Abstract: The following work aims to understand the political work of female fraction of Chilean’s National Phalange, regarding on Chilean women’s integration to public sphere during the decade of 1940; specifically, the period from 1941 when the National Phalange supported the women’s universal suffrage law project in Chile, to 1949, with the promulgation of this law. During the decade of 1940, it came to the public fore a series of speeches regarding the role of women in Chilean’s society and in specific, about the public participation of them. What this investigation work will try to prove is that National Phalange had an ambiguous speech about women’s political participation, advocating for a political and economic independence, but maintaining as a principal role being a spouse and motherhood restraining women to social and charity work. For this, it will be analyzed the political action of the Female’s National Phalange, their posture on women’s political role, and the postures of National Phalange and feminists movements such as MEMCH (Spanish acronym for Women’s Pro-Emancipation Movement). This will be treated with primary sources such as periodical publications of the Party, and press news from the period treating different views about women’s role in public sphere, along with secondary bibliography.

Resumen: El siguiente trabajo tiene por objetivo entender la acción política de la fracción femenina de la Falange Nacional, respecto a la integración de la mujer chilena en la esfera política chilena durante la década de 1940; específicamente, desde el período 1941, cuando la Falange Nacional apoyó el proyecto de ley de voto femenino universal en Chile, hasta 1949, con la promulgación de esta ley. Durante la década de 1940 surgieron a la palestra pública una serie de discursos respecto al rol de la mujer en la sociedad chilena y en específico, sobre la participación política de ésta. Lo que se intentará demostrar en este trabajo de investigación es que la Falange Femenina tuvo un discurso ambiguo respecto a la participación política de la mujer, abogando por una independencia económica y política, pero manteniendo como rol principal el de madre y esposa, restringiendo a la mujer a actividades sociales y caritativas. Para esto, se intentará analizar la acción política de la Falange Femenina, su postura sobre el rol político de la mujer, y las posturas de la Falange Nacional y de movimientos feministas como el MEMCH, sobre la misma. Esto se averiguará a través de la revisión y análisis y de documentos oficiales de la Falange Nacional, publicaciones periódicas del partido y recortes de prensa escrita que se remitan a las diferentes visiones del rol de la mujer en la esfera pública, en conjunto a bibliografía secundaria.

RESUMO Introdução: O artigo reconstitui a trajetória da concessão e expansão dos direitos políticos às mulheres no Brasil. O foco recai sobre as regras eleitorais e argumentos mobilizados em contextos deliberativos que trataram do exercício dos direitos políticos pelas mulheres. Argumentamos que, apesar do direito ao sufrágio ter sido concedido em 1932, a participação política das mulheres casadas não foi garantida, ficando ainda na dependência das decisões de seus maridos nas três décadas subsequentes. O direito pleno à participação só foi obtido em 1965. Materiais e Métodos: O trabalho mapeou os termos do debate relativo ao voto feminino nas Assembleias Constituintes de 1824, 1891, 1934 e 1946 e nos projetos de lei que abordaram o direito político das mulheres. Analisamos, também, as consequências práticas da legislação, compilando dados oficiais sobre a participação eleitoral das mulheres a partir de informações fornecidas pelos Boletins Eleitorais estaduais e arquivos do TSE. Resultados: Entre 1932 e 1964, a média de alistamento feminino sobre o total girou em torno de 34%. Ou seja, em geral, para dois homens alistados, havia uma mulher em condição de exercer seu direito de voto. A voluntariedade para as mulheres sem renda própria garantiu aos homens o poder de decidir se suas esposas exerceriam seu direito político. Trata-se de regra que foi deliberadamente construída para preservar a autoridade masculina, gerando desigualdade política de gênero. Discussão: Tradicionalmente, análises sobre a expansão do direito à cidadania privilegiam a dimensão de classe e assumiram que a expansão do sufrágio se deu pela incorporação dos mais pobres. O artigo contribui para esse debate, chamando atenção para a clivagem de gênero. Esta foi tão ou mais importante que a classe no processo brasileiro de expansão do sufrágio.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article aims at reconstructing the path towards the concession and expansion of political rights to women in Brazil. The focus relies on electoral rules and arguments used in deliberative contexts, which addressed women’s exercise of political rights. We sustain that, despite suffrage concession in 1932, political participation of married women was not guaranteed, because it remained dependent on husbands’ decisions for the following three decades. Full right to participate was only attained in 1965. Materials and Methods: Research depicted the terms used in the debates about women’s suffrage held during the Constitutional Assemblies of 1824, 1891, 1934 and 1946, and used in bills that approached women’s political rights. In addition to that, practical outcomes of legislation were evaluated, based on the compilation of official data about women’s electoral participation that stemmed from state electoral bulletins and TSE files. Results: Between 1932 and 1964, women were, in the mean, 34% of all registered voters. This means that, in general, for every two registered men, there was one woman in condition to exercise her right to vote. The fact that women without income were excused to vote secured to men the power to decide if their wives would exercise women’s political right. The rule was intentionally established to uphold male authority, engendering gender political inequality. Discussion: Traditionally, analysis about the extension of citizenship in Brazil favored social cleavages and assumed that suffrage expansion resulted from the inclusion of the poorest. This article adds to debate, drawing attention to gender cleavage. This was as much or more important than class in the process of expanding suffrage in Brazil.

Gender is central to social life. Yet, throughout human history, the social order has been characterised by gender inequality. The first active steps towards creating an equitable society can be traced to around 1792 when Mary Wollstonecraft's "A vindication of the rights of women" was published. An integral part of her advocacy for all human rights was her rejection of slavery and she often drew an analogy between the positions of women and those of slaves. From the outset, endeavours at achieving gender justice were either supported or loathed by men. In the mid 20th century, the responses to the effects of feminism and those of women's struggles for equality culminated in a so-called "men's movement". A distinction is generally drawn between two types of men's movement that lie at the opposite extremes of a continuum, namely, at the one end, conservative or anti-feminist (the men's rights movement) and, at the other, liberal/progressive or profeminist (the new men's movement). Men's rights groups reject women's liberation, claiming that women cover up the reality that men are most oppressed and that they (women) actually possess the power. South African examples of anti-feminist movements include Promise Keepers South Africa and the Mighty Men Conference Movement. Women, in their turn, either welcomed men's involvement or regarded it with suspicion. Even if, during the 1960s, the women's movement welcomed male activists, some feminists were sceptical of this development and, by the mid 1970s, radical feminism surfaced. It largely rejected men's support of the women's movement, its premise being that all men benefited from gender oppression. During the 1990s, discontent among feminists became apparent. Criticism against what was regarded as hegemonic feminism was expressed by women of colour. These women rejected the idea of a universal sisterhood. Although black women in South Africa had actively participated in the liberation struggle since the 1950s, a distinctly feminist consciousness was totally lacking. The first steps towards establishing organisations geared exclusively towards women's liberation only followed late in the 1980s. African feminists, because they are not only concerned about women's issues but about social issues, generally accept men as allies. While several justifications for engaging with men have been advanced, some concern has however been raised as regards the involvement of men or the so-called "men-streaming" approach advocated by international organisations. Several provisos have consequently been advanced in this regard, the most fundamental of these being that such inclusion/involvement should be seen to advance the overarching feminist aim of gender equality. The male activists in Britain and America who supported women's suffrage at the beginning of the 20th century are viewed both as the initiators of the men's liberation movement and the pioneers of the profeminist movement that gained prominence during the 1960s. In South Africa, Sol Plaatje and Steve Biko are regarded as having been profeminist. Although profeminist groups are found globally, they are more common in countries with relatively longer traditions of gender-equity endeavours. South Africa, because of its relatively short democratic history, does not feature among such countries. Although profeminism developed in the American and European contexts, it eventually ‒ like feminism ‒ migrated to Africa. Several reasons have been advanced as to why profeminism has lately gained momentum in South Africa, the main being that the country is confronted by two major public health issues, namely gender-based violence and HIV/Aids - both being issues inextricably related to gender inequalities. It would moreover seem that, in the little more than two decades of the new democratic dispensation, very little has actually been accomplished in terms of achieving gender justice. South African women remain the poorest of the poor and are subjected to some of the highest levels of gender-based violence in the world. Against this background, there is an increasing insistence that men and boys be involved to achieve accelerated change. Current debates no longer revolve around whether men should be involved but around the precise nature of their involvement. Apart from the involvement of both women and men, there is a growing awareness that civil society should be actively involved. Activism of this kind at grass-roots level by non-governmental organisations ‒ termed NGO-isation ‒ has increased. Sonke Gender Justice, a local profeminist non-governmental organisation, attempts to counter the anti-feminism of a new youth movement (influenced by Julius Malema) and traditionalists like Jacob Zuma. In light of the apparent anti-feminism and also the fact that gender justice has as yet not nearly been achieved, the struggle for gender justice is now more compelling than ever. Though profeminist men who support the cause are indispensable partners in the struggle, their numbers are still relatively small. Ideally, all South African men (and women) should accept the gravity of the situation. If this conviction is accompanied by a commitment to the central values of the Ubuntu philosophy and the Constitution, both women and men will embrace the feminist model for social reconstruction and react positively to the fundamental aim of feminism, namely the elimination of all injustices.

Die sosiale orde word deur die loop van millennia deur genderongelykheid gekenmerk. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot die vrouebevrydingsbeweging en feminisme. Mans was van meet af aan betrokke by die stryd om gendergeregtigheid¹ - weliswaar op verskillende maniere. Sommige het organisasies teen vroue (antifeministies) en ander vir vroue (profeministies) gevestig. Op hul beurt het vroue aanvanklik mans se betrokkenheid verwelkom (in die 1960's), maar teen die middel van die 1970's het radikale feministe mans se ondersteuning van die vrouebeweging grotendeels verwerp. In die 1990's het feministe ontevredenheid in eie geledere ervaar. Die kritiek teen sogenaamde hegemoniese feminisme was veral van vroue van kleur afkomstig. Alhoewel verskeie redes vir mans se betrokkenheid aangevoer word, word sodanige betrokkenheid meermale bevraagteken. Talle voorbehoude word derhalwe in hierdie verband gestel. Alhoewel profeminisme hoofsaaklik in Amerika en Europa ontstaan het, het dit uiteindelik na Afrika gemigreer. 'n Suid-Afrikaanse profeministiese organisasie, Sonke Gender Justice, dien as teenvoeter vir die antifeminisme van ʼn nuwe jeugbeweging (onder invloed van Julius Malema) en tradisionaliste soos Jacob Zuma.

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to analyze the political views that shaped the debates about women’s right to vote during the first decades of the twentieth century in Mexico. Universal suffrage was finally approved in 1953. We examine the diverse and sometimes contradictory arguments both in favor and against women’s suffrage, that were sustained by the women who were protagonists in this struggle. This will provide us with insight into one aspect of the broader process of the construction of women’s citizenship.

Resumen: Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las diversas perspectivas políticas que enmarcaron los debates sobre el derecho al voto de las mexicanas durante el primer cuarto del siglo XX. Recordemos que el sufragio universal en el país fue aprobado hasta 1953. En este ensayo nos acercamos sólo a las primeras mujeres que sostuvieron argumentos distintos sobre el sufragio femenino; posturas a favor y en contra, e incluso divergentes y hasta similares sobre este proceso. A partir de este recorrido se observan los procesos de construcción de ciudadanía para las mujeres.