Resumo A França foi um dos países que seguiu com mais atenção e preocupação os eventos que ocorreram em Portugal entre o 25 de Abril de 1974 e o fim de 1976. Em 1974, 800 mil portugueses residiam em França e os investimentos franceses em Portugal tinham aumentado substancialmente no início dos anos de 1970. Se o Governo francês vê inicialmente com bons olhos o 25 de Abril e o processo de descolonização, depois do 11 de Março de 1975 e, sobretudo, durante o Verão Quente, a postura francesa muda substancialmente. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing defende então uma suspensão da ajuda financeira que as instituições europeias pretendam dar a Portugal.

Abstract France was one of the countries that followed with the greatest attention and concern the events that took place in Portugal between 25 April 1974 and the end of 1976. In 1974, there were 800,000 Portuguese living in France and French investment in Portugal had increased significantly in the early 1970s. While the French government initially looked favourably on 25 April and the decolonisation process, after 11 March 1975 and especially during the hot summer, the French attitude changed significantly. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing then advocated for the suspension of the financial aid that European institutions intended to grant to Portugal.

Resumo: O texto discute a ideologia do fim da história, a partir de uma apreciação do discurso e da ação política da esquerda-radical. Constata-se que o ambiente político chegou a uma espécie de realização da tese de Fukuyama, a partir de um paradigma do centrismo puro, pelo qual a esquerda migra para o centro, a esquerda radical desaparece e a extrema direita avança. Critica-se as teorias do totalitarismo e da ferradura, que funcionam como mordaças para a esquerda, mas, na prática, estão a funcionar como impulsionadoras da extrema direita. Analisa-se o neoliberalismo como modelo social e afirma-se a necessidade de retomada da teoria radical e da ação radical, na esquerda. A hipótese defendida, amparada na teoria marxista, é que a demanda por mudanças profundas, visível nos avanços do extremismo de direita, só pode ser radicalmente satisfeita se a esquerda avançar no discurso radical.

Abstract: The text discusses the ideology of the end of history, based on an appreciation of the speech and political action of the radical left. It is observed that the political environment has reached a kind of realization of Fukuyama's thesis, based on a paradigm of pure centrism, whereby the left migrates to the center, the radical left disappears and the extreme right advances. The theories of totalitarianism and the horseshoe are criticized, which function as gags for the left, but, in practice, are functioning as boosters for the extreme right. Neoliberalism is analyzed as a social model and the need to revive radical theory and radical action on the left is stated. The hypothesis defended, supported by Marxist theory, is that the demand for profound changes, visible in the advances of right-wing extremism, can only be radically satisfied if the left advances in radical discourse.

ABSTRACT: This article aims to reconstruct and criticize the idea that the administrative State is a potentially and inevitably despotic-totalitarian structure. This doctrine, elaborated by professor Eduardo Soto Kloss in his influential works regarding administrative intervention in property and economic activity, as well as the Administration’s use of its powers and privileges, reproduces to a large extent the arguments against the absolute monarchy, ignores the architecture of the contemporary administration of the capitalist democracies and eludes the infrastructural perspective of the administrative power as exercised today. That conception constitutes a case of “phobia” to the administration.

RESUMEN: Este artículo tiene por objeto reconstruir y criticar la idea de que la Administración del Estado sea una estructura potencial e inevitablemente despótico-totalitaria. Esta doctrina, que en el administrativismo chileno se ha elaborado en los influyentes trabajos del profesor Eduardo Soto Kloss a propósito de la intervención administrativa en la propiedad y en la actividad económica, así como respecto del empleo de las potestades y privilegios de la Administración, reproduce en gran medida los argumentos contra la monarquía absoluta, desconoce la configuración del Estado administrativo contemporáneo en las democracias capitalistas y elude la perspectiva infraestructural en que se ejerce el poder administrativo en la actualidad, por lo que dicha concepción se puede considerar un caso de “fobia” a la Administración estatal.

RESUMEN El propósito del artículo es explorar algunas apreciaciones existentes en la obra de Hannah Arendt que puedan nutrir ciertos debates, tópicos, y corrientes en el contexto de las teorías de Relaciones Internacionales. Al no ser un tópico abordado frecuentemente por la autora, la reconstrucción de su parecer sobre la disciplina será llevada a cabo con base en fragmentos de sus textos relacionados con la temática. También se abordarán aportes de algunos estudios sobre la cuestión, a fin de elucidar con mayor detalle la posición ''arendtiana'' sobre esta área. El propósito final del estudio es encontrar nuevas perspectivas que puedan continuar expandiendo las propuestas teóricas en Relaciones Internacionales desde una postura novedosa, como los es la ''arendtiana''.

ABSTRACT This article aims to explore some ideas present in the work of Hannah Arendt that could be useful to inform debates, issues, and theories of International Relations. As this topic was not frequently tackled by the author, the reconstruction of her thought on the matter will be based on different series of her excerpts. In addition, the opinion of some experts on the topic will be studied to further elucidate her perspective on the discipline. Thus, this article aims to find new approaches to keep expanding the field of International Relations theories with novel contributions, as it is the case of Arendt's ideas.

Abstract Faced with the possibility of identifying the presence of totalitarianism before the French Revolution, it is necessary to place oneself in time and space to know the origins of both centuries in order to understand and understand the environments that occurred which have a time span of 200 years. The objective of the research is to know the thought of Hannah Arendt on totalitarianism in the 20th century before the French Revolution. The study is framed within the postpositivist paradigm, under the qualitative approach using hermeneutics as a method to support the epistemic analysis of the texts examined. The results denote that totalitarianism was generated approximately from the year 1920, highlighting the scope that the Nazi and Soviet states had at that time, trying to govern under this scheme based on the expression of social and political life that were replaced by the movement of the masses. By way of conclusion, totalitarianism is seen by Hannah Arendt as an exercise of power, which has no place in the distinction between social classes or where a party system functions as they originated in modern times.

Resumen Ante la posibilidad de identificar la presencia del totalitarismo antes de la Revolución francesa, es necesario colocarse en tiempo y espacio para conocer los orígenes de ambos siglos, con el fin de entender y comprender los entornos ocurridos, los cuales tienen un lapso de 200 años. El objetivo de la investigación es conocer el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt sobre el totalitarismo en el siglo XX antes de la Revolución francesa. El estudio se enmarca dentro del paradigma postpositivista, bajo el enfoque cualitativo, empleando a la hermenéutica como método para sustentar el análisis epistémico de los textos examinados. Los resultados denotan que el totalitarismo se genera aproximadamente a partir del año 1920, destacando el alcance que para esa época tenía el estado nazi y soviético que trataban de gobernar bajo este esquema, basado en la expresión de la vida social y política que eran reemplazadas por el movimiento de las masas. A modo de conclusión, el totalitarismo es visto por Hannah Arendt como un ejercicio del poder, el cual no tiene cabida la distinción entre clases sociales o donde funcione un sistema de partidos, tal como se originaron en la época moderna.

Resumen: Victor Serge, Erich Fromm y Herbert Marcuse elaboraron una primera interpretación acerca de los totalitarismos nazi y soviético. La particularidad de sus escritos al inicio de 1940 fue entrelazar conceptos marxistas y psicoanalíticos para comprender la racionalidad que subyacía a estos dos fenómenos. En paralelo, hicieron propuestas para renovar el socialismo en un sentido democrático. Coinciden en plantear que además de la represión política y del control burocrático, la dominación totalitaria se ejercía a través de un potente aparato ideológico que había arraigado en el inconsciente individual y colectivo. Consideraron que la importancia del trabajo intelectual estaba ligada a la comprensión de los mecanismos psicológicos que sustentaban el fenómeno totalitario a fin de erradicarlo.

Abstract: Victor Serge, Erich Fromm y Herbert Marcuse provided some of the first interpretations of Nazi and Soviet totalitarianism . A special feature of their work in early 1940 was to link Marxist and psychoanalytical concepts to understand the rationality underlying Nazism and Stalinism. At the same time, they formulated proposals to renew socialism in a democratic sense. These three authors posited that, beyond political repression and bureaucratic control, totalitarian rule was implemented through a powerful ideological apparatus that had taken root in the individual and collective subconscious. Moreover, they considered that the importance of intellectual work was linked to the psychological mechanisms that sustained the totalitarian phenomenon with the aim of eradicating it.

RESUMO Neste artigo, ressalto como Arendt mobiliza as noções de compreensão e de sentido de um modo original para orientar sua interpretação acerca dos fenômenos políticos. Cabe perceber que os critérios que a autora pensa para a atividade compreensiva se configuram como uma hermenêutica não elaborada, mas que surge como pano de fundo de seu pensamento. O ponto de partida trata da distinção conceitual que ela faz entre verdade e sentido, este último como objetivo constante e sem fim da atividade compreensiva. Em seguida, resgato dos Diários de pensamento de Arendt as noções de cristalização e desnaturalização como perspectivas hermenêuticas baseadas na noção de sentido, as quais se impõem no lugar do critério da causalidade. Por fim, explicito como o totalitarismo pode ser lido na chave de leitura da hermenêutica.

ABSTRACT In this article, I emphasize how Arendt mobilizes the notions of understanding and meaning in an original way to guide her interpretation of political phenomena. It is worth noting that the criteria that the author thinks for the comprehensive activity are configured as an undeveloped hermeneutics, but which appears as a background for her thinking. The starting point deals with the conceptual distinction that she makes between truth and meaning, the latter as the constant and unending goal of the comprehensive activity. Then, from Arendt’s Thought Diary, I rescue the notions of denaturalization and crystallization as hermeneutic perspectives based on the notion of meaning, instead of the causality criterion. Finally, I explain how totalitarianism can be read under a hermeneutic view.

Abstract Starting with the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, the manipu¬lation of society and people through language has been a constant feature of political regimes which have no more than the appearance of democracy. This article offers a reflection on the totalitarian transversality that underlies certain political impositions on the use of what is wrongly named inclusive language; demands through which certain ideologies in practice deny freedom of expression through their imposition of the politically correct.

Resumen A partir de los totalitarismos del siglo XX ha sido una constante, por parte de regímenes políticos de mera apariencia democrática, la manipulación de la sociedad y de las personas por medio del lenguaje. Se ofrece en este artículo una reflexión sobre la transversalidad totalitaria que subyace a determinadas imposiciones políticas sobre la utilización del equivocadamente denominado lenguaje inclusivo. Exigencias en que determinadas ideologías se dan la mano con la negación de la libertad a través de la imposición de lo políticamente correcto.

Resumo: Este artigo procura conferir maior complexidade à compreensão do chamado “momento antitotalitário francês” dos anos 1970, impactado pela publicação de Arquipélago Gulag, de Aleksandr Soljenítsyn, e pela proeminência intelectual alcançada pela crítica do totalitarismo. A questão levantada é como essa crítica do totalitarismo informa as interpretações do liberalismo clássico formuladas, na sequência, por autores como Pierre Rosanvallon e Marcel Gauchet. A hipótese é que essas interpretações são marcadas por uma ambiguidade: por um lado, o liberalismo é acusado, como o totalitarismo, de tender à supressão da autonomia do político - aspecto pelo qual Rosanvallon e Gauchet revisitam a crítica schmittiana da despolitização liberal. Por outro lado, certa tradição liberal aparece como fecunda para pensar o primado do político na instituição do social.

Abstract: This paper seeks to complexify the comprehension of the so-called “French antitotalitarian moment” of the 1970s, marked by the publication of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago and by the intellectual prominence reached by the critique of totalitarianism. The question I raise is how this critique of totalitarianism shapes the interpretations of classical liberalism formulated by authors such as Pierre Rosanvallon and Marcel Gauchet. The hypothesis is that those interpretations are characterized by an ambiguity: in the first instance, both liberalism and totalitarianism are accused of tending towards the suppression of the autonomy of “the political” - an aspect that leads Rosanvallon and Gauchet to revisit the Schmittian critique of liberal depoliticization. Nevertheless, a certain liberal tradition appears as fruitful for exploring the primacy of “the political” in the institution of the social.

The objective of this article is to problematize the place of liberalism in the work of Pierre Rosanvallon through a comparison of two moments of his intellectual career. The first moment is the book ‘Le capitalisme utopique’, in which the author extends Claude Lefort’s critique of totalitarianism to the classical economic liberalism of the 18th century, which he accused of suppressing the political in its representation of society as a market. The second moment is the book ‘Notre histoire intellectuelle et politique 1968-2018’, in which Rosanvallon criticizes the use of the concept of neoliberalism by the contemporary intellectual left, stating that the critique of this monolithic and elusive concept prevents us from imagining political alternatives. The question I probe is whether this criticism of contemporary uses of the concept of neoliberalism is compatible with the author's critique of classical liberalism. To understand the evolution of the problem of liberalism in Rosanvallon's work, I explore his dialogue with Michel Foucault, arguing that this exchange adds complexity to Rosanvallon's interpretation of liberalism. In closing, I assess Rosanvallon's position on overarching concepts such as totalitarianism and neoliberalism, in light of the distinction between the critique of the founding utopias of modernity and the analysis of democratic experiments in contemporaneity.

ABSTRACT This article analyses the reflections of Gabriela Mistral (1889-1957) on classical humanism and its importance for the education of youth, through her speeches, interviews and letters written between the 1920s and 1940s. Mistral’s approaches are addressed from a historical perspective, in relation to the political and cultural context of the first decades of the 20th century. Being critical of the society of her time, as well as of the discourses and practices of violence and totalitarianism that she conceived associated with masculine impulses, Mistral resorted to classical humanism to appeal for a more humane and comprehensive education with a feminine perspective.

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza las reflexiones de Gabriela Mistral (1889-1957) sobre el humanismo clásico y la importancia de este para la educación de la juventud. A través de sus discursos, entrevistas y cartas escritos entre las décadas de 1920 y 1940, se abordan los planteamientos de Mistral en perspectiva histórica, en relación con el contexto político y cultural de las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Siendo crítica de la sociedad de su tiempo, así como de los discursos y prácticas de violencia y totalitarismo que ella concebía asociados a pulsiones masculinas, la intelectual recurrió al humanismo clásico para apelar por una educación más humana, integral y con mirada femenina.

Resumo: O artigo procura identificar o núcleo metodológico das Origens do Totalitarismo, na estrutura comparativa entre França e Alemanha, espécie de sociologia histórico-comparativa na qual Arendt narra as origens do Nazismo e do Stalinismo. Nessa acepção, as origens ideológicas do III Reich e do Stalinismo devem ser buscadas no Racismo, e não na homologia estabelecida entre Nazismo e Comunismo, a partir da equivalência entre a ideologia da luta de classes e da luta de raças e a prática do Terror. Desse modo, a ideia de ruptura ou novidade do Totalitarismo a que se liga essa perspectiva, deve ser associada com a ideia de “atraso histórico”, espécie de articulação entre o novo e a conservação da velha ordem, na história das Nações Continentais. Sob essa ótica, Arendt mobiliza implicitamente a ideia de atraso histórico, a qual se encontra originalmente em Gramsci e Marx, a fim de dar conta de explicar não somente as homologias entre Nazismo e Comunismo, mas também como surgiram historicamente, no âmbito nacional e europeu, como ideologias políticas fundadas em movimentos de massas. De sorte a explicitar essa perspectiva, procura-se demonstrar, neste texto, como a ideia de “atraso histórico” opera no livro 1 das Origens do Totalitarismo, dedicado ao surgimento do antissemitismo.

Abstract: The article seeks to identify the methodological core of the Origins of Totalitarianism in the comparative structure between France and Germany, a kind of historical-comparative sociology in which Arendt write about the origins of Nazism and Stalinism. In this sense, the ideological origins of the III Reich and Stalinism must be sought in Racism, and not in the homology established between Nazism and Communism based on the equivalence between the ideology of class struggle and race struggle and the practice of Terror. So that the idea of rupture or novelty of Totalitarianism to which this perspective is linked, must be articulated with the idea of historical delay”, a kind of articulation between the new and the conservation of the old order in the history of the Continental Nations. From this perspective, Arendt implicitly mobilizes the idea of historical backwardness, an idea that we originally found in Gramsci and Marx, in order to explain not only the homologies between Nazism and Communism, but also how they emerged historically in the National and European spheres as ideologies policies founded on mass movements. In order to make this perspective explicit, we seek to demonstrate how the idea of “historical backwardness” operates in book 1 of the Origins of Totalitarianism, dedicated to the rise of anti-Semitism.

Abstract The political corpus of Pius XI offers particular importance in our times, given the crisis that affects contemporary systems. It has the merit of condensing Catholic doctrine around the princely idea of the “Social Reign of Christ”, in explicit opposition to the secular constitutional principle, either in its liberal aspect, or in its totalitarian facet of nazi or communist character. The defense of natural rights in the face of the emergence of totalitarianism must be interpreted in this perspective.

Resumen El corpus político de Pío XI ofrece particular importancia en nuestros tiempos, dada la crisis que afecta a los sistemas contemporáneos. Tiene el mérito de condensar la doctrina católica en torno a la idea príncipe del “Reinado social de Cristo”, en oposición explícita al principio constitucional laico, sea en su vertiente liberal, sea en su faceta totalitaria de carácter nazi o comunista. La defensa de los derechos naturales ante la emergencia de los totalitarismos hay que interpretarla desde esta clave de comprensión.

Resumo Fascismo: filho dileto da Igreja e do Capital, de autoria da brasileira Maria Lacerda de Moura, foi publicado pela primeira vez em 1934. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a análise integral da obra e suas possíveis conexões com problemáticas desenvolvidas por outras estudiosas que pensaram o fascismo e o totalitarismo, nomeadamente Luce Fabbri e Hannah Arendt. Interessará destacar as aproximações acerca da compreensão feminina (de intelectuais mulheres) sobre tais fenômenos, bem como suas propostas relacionadas à projeção de um mundo antifascista, plural e democrático.

Abstract Fascismo: filho dileto da Igreja e do capital, authored by the Brazilian Maria Lacerda de Moura, it was first published in 1934. The present work aims at the integral analysis of the work and its possible connections with problems developed by other scholars who thought about fascism and totalitarianism, namely Luce Fabbri and Hannah Arendt. It will be interesting to highlight the approximations about the feminine understanding (of women intellectuals) about such phenomena as well as their proposals related to the projection of an antifascist, plural and democratic world.

Abstract This article brings forth, organizes and interprets a compound of historical-empirical evidence that allows questioning of two still standing pillars of Nazism political studies: the assumption that the racial aspect of nazi ideology enjoyed a relatively monolithic interpretation within the nazi movement; and the assumption that, after the conquest of power, the nazi Party-State conspired to unilaterally impose such “ideological dogma”, both in theory and practice, on German University and German society. Rather than confirm these oft-repeated conventions, we uncover a much more complex, dialectical and dynamic mesh of relationships involving ideology, pseudoscience and racial science within the nazi movement and under the nazi regime.

Resumo O artigo aduz, organiza e interpreta uma teia de evidências histórico-empíricas que permitem questionar dois pressupostos historicamente estruturantes dos estudos políticos sobre o Nazismo: o pressuposto segundo o qual a vertente racial da ideologia nazi gozava de uma interpretação relativamente monolítica no seio do respectivo movimento; e o pressuposto segundo o qual, após a tomada do poder, o Partido-Estado nazi teria avançado para uma imposição unilateral desse “dogma ideológico”, na teoria e na prática, à Universidade e à sociedade alemãs. No lugar dessas teses, descobrimos uma malha de relações muito mais complexa, dialéctica e dinâmica entre ideologia, pseudociência e ciência racial no seio do movimento e sob o regime nazis.