de Janeiro. The goal is to analyze which references to abortion and sexual diversity were linked to candidates and parties, considering that the election results solidified the conservative wave. In qualitative research, we use discourse analysis methodology to examine statements searched in the legislative houses’ search engines through keywords. We also analyzed campaign materials produced by evangelical leaders. Abortion and sexual diversity report elements used in discursive disputes in a polarized political arena: conservatives and religious groups include abortion and “gender ideology” in their accusation strategies. At the same time, the progressive side protects diversity and minorities and denounces fake news.

Résumé L’article aborde le débat sur l’avortement et la diversité sexuelle dans trois instances du pouvoir législatif, l’année des élections de 2018 : la Chambre des Députés, le Sénat Fédéral et l’Assemblée Législative de l’État de Rio de Janeiro. L’objectif est d’analyser quelles références aux thèmes de l’avortement et de la diversité sexuelle étaient liées aux candidats et aux partis, sachant que le résultat des élections matérialisait la vague conservatrice. Dans la recherche qualitative, utilisant la méthodologie d’analyse du discours, les déclarations émises dans les moteurs de recherche des chambres législatives sont examinées à l’aide de mots-clés. Le matériel de campagne produit par les dirigeants évangéliques est également analysé. L’avortement et la diversité sexuelle informent des éléments déclenchés dans les disputes discursives du champ politique polarisé : conservateurs et religieux incluent l’avortement et « l’idéologie de genre » dans leurs stratégies accusatrices, tandis que la défense de la diversité et des minorités et la dénonciation des fake news sont la devise du camp progressiste.

Resumen El artículo aborda el debate sobre el aborto y la diversidad sexual en tres instancias del Poder Legislativo en el año de elecciones de 2018: la Cámara de los Diputados, el Senado Federal y la Asamblea Legislativa del Estado de Rio de Janeiro. El objetivo es analizar cuáles referencias a los temas del aborto y la diversidad sexual fueron vinculados a candidatos y partidos, entendiendo que el resultado de las elecciones concretizó la onda conservadora. Por medio de una investigación cualitativa y usando metodología de análisis del discurso, son examinados pronunciamientos que se encuentran en los mecanismos de búsqueda de las casas legislativas a través de palabras clave. También son analizados materiales de campaña producidos por los grupos evangélicos. Los temas de aborto y diversidad sexual evidencian elementos activados en disputas discursivas en un campo político polarizado: conservadores y religiosos incluyen aborto e “ideologia de género” en sus estrategias de acusación, mientras que la defensa de la diversidad y de minorías y la denuncia de fake news son lemas del lado progresista.

Resumen: La distinción entre el cuerpo humano y el cuerpo animal es una de las claves interpretativas de lo que distingue al ser humano del resto de los seres vivos. A comienzos de 1970 surgió la acusación de especismo a quienes proponen un trato diferencial a los seres humanos, por encima de las demás especies animales. El especismo sería una forma de discriminación análoga al racismo o al sexismo, y por tanto injusta. De un tiempo a esta parte la influencia social de esta corriente ha ido en un continuo in crescendo cambiando incluso la relación con el mundo animal. Sin embargo, esta postura atenta de una u otra manera contra la dignidad humana, al menos en algunos casos, en general los más vulnerables. Es por eso que intentaremos argumentar por qué las acusaciones de especismo no se sostienen. La persona humana posee una dignidad particular, no por razones de especie, sino que al ser tratado anticipadamente como persona responde con características que demuestran la capacidad de poseer ese estatus moral. Este argumento, tomado de Timothy Chappell se fundamenta en el tratamiento proléptico de la persona. Sobre la base de esta idea se intentará responder a las acusaciones particulares del antiespecismo y demostrar por qué la persona humana merece un tratamiento moral distinto al de los demás seres vivos.

Abstract: The distinction between the human body and the animal body is one of the interpretative key aspects of what distinguishes the human being from the rest of the living beings. In the early 1970s, the accusation of speciesism arose against those who proposed differential treatment of human beings, above other animal species. Speciesism would be a form of discrimination akin to racism or sexism, and therefore unfair. For some time now, the social influence of this current of thought has been continuously increasing, even changing the relationship with the animal world. However, this position violates human dignity in one way or another, at least in cases such as with the most vulnerable. This is why we will try to argue why the arguments of speciesism do not hold. The human person possesses a particular dignity, not for reasons of species, but because being treated in advance as a person, we respond with characteristics that demonstrate the ability to possess that moral status. This argument, taken from Timothy Chappell, is based on the proleptic treatment of the person. Based on this idea, we will attempt to respond to the specific arguments of anti-speciesism and demonstrate why the human person deserves a different moral treatment than other living beings.

Resumo: A distinção entre o corpo humano e o corpo animal é uma das chaves interpretativas do que distingue o ser humano dos demais seres vivos. No início da década de 1970, surgiu a acusação de especismo contra aqueles que propunham tratamento diferenciado dos seres humanos, acima de outras espacies animais. O especismo seria uma forma de discriminação análoga ao racismo ou ao sexismo e, portanto, injusta. Há algum tempo, a influência social dessa corrente vem aumentando continuamente, alterando inclusive a relação com o mundo animal. No entanto, esta posição viola a dignidade humana de uma forma ou de outra, pelo menos em alguns casos, geralmente os mais vulneráveis. É por isso que tentaremos argumentar por que as acusações de especismo não se sustentam. A pessoa humana possui uma dignidade particular, não por razões de espécie, mas antes, quando tratada antecipadamente como pessoa, responde com características que demonstram a capacidade de possuir esse estatuto moral. Esse argumento, tirado de Timothy Chappell, baseia-se no tratamento proléptico da pessoa. Com base nessa ideia, tentar-se-á responder às acusações particulares de antiespecismo e demonstrar por que a pessoa humana merece um tratamento moral diferente do dos demais seres vivos.

How do we become “us”? How do we become “them”? How do some become “us” and others “them”? The objective of this text is to reflect on moralities and differences, based on a specific case of abuse on social media, closely followed by the authors, in which the notion of “identitarianism” gained particular relevance in the accusation and disqualification of a solidly produced work. Our perception is that accusations of this nature have been frequent in environments that are sometimes more and sometimes less public and are often directed against academic productions that mobilize notions such as intersectionality and social markers of difference and, more than that, embody these references and align themselves with a intellectual and political agenda for the production of justice and equity. We argue that these references themselves are good guides for understanding this scenario, in which the unnamed assumption of hegemonic identities causes the othering of those of us who have always been “Other”.

Como nos tornamos “nós”? Como nos tornamos “eles”? Como alguns se tornam “nós” e outros “eles”? O objetivo deste texto é refletir sobre moralidades e diferença, a partir de um caso específico de escracho nas redes sociais, acompanhado intensamente pelas autoras e autor, no qual a noção de “identitarismo” ganhou particular relevância na acusação e desqualificação de um trabalho solidamente produzido. Nossa percepção é que acusações desse feitio têm sido frequentes em ambientes ora mais, ora menos públicos e não raro se voltam contra produções acadêmicas que mobilizam noções como interseccionalidade e marcadores sociais da diferença e, mais que isso, corporificam esses referenciais e se alinham a uma agenda intelectual e política de produção de justiça e equidade. Argumentamos que esses próprios referenciais são boas balizas para o entendimento desse cenário, no qual a assunção não nomeada de identidades hegemônicas agencia a alterização daquelas de nós que sempre foram “Outro”.

ABSTRACT The deaths that run red the roads with blood are a problem that arose when men began to use motor vehicles as a sign of modernity. The legal implications derived from the reckless behavior of road users, such as drivers or pedestrians, have not been treated with the same attention as mens rea cases. In this context, the subject matter of this research is the observance of dogmatic scholar theories that have not been fully and specifically developed to cases of concurrent recklessness, which implies a reinterpretation of foreign scholar doctrine in order to make a de lege ferenda proposal.

RESUMEN Las muertes que tiñen de sangre las pistas son una problemática que surgió conforme el hombre comenzó a hacer uso del vehículo automotor como signo de modernidad. Las implicancias jurídicas derivadas del actuar imprudente de los usuarios de las vías de tránsito, como conductores o peatones, no han sido tratadas con la misma atención que los delitos dolosos. En ese contexto, la adhesión a teorías dogmáticas no desarrolladas integral ni específicamente para los casos de concurrencia de imprudencias es objeto del presente trabajo que sugiere una relectura de la doctrina importada y efectúa una propuesta de lege ferenda.

RESUMO As mortes que mancham de sangue as estradas são um problema que surgiu quando o homem começou a usar o veículo a motor como sinal de modernidade. As implicações jurídicas decorrentes das ações imprudentes dos usuários das estradas, como condutores ou peões, não foram tratadas com a mesma atenção que os crimes dolosos. Nesse contexto, a adesão a teorias dogmáticas não desenvolvidas de forma integral nem específica para os casos de ocorrência de imprudências é objeto do presente trabalho que sugere uma nova leitura da doutrina importada e faz uma proposta de lege ferenda.

Resumen: Brasil es considerado el segundo país del mundo en número de cesáreas. Tal procedimiento es fuertemente opuesto por activistas del parto humanizado que acusan a los obstetras de ser los responsables de esta “epidemia de cesáreas” en el país, generando fuertes conflictos con ellos. El estudio tiene como objetivo analizar los argumentos de la entidad médica Conselho Regional de Medicina do Rio de Janeiro (CREMERJ) contra los activistas del parto humanizado con respecto a la acusación dirigida a los médicos por las indicaciones de cesáreas innecesarias con graves daños a la salud de los binomio madre-hijo. La metodología se basó en la observación participante de los eventos de CREMERJ en 2019 y el análisis de documentos y material de prensa. Se observó que la evidencia científica y la ideología política son utilizadas por ambos polos en un juego de saberes y disputas de poder.

Abstract: Brazil is considered the second country in the world in number of cesarean sections. Such a procedure is strongly opposed by humanized childbirth activists who accuse obstetricians of being responsible for this “epidemic of cesarean sections” in the country, generating strong conflicts with them. The study aims to analyze the arguments of the medical entity Conselho Regional de Medicina do Rio de Janeiro (CREMERJ) against the humanized childbirth activists with regard to the accusation directed at doctors for the indications of unnecessary cesarean sections with serious damage to the health of the mother-child binomial. The methodology was based on participant observation of events at CREMERJ in 2019 and analysis of documents and media material. It was observed that scientific evidence and political ideology are used by both poles in a game of knowledge and power disputes.

Resumo: O Brasil é considerado o segundo país do mundo em número de cesáreas. Tal procedimento é fortemente combatido por ativistas do parto humanizado que acusam os médicos obstetras de serem responsáveis por essa “epidemia de cesáreas” no país gerando fortes conflitos com os mesmos. O estudo visa analisar os argumentos da entidade médica Conselho Regional de Medicina do Rio de Janeiro (CREMERJ) contra as ativistas do parto humanizado no que se refere à acusação dirigidas aos médicos pelas indicações de cesáreas desnecessárias com sérios prejuízos à saúde do binômio mãe-filho. A metodologia baseou-se na observação participante de eventos no CREMERJ em 2019 e análise de documentos e material de mídia. Observou-se que as evidências científicas e ideologia política são utilizadas por ambos os polos em um jogo de disputas de saber e poder.

Arguably, Pentecostalism's multifaceted and global nature continues to be marred by historiographical contentions and contestations. Diverse historiographical perspectives continue to shape the understanding of contemporary Pentecostal Christianity globally. Undoubtedly, the chaotic context of the socio-economic crisis in Africa has offered Pentecostal Christianity an opportunity to become a public force worthy of critical studies. Recent historical studies indicate enormous Pentecostal success, especially among the disadvantaged in African societies. Even as a prominent feature on the world' s religious stage, Pentecostal history is unsettled, especially in Africa. Histories of Pentecostalism continue to receive a barrage of blame and accusation for historiographical biases. Scholars from the West are to blame for neglecting or completely ignoring the vital and often more significant work from Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, and Latino regarding the history, growth, and expansion of Pentecostal Christianity. This article raises the question of whether African Pentecostalism and its global significance locate within the accounts of global Pentecostal historiographies. It broadly explores issues in the international Pentecostal historiography, arguing that African Pentecostalism is a complex phenomenon originating from indigenous prophetic figures and their antecedents. Therefore, it challenges the North American Azusa Street revival trajectory; Pentecostalism in Africa sprung up in response to contextual challenges faced by the Africans, which mission Christianity could not adequately address. The historiography of African Pentecostalism is steeped in polygenesis, yet within the global context of Pentecostal history.

During the General Church Assembly of 2010, the Netherdutch Reformed Church of Africa (NRCA) confessed her previous justification of apartheid as wrongdoing. It led to serious dissatisfaction in the more conservative part of the Church, eventually ending in the painful church schism of 2011. Afterwards, the leadership had to handle several related issues. And then, out of the blue, an outstanding matter arose from the past's nebulae - unfinished business between the Church and prof. Cas Labuschagne. He was a dissident with prof. Albert Geyser who acted against the church's justification of apartheid during the sixties. After a fierce struggle and much desperation, he left South Africa for the Netherlands in 1967. Almost 40 years later, in 2008, correspondence occurred between the NRCA and Labuschagne to see if reconciliation was possible, but without any positive results. Labuschagne distrusted the Church's motives and argued that only a public excuse would settle matters. Due to the run-up to the decision in 2010 and the church schism in 2011, the case gathered some cyber dust. Professors A.G. van Aarde, J. Buitendag and W.A. Dreyer played a prominent role in bringing the outstanding matter of Cas Labuschagne to the attention of the author of this article. It led to a visit in 2017 and more correspondence to clarify issues. Eventually, reconciliation had occurred only a few months before he died in 2019. CONTRIBUTION: This article contributes to revealing an untold story in which different leaders of the NRCA played a prominent role. It is about a struggle for reconciliation, events behind the scenes, and a story with a good end - events the church and the academic community should know about

Resumo: Diagora e Teodoro sono due degli atei ricordati in vari cataloghi sugli atei dell’antichità, il primo dei quali risalente al II sec. a.C., e da allora in poi ricordati, dagli antichi fino ai giorni nostri, immancabilmente con la qualifica di atei. In effetti l’ateismo condannato ad Atene affondava le sue radici nella cultura filosofica e scientifica presocratica, la cui impronta fondamentalmente “materialistica” è autorevolmente testimoniata da Aristotele (Metafisica I 983b5-10). Le filosofie di Anassimandro, Anassimene, Senofane, Eraclito, Anassagora, Diogene di Apollonia, e naturalmente degli atomisti e dei sofisti offrirono, sia pure in maniere diverse, non solo un supporto importante alla critica delle divinità tradizionali, ma anche le fondamenta filosofiche dell’ateismo. Con questa tradizione Diagora non ha nulla a che vedere; anche alcune vicende della sua vita possono al massimo meritargli l’accusa di empio, ma non di ateo. Di altra tempra culturale appare Teodoro, vicino non solo alla cultura della scuola cirenaica, ma anche dei cinici e dei sofisti. Di lui abbiamo non solo dei riferimenti a dottrine filosofiche, ma anche chiare testimonianze del suo ateismo, essendosi dedicato a «eliminare radicalmente le comuni credenze negli dèi». In conclusione, mentre il nome di Diagora può tranquillamente cancellarsi dai cataloghi degli atei, quello di Teodoro a buon diritto vi fa parte.

Abstract: Diagoras and Theodorus are two of the atheists remembered in several catalogues of atheists in Antiquity, the first of which dates back to the 2nd century BC, and from then on invariably referred to by the ancients and to the present day as atheists. In fact, the atheism condemned in Athens had its roots in the pre-Socratic philosophical and scientific culture, whose fundamentally "materialistic" imprint is authoritatively testified to by Aristotle (Metaphysics I 983b5-10). The philosophies of Anaximander, Anaximenes, Xenophanes, Heraclitus, Anaxagoras, Diogenes of Apollonia, and of course the Atomists and Sophists offered, albeit in different ways, not only some important support for the critique of traditional divinities, but also for the philosophical foundations of atheism. Diagoras has nothing to do with this tradition; even some events in his life may at most merit the accusation of being impious, but not of being an atheist. Theodore appears to be of a different cultural temperament, close not only to the culture of the Cyrenaic school, but also to that of the Cynics and the Sophists. We have not only references to his philosophical doctrines, but also clear evidence of his atheism, having dedicated himself to "radically eliminating common beliefs in the gods". In conclusion, while Diagora's name can safely be removed from the catalogues of atheists, Theodore's is rightly included.

Resumen El siguiente artículo presenta una reflexión en torno al abordaje de “otredades que no agradan” (Harding, 1991) desde la antropología y las implicancias que su estudio trae al interior de la propia academia. Se vale también de los aportes de los estudios antropológicos sobre elites, considerando las particularidades, desafíos y dificultades que su abordaje trae aparejado. La aplicación de la perspectiva etnográfica en estos casos suele contener una exigencia de moralización siendo que estos otros suelen ser sujetos de denuncia y sospecha (Dullo, 2016). El artículo expondrá brevemente el caso de estudio para luego desarrollar el problema enfrentado a la luz de la bibliografía aquí mencionada. Se trabajará en torno a un suceso puntual en el que la falta de una crítica explícita al Opus Dei resultó un impedimento para la publicación de parte de mi investigación doctoral e incluyó acusaciones relativas a un supuesto proselitismo religioso ejercido por mí.

Abstract This paper refers to the approach of “repugnant others” (Harding, 1991) from anthropology and the implications that its study has among colleagues. It also analyzes the anthropology of elites, focusing on the specificities, challenges, and difficulties that studying this implies. The ethnographic perspective in these cases usually contains a moralization requirement, denunciation, and suspicion towards these others (Dullo, 2016). The paper briefly explains the case study for developing the problem by dialoguing with the mentioned bibliography. I will present a specific event in which the lack of explicit criticism about Opus Dei was an inhibition from publishing part of my Ph.D. research due to an accusation of proselytism and my alleged membership in the group.

Abstract: In convergence between history and media studies, this article analyzes a set of journalistic accusations and parliamentary debates around the infiltration of Peronist propaganda on the Radio El Mercurio station during 1953. The article details some of the main public controversies that arose from the ownership of the station and the broadcast of favorable news about the government of Juan Perón in Argentina (1946-1955) spread by the radio station, which faced a judicial process and an accusation by the Chilean Congress in the context of a broader concern about the interference of Peronism in Chile. The study identifies one of the first political disputes of radio and illustrates the consolidation of the medium, going from a daily entertainment and technological innovation to becoming an active platform for political articulation.

Resumen: En convergencia entre historia y estudios mediales, este artículo analiza un conjunto de acusaciones periodísticas y debates parlamentarios en torno a la infiltración de propaganda peronista en la estación Radio El Mercurio durante 1953. El artículo detalla algunas de las principales controversias públicas surgidas a raíz de la propiedad de la emisora y la transmisión de noticias favorables acerca del gobierno de Juan Perón en Argentina (1946-1955) difundidas por la radioemisora, la cual enfrentó un proceso judicial y una acusación del Congreso chileno en el contexto de una inquietud más amplia sobre la injerencia del peronismo en Chile. El estudio identifica una de las primeras disputas políticas de la radio e ilustra la consolidación del medio, pasando de ser un entretenimiento cotidiano e innovación tecnológica a transformarse en plataforma activa de articulación política.

Abstract: The 1980 Constitution creates and regulates the authorities that exercise government and administration, both in the regions and in the provinces. Throughout its validity, three moments are verified. Firstly, the original Constitution supposed a regulation that had Mayors and Governors as main authorities. Later this design was reformed in part by Law No. 19097, which created the Regional Government. Finally, with Law No. 20990, important changes are glimpsed: the positions of mayor and governor were eliminated, giving rise to Presidential Delegates, both regional and provincial, as well as a Regional Governor, who is popularly elected. From the origin of the Constitution, the Mayors and Governors could be constitutionally accused of violating the Constitution and for the crimes of treason, sedition, embezzlement of public funds and extortion. Law No. 20990 replaces these authorities with presidential delegates, both regional and provincial. However, the derived constituent incurs an inconsistency in regulating the accusation of the Regional Governor, which makes it inapplicable.

Resumen: La Constitución de 1980 crea y regula las autoridades que ejercen el gobierno y la administración, tanto en las regiones como en las provincias. A lo largo de su vigencia se verifican tres momentos. Primeramente, la Carta originaria suponía una regulación que contaba con Intendentes y Gobernadores como principales autoridades. Luego este diseño fue reformado en parte por la Ley Nº 19.097 que creó al Gobierno Regional. Finalmente, con la Ley Nº 20.990 se vislumbran cambios importantes: se eliminan los cargos de Intendente y Gobernador, pasando a existir los Delegados Presidenciales, tanto regionales como provinciales, así como un Gobernador Regional, el cual es elegido popularmente. Desde el origen de la Carta, los Intendentes y Gobernadores eran acusables constitucionalmente por infracción de la Constitución y por los delitos de traición, sedición, malversación de fondos públicos y concusión. La Ley Nº 20.990 reemplazó a estos sujetos pasivos por los Delegados Presidenciales, tanto regionales como provinciales. Sin embargo, el constituyente derivado incurrió en una inconsistencia al regular la acusación del Gobernador Regional, que la hace inaplicable.

RESUMEN En Colombia, con el fin de adoptar un sistema procesal penal de carácter acusatorio, se reformó la Constitución Política de 1991, con el Acto Legislativo 03 de 2002. La reglamentación de este sistema procesal penal se dio a través de la Ley 906 de 2004, actual "Código de Procedimiento Penal". En desarrollo de esta normatividad se crearon las siguientes audiencias: i) preliminares; ii) formulación de acusación; iii) preparatoria; y iv) juzgamiento. En las primeras, interviene el juez con función de control de garantías. Posteriormente, interviene el juez de conocimiento, quien es el encargado de dirigir la audiencia de juzgamiento y de indicar el sentido del fallo. Así mismo, la Corte Suprema de Justicia ha indicado que, a efectos de evitar que la formulación de acusación sea inadecuada y que se congestione de manera injustificada el aparato judicial, el juez de conocimiento debe realizar un control material a la acusación. Esta investigación analiza si la intervención del juez de conocimiento en las audiencias anteriores a la de juzgamiento: formulación de acusación y preparatoria, así como el control que ejerce a la acusación, afectan la garantía de imparcialidad judicial y el principio acusatorio. El problema de investigación que se plantea, es el siguiente: ¿la intervención del juez de conocimiento en las audiencias anteriores a la de juzgamiento: formulación de acusación y preparatoria, así como el control que ejerce a la acusación, afectan la garantía de imparcialidad judicial y el principio acusatorio? La tesis que se defiende en esta investigación es que la intervención del juez de conocimiento en las audiencias anteriores a la de juzgamiento: formulación de acusación y preparatoria, así como el control que ejerce a la acusación, afectan la garantía de imparcialidad judicial y el principio acusatorio, respectivamente, donde se analizan la legislación, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina existente.

ABSTRACT In Colombia, in order to adopt an accusatory criminal procedure system, the 1991 Political Constitution was reformed with Legislative Act 03 of 2002. The regulation of this criminal procedural system was given through Law 906 of 2004, "By which the Code of Criminal Procedure is issued." In development of these regulations, the following hearings were created: i) preliminary; ii) formulation of the accusation; iii) preparatory; and iv) judgment. In the first ones, the judge with the function of control of guarantees intervenes. Later, the judge of knowledge intervenes, who is in charge of directing the judgment and to indicate the sense of failure. Likewise, the Supreme Court of Justice has indicated that, in order to avoid that the formulation of the accusation is inadequate and that the judicial apparatus becomes unjustifiably congested, the judge of knowledge must carry out a material control to the accusation. This research analyzes if the intervention of the judge of knowledge in the hearings prior to the judgment: formulation of the accusation and preparatory, as well as the control that he carries out over the accusation, affects the guarantee of judicial impartiality and the accusatory principle. The investigation problem is: does the intervention of the judge of knowledge in the hearings prior to the judgment: formulation of the accusation and preparatory, as well as the control that he carries out over the accusation, affects the guarantee of judicial impartiality and the accusatory principle? The thesis defended in this research is that the intervention of the judge of knowledge in the hearings prior to the judgment: formulation of the accusation and preparatory, as well as the control that he carries out over the accusation, affects the guarantee of judicial impartiality and the principle accusatory, respectively, the legislation, jurisprudence and existing doctrine on the subject are analyzed.

Abstract: This study addresses a specific aspect of the procedural status of the victim in the new Cuban Code of Criminal Procedure: his/her participation as an ancillary prosecutor. The main object of the study is to clarify the possibilities and limits of the intervention of this figure, as distinct from the accusatory role of the prosecutor, specifically with respect to the different elements that make up the subject of the procedure and the subject of debate. In this line, the model implemented in 2021 by the Cuban legislator is contrasted with other systems in comparative law that allow the victim to participate in the exercise of public criminal prosecu¬tion. After this preliminary step, interpretative guidelines are offered aimed at clearing up some doubts about the scope of action of the ancillary prosecu¬tor. The author believes that this study is the first to address the issue at the national level, and therefore that it opens the debate on a figure with regard to whom, due to his/her novelty, there is as yet insufficient practical experience.

Resumen: La presente contribución aborda un aspecto concreto del estatuto procesal de la víctima en la nueva Ley del Proceso Penal cubano: su participación como coadyuvante de la acusación. El objetivo central ha sido clarificar las posibilidades y límites de su intervención frente a la postura acusatoria del fiscal, en concreto, respecto a los distintos elementos que componen el objeto del proceso y el objeto del debate. En esa línea, se contrasta el modelo implantado por el legislador de 2021 con otros sistemas que, en Derecho comparado, permiten a la víctima participar en el ejercicio de la acción penal pública; ello como paso previo para ofrecer luego pautas interpretativas orientadas a despejar algunas dudas sobre el alcance de la actuación del acusador coadyuvante. Salvo error involuntario, se trata del primer estudio que encara la cuestión en el ámbito nacional y, por tanto, inaugura el debate sobre una figura que, por su novedad, no ha tenido aún suficiente recorrido práctico.