ABSTRACT In Colombia, labour law seeks to prevent and punish harassment at work, understood as "persistent and demonstrable" conduct with the purpose of undermining the dignity of the worker. Likewise, criminal law criminalises sexual harassment, understood as the act of using one's superiority for non-consensual sexual purposes. This criminal offence seeks to protect freedom, integrity and sexual training. This article analyses, using a gender perspective, the fragmentation that has occurred so far as a result of this double regulation in scenarios of sexual harassment in the workplace and which the Congress of the Republic seeks to remedy with the issuing of Act 2365, 2024. We present six tensions or points in common between labour and criminal regulations. We conclude the article by proposing three lines of research: (1) on the barriers to access to justice for sexual harassment, (2) to continue feminist dogmatic research and (3) on the forms of control in labour settings.

RESUMEN En Colombia, el derecho laboral busca prevenir y sancionar el acoso laboral, entendido como una conducta "persistente y demostrable" con el propósito de cercenar la dignidad del trabajador. Asimismo, el derecho penal tipifica el acoso sexual, comprendido como el hecho de querer valerse de la superioridad con fines sexuales no consentidos. Este tipo penal busca proteger la libertad, la integridad y la formación sexual. Este artículo analiza, utilizando una perspectiva de género, la fragmentación que se ha presentado hasta ahora a raíz de esta doble regulación en escenarios de acoso sexual laboral y que el Congreso de la República busca subsanar con la expedición de la Ley 2365 de 2024. Presentamos seis tensiones o puntos en común entre las regulaciones laborales y penales. Concluimos el artículo proponiendo tres líneas de investigación: (1) sobre las barreras de acceso a la justicia del acoso sexual, (2) continuar la investigación dogmática feminista y (3) sobre las formas de control en escenarios laborales.

RESUMEN Introducción: Las patologías tiroideas se encuentran entre los trastornos endocrinológicos más frecuentes reportados durante el embarazo, en parte debido a los cambios fisiológicos que ocurren generalmente en el primer trimestre y que puede llevar a la pérdida de este. Objetivo: El objetivo fue determinar la prevalencia de hipotiroidismo en mujeres con diagnóstico de aborto espontaneo en el Hospital Distrital de Presidente Franco durante el periodo 2019 a 2021. Materiales y Métodos: Estudio observacional, descriptivo, retrospectivo de corte transversal con muestreo no probabilístico de casos consecutivos, se estudiaron a todas las mujeres que tuvieron aborto espontáneo en el hospital distrital de presidente franco durante los años 2019 a 2021. Se utilizo el software estadístico Stata®12.0 para los cálculos estadísticos. Resultados: Se estudiaron a 432 mujeres que tuvieron abortos espontáneos. En dicho periodo se registró una prevalencia de 3,9%, la mayoría con hipotiroidismo subclínico con un 3,4%. El 52,9% en las edades comprendidas entre 20 a 35 años, 52,9% presentaron unión libre y 47% escolaridad primaria. El 52,9% proceden de zonas urbanas. Conclusión: Se determinó que aquellas perdidas de embarazo relacionado a hipotiroidismo corresponden con mayor frecuencia a Alto Paraná comparado con otra región de nuestro país y a nivel internacional. Además, se encontró el hipotiroidismo subclínico con mayormente en adultos jóvenes, con nivel de escolaridad primaria, la mayoría proveniente de zona rural.

ABSTRACT Introduction: Thyroid pathologies are among the most common endocrinological disorders reported during pregnancy, partly due to the physiological changes that typically occur in the first trimester, which can lead to pregnancy loss. Objective: determine the prevalence of hypothyroidism in women diagnosed with spontaneous abortion at the Hospital Distrital de Presidente Franco from 2019 to 2021. Materials and Methods: This observational, descriptive, retrospective, cross-sectional study utilized non-probabilistic sampling of consecutive cases, examining all women who experienced spontaneous abortion at the Hospital Distrital de Presidente Franco during the years 2019 to 2021. Stata®12.0 statistical software was employed for statistical calculations. Results: A total of 432 women who had miscarriages were analyzed. During this period, a prevalence of 3.9% was recorded, with most cases being subclinical hypothyroidism (3.4%). Among these, 52.9% of the 20-35 age group were in a common-law union, and 47% had completed primary school. Additionally, 52.9% were from urban areas. Conclusion: Those pregnancy losses related to hypothyroidism were determined to correspond more frequently in Alto Paraná compared to other regions of our country and internationally. Also, subclinical hypothyroidism was found in young adults, with primary schooling, most of them coming from rural areas.

Resumen: La capacidad jurídica o las instituciones del Estado de derecho (RL) se han convertido en un factor clave para el desarrollo económico inclusivo, pero las principales corrientes de la literatura involucran expectativas impulsadas teóricamente. Por lo tanto, el estudio buscó examinar el impacto de la capacidad jurídica en el desarrollo económico inclusivo en la región de la Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC). Si bien los estudios existentes se centraron en el efecto de la gobernanza en la producción nacional, el presente estudio va más allá del crecimiento al incluir indicadores de bienestar. El estudio empleó un enfoque de retardo distribuido autorregresivo (ARDL) de panel para datos de los 16 Estados miembros de la SADC de 1996 a 2019. La interpretación de los resultados y las implicaciones políticas se basan en los resultados del estimador PMG, que la prueba de Hausman consideró como el mejor y estimador más eficiente sobre la familia del grupo de medias (MG) y DFE de estimadores ARDL de panel. Los resultados del panel restringido revelan que el fortalecimiento de las instituciones del RL conduce a una mejora en el desarrollo económico inclusivo entre los Estados de la SADC. Por lo tanto, se sostiene que las leyes comerciales deben integrarse a nivel nacional e integrarse en las leyes nacionales de la SADC y que se deberían establecer tribunales comunes para dirimir los desacuerdos sobre el cumplimiento. También se propone que la SADC introduzca incentivos para aumentar la participación de los actores legales en toda la región.

Abstract: The legal capacity or, otherwise, the institutions of rule of law (RL), have become a key factor for inclusive economic development, but the main strands of the literature involve theoretically driven expectations. Therefore, the study sought to examine the impact of legal capacity on inclusive economic development in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. While extant studies focused on the effect of governance on national output, the present study goes beyond growth by including welfare indicators. The study employed a panel autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) approach for data from all 16 SADC member states from 1996 to 2019. The interpretation of results and policy implications are based on the outcomes of the pooled mean group (PMG) estimator, which was deemed by the Hausman test as the best and most efficient estimator over the MG and the DFE family of the ARDL panel estimators. The results of the restricted panel reveal that strengthening the institutions of the RL leads to an improvement in inclusive economic development among SADC states. Therefore, we argue that trade laws should be domestically integrated and embedded in SADC’s national laws, and that common courts should be set to adjudicate disagreements over compliance. We also propose that SADC introduce incentives to increase legal stakeholders' participation across the region.

Abstract The legal dimension of bioethics, known as biolaw, occupies an important place in discussions on this topic. For them to be recognized, various French bioethics legislations require a competent political authority: the civil authority whose apex is the French Constitution (FC), as the legal act and the fundamental law that establish the organization and functioning of the state. However, in the field where we touch on the human person, on the values and the fundamental principles, religious authority, such the Social Doctrine of the Church (SDC), has a role to play. This is the reference of values through which human conscience can exercise itself freely in political, social, and economic realities. Hence, what are the possible common themes between the FC and the SDC and what can personalist bioethics contribute to reconciling the two sides?

Resumen La dimensión jurídica de la bioética, denominada bioderecho, ocupa un lugar importante en los debates sobre este tema. Para que sean reconocidas, las distintas legislaciones francesas sobre bioética requieren una autoridad política competente: la autoridad civil, cuyo vértice es la Constitución francesa (CF), como acto jurídico y ley fundamental que establece la organización y el funcionamiento del Estado. Sin embargo, en el ámbito en el que tocamos a la persona humana, a los valores y a los principios fundamentales, la autoridad religiosa, como la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia (DSI), tiene un papel que desempeñar. Es la referencia de valores a través de la cual la conciencia humana puede ejercerse libremente en las realidades políticas, sociales y económicas. Así pues, ¿cuáles son los posibles temas comunes entre la CF y la DSI y qué puede aportar la bioética personalista para conciliar ambas vertientes?

Abstract: Today, it is common to hear people associate almost any abnormal weather event with climate change. However, climate change and, in general, climate, are concepts that require extremely specific information -technical knowledge-; a type of knowledge people have underestimated. Recently, the law has begun to consider the climate and climate change as facts with legal effects. Even more: the law has begun to pay attention to the relationship between climate and human rights, since this is part of the environmental conditions that make it possible -or impossible- to enjoy those rights. In particular, there is an indissoluble relationship between the human right to information and climate: if we do not have access to climate information, we simply cannot know the climate and, consequently, we cannot estimate and know the effects that it has on the way people enjoy their rights. With this in mind, this paper shows how the Mexican law establishes the State’s obligation to generate and make public the country’s climate information. Despite the above, it will be shown how this information is rather outdated, and even non-existent in some cases. For this reason, it is concluded that in Mexico the right to climate information is not fulfilled due to obsolete data and, in some regions, the non-existence of this information.

Resumen: En la actualidad, es común escuchar a las personas asociar casi cualquier evento meteorológico aparentemente anormal, con el cambio climático. Sin embargo, el cambio climático y, en general, el clima, son conceptos que requieren de información muy específica -de un conocimiento técnico- que la gente ha subestimado. Recientemente, el derecho ha empezado a contemplar el clima y el cambio climático como hechos con efectos jurídicos. Incluso aún más, el derecho ha comenzado a prestar atención a la relación entre el clima y los derechos humanos, pues este forma parte de las condiciones del ambiente que hacen posible -o imposible- el disfrute de esos derechos. En particular, existe una relación indisoluble entre el derecho humano a la información y el clima: si no tenemos acceso a la información climática, simplemente no podemos conocer el clima y, en consecuencia, no podemos estimar y conocer las afectaciones que este tiene en el disfrute de los derechos de las personas. Con esto en mente, en este trabajo se muestra cómo en el caso mexicano el derecho establece la obligación que tiene el Estado de generar y hacer pública la información climática del país. A pesar de lo anterior, se muestra cómo esa información está desactualizada e, incluso, en casos específicos, es inexistente. Por esto, se concluye que en México el derecho a la información climática no se cumple a causa de que esta se halla desactualizada o, en algunas zonas, por inexistencia de esa información.

This study proposes a methodology using OpenAlex (OA) for tracking Open Access publications in the case of Argentina, a country where a self-archiving mandate has been in effect since 2013 ( Law 26.899, 2013). A sample of 167,240 papers by researchers from the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) was created and analyzed using statistical techniques. We estimate that OA is able to capture between 85-93% of authors for all disciplines, with the exception of Social Sciences and Humanities, where it only reaches an estimated 47%. The availability of papers in Open Access was calculated to be 41% for the period 1953-2021 and 46% when considering exclusively the post-law period (2014-2021). In both periods, gold Open Access made up the most common route. When comparing equal periods post and pre-law, we observed that the upward trend of gold Open Access was pre-existing to the legislation and the availability of closed articles in repositories increased by 5% to what is estimated based on existing trends. However, while the green route has had a positive evolution, it has been the publication in gold journals that has boosted access to Argentine production more rapidly. We concluded that the OA-based methodology, piloted here for the first time, is viable for tracking Open Access in Argentina since it yields percentages similar to other national and international studies.

En este estudio se propone una metodología utilizando OpenAlex (OA) para monitorear el acceso abierto (AA) a las publicaciones científicas para el caso de Argentina, país donde rige el mandato de autoarchivo -Ley 26.899 (2013)-. Se conformó una muestra con 167.240 artículos de investigadores del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) que se analizaron con técnicas estadísticas. Se estimó que OA puede representar entre 85-93% de los autores para todas las disciplinas, excepto Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, donde solo alcanza al 47%. Se calculó que 41% de los artículos publicados entre 1953-2021 incluidos en la fuente están en AA, porcentaje que sube a 46% al considerar exclusivamente el periodo post ley (2014-2021). En ambos periodos es la vía dorada la que representa mayor proporción. Al comparar periodos iguales post y pre ley, se observó que la tendencia en alza de la vía dorada era preexistente a la legislación y la disponibilidad de artículos cerrados en repositorios aumentó un 5% a lo que se estima en base a tendencias existentes. Se concluye que si bien  la vía verde ha tenido una evolución positiva, ha sido la publicación en revistas doradas lo que ha impulsado más rápidamente el acceso a la producción argentina. Asimismo, que la metodología basada en OA, piloteada aquí por primera vez, es viable para monitorear el AA en Argentina ya que arroja porcentajes similares a otros estudios nacionales e internacionales.

Resumen: Este trabajo describió un procedimiento espectrofotométrico simple y sensible para estimar el clorhidrato de fenilefrina en estado puro y en sus formas farmacéuticas usando ácido sulfanílico diazotado como agente de acoplamiento en medio alcalino de solución de carbonato de sodio. El colorante azoico amarillo resultante mostró un máximo de absorción a 441 nm. El gráfico de calibración fue lineal y compatible con el mínimo de Beer en el intervalo de concentración de 0.2-20 µg/mL con determinación del coeficiente (r2=0.9996). Los valores de absortividad molar y la sensibilidad del índice de Sandell fueron calculados y fueron de 8.51×103 l/mol.cm y 0 0239 µg/cm2, respectivamente. Los valores del límite de detección (LOD), el límite de cuantificación (LOQ) y el rango del porcentaje de error relativo se estimaron y resultaron ser 0.0050, 0.0166 µg/mL y -0.374 % a -0.147 %, respectivamente. También se calculó la precisión (representada por RSD) y se encontró que estaba en el rango de ±0.037 a ±0.28. El procedimiento sugerido fue útil con éxito para el ensayo de clorhidrato de fenilefrina en inyección, gotas y jarabes. No se observaron interferencias de los aditivos comunes que se encuentran en las preparaciones farmacéuticas. El color amarillo del producto fue muy estable y no mostró cambios significativos en la absorbancia hasta los 60 min.

Abstract: This work described a simple and sensitive spectrophotometric procedure for estimating phenylephrine hydrochloride in pure and in its pharmaceutical using diazotized sulphanilic acid as a coupling agent in alkaline medium of sodium carbonate solution. The resulting yellow azo-dye displayed an absorption maximum at 441 nm. The calibration graph was linear and compatible to Beer's law over the concentration range 0.2-20 µg/mL with coefficient estimated (r2=0.9996). The values of molar absorptivity and the sensitivity of Sandell's index were calculated and equal to 8.51×103 l/mol.cm and0.0239 µg/cm2, respectively. The values of detection limit (LOD), quantification limit (LOQ) and the range of relative error percentage were estimated and found to be 0.0050, 0.0166 µg/mL and -0.374% to -0.147%, respectively. The precision (represented by RSD) was also calculated and found to be in the range ±0.037 to ±0.28. The suggested procedure was useful successfully to the assay of phenylephrine hydrochloride in injection, drops and syrups. No interferences were observed from common additives found in pharmaceutical preparations. The yellow color of the product was highly stable and did not show a significant change in absorbance up to 60 min.

ABSTRACT What is the political agenda that animates, justifies, and legitimizes resource extractivism in the context of sustainability transformations and climate action enhanced? This is a question of growing relevance across geographies and sectors of activity that we aim to address from the Latin American countryside. To this end, we start with a discussion on the political economy and ecology of contemporary agrarian extractivism. Then, we turn to examine the role of diverse state and social actors in the rise of agroextractivism for climate stewardship in Bolivia, Guatemala, and Paraguay. In Bolivia, the alliance of Evo Morales with diverse classes of capital and reliance on the extractive economy ultimately led to his downfall as he lost support from his social bases and was unwilling to give up state power. The rise of the flex sugarcane and oil palm complexes in Guatemala since the mid-2000s relies on the new political agenda of ‘authoritarian corporate populism’. This involves political concessions to the underprivileged through public grants and multistakeholder governance, as in conventional populist political regimes. But additionally, authoritarian corporate populism involves concessions to working people and the environment in the private production realm. Violence, however, remains foundational to this political agenda, even if it is now cloaked in the rule of law. In Paraguay, the fierce rejection of Fernando Lugo’s tepid attempts to regulate the agribusiness sector culminated in a “parliamentary coup” orchestrated by the landlord class and preceded by spectacular acts of violence against peasants. The coup paved the way for the continuing expansion of an agroextractive export model characterized by the adoption of new genetically modified soy varieties, recurring state violence, and increasing campesino and indigenous dispossession and marginalization. Following the three country-analysis we discuss how the alliance among state actors, elites and agroextractivist capital, including through multistakeholder initiatives, have limited the transformative potential of progressive governments to improve the living conditions of the working people. In so doing, the triple alliance relies on the traditional strategies of influencing regulatory frameworks and legitimizing discourses. But it also relies on new political strategies that combine the manufacturing of popular consent to the agroextractivist order with violence and selective repression cloaked in the rule of law. We conclude stressing how the ´green´ ecomodernist turn of the agroextractivist agenda shifts attention away from the paradox of increasing the use of natural resources to cool down the planet. Rather, it privileges the sort of technical-administrative innovations that various flex crops complexes require to reproduce their necessary natural and social conditions of production of bioenergy and biomaterials for ‘the common good.’

RESUMEN ¿Cuál es la agenda política que anima, justifica y legitima el extractivismo de recursos en el marco de las transformaciones hacia la creciente sustentabilidad y la acción climática? Esta es una cuestión de creciente relevancia a nivel mundial y multisectorial a la que buscamos ofrecer respuestas desde el campo latinoamericano. Para ello comenzamos con un debate sobre la economía y la ecología política del extractivismo agrario contemporáneo. Después examinamos el papel de diversos actores estatales y sociales tras el auge del agroextractivismo en la acción climática en Bolivia, Guatemala y Paraguay. En Bolivia, las alianzas de Evo Morales con diversas clases de capital y su dependencia de la economía extractiva acabaron provocando su caída al perder el apoyo de sus bases y no estar dispuesto a renunciar al poder del Estado. El auge reciente de los complejos de cultivos comodín de la caña de azúcar y la palma aceitera en Guatemala se asienta sobre la nueva agenda del ‘populismo corporativo autoritario.’ Esta conlleva concesiones políticas a las personas más desfavorecidas a través de transferencias públicas y de sistemas de gobernanza multiparte, como en el caso de los regímenes políticos populistas convencionales. Pero además el populismo corporativo autoritario implica concesiones a las clases trabajadoras y al medio ambiente en el ámbito productivo privado. La violencia, sin embargo, sigue siendo clave en esta agenda política del poder, aun si ahora se legitima bajo la defensa del Estado de Derecho. En Paraguay, el feroz rechazo a los intentos de Fernando Lugo para regular el agronegocio culminó en un ‘golpe parlamentario’ orquestado por la clase terrateniente y precedido por violencia extrema contra el campesinado. El golpe facilitó la expansión de un modelo agroextractivo caracterizado por la adopción de nuevas variedades de soja genéticamente modificadas, la violencia estatal y el despojo y marginación de la población campesina e indígena. Tras este análisis por países planteamos una discusión mas general sobre cómo las alianzas entre actores estatales, elites y capital agroextractivo, incluyendo a través de iniciativas de gobernanza multiparte, han debilitado el potencial transformador de gobiernos progresistas para mejorar las condiciones de vida de las y los trabajadores. Con este fin, la triple alianza no sólo recurre a las tradicionales estrategias de influencia sobre marcos normativos y discursos legitimadores, sino también a nuevas estrategias políticas que combinan la generación de consentimiento popular al orden agroextractivista con la violencia y represión selectiva amparada en la defensa del Estado de Derecho. Concluimos subrayando cómo el giro ecomodernista 'verde' en la agenda politica del agroextractivismo desplaza la atención de la paradoja del creciente uso de recursos naturales para enfriar el planeta hacia las innovaciones técnico-administrativas que requieren diversos complejos corporativos de cultivos comodín para reproducir sus condiciones naturales y sociales de producción de bioenergía y biomateriales por ‘el bien común.’

Resumo O presente artigo é resultado de uma análise comparada entre as diversas espécies de sistemas eleitorais, com o fim de estabelecer as bases para uma justiça eleitoral. São estudadas as principais características de sistemas eleitorais, no que diz respeito às suas funções normativas, executivas e jurisdicionais, bem como a independência e autonomia entre elas; à sua alocação em uma das três esferas de poder estatal; ao recrutamento, à carreira e às prerrogativas dos membros que a integram; e aos princípios fundamentais e diretrizes que orientam suas decisões. O objeto da pesquisa contempla direitos nacionais representativos de sistemas jurídicos de influência do common law e do civil law e, com lastro em normas internacionais, a justiça eleitoral é situada como uma instituição indispensável para a salvaguarda de direitos fundamentais, sob a ótica dos direitos humanos. De modo qualitativo, com suporte legislativo e doutrinário, enseja-se uma exposição e a reflexão sobre as conformações da justiça eleitoral, seus estândares mínimos e o papel que ela desempenha na manutenção de uma democracia. eleitorais normativas jurisdicionais elas estatal recrutamento integram decisões internacionais humanos qualitativo doutrinário ensejase enseja se democracia

Abstract This article is the result of a comparative analysis of the various types of electoral systems, with the aim of establishing the foundations of electoral justice. The main characteristics of electoral systems are studied in terms of their normative, executive and adjudicative functions, as well the independence and autonomy among them; the allocation of such functions to one of the three spheres of state power; the recruitment, career and prerogatives of their members; and the main principles and guidelines orienting their decisions. The research is focused on national rights representative of legal systems influenced by common law and civil law. Based on international norms, electoral justice is contextualized as an indispensable mechanism of safeguarding fundamental rights from a human rights perspective. With a qualitative approach, supported by legislation and legal doctrine, the paper presents and reflects on the forms of electoral justice, its minimum standards, and the role played by such justice in the maintenance of a democracy. The research is focused on the subject of national rights representative of legal systems influenced by common law and civil law; with support from international norms, electoral justice is contextualized as an indispensable institution to safeguard fundamental rights from the perspective of human rights. In a qualitative approach, with support from legislative and doctrinal texts, the article provides an exposition and reflection on the forms of electoral justice, the minimum standards and the role played by such justice in maintaining a democracy. normative them power recruitment members decisions norms approach doctrine democracy texts

Education systems are shaped by various internal and external contextual forces (De Beer, 2017). External contextual trends typically include language, demography, geography, technology, politics, and financial and economic trends. Religion represents one of these external contextual trends that can affect an education system (see Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010; Wolhuter & Van der Walt, 2018). Making use of established metabletic-comparative methodology, this article seeks to highlight the impact of religion as a formative factor of education in the BRICS countries. Religion is treated significantly differently in the education systems of the BRICS member states. In schools in India and China, no religious activities are allowed in accordance with the respective constitutions, while any religious activities may take place in schools in Brazil, Russia and South Africa, provided that the activities comply with particular guidelines. Broadly considered, any religious activities are conducted in primary schools in Brazil, provided that attendance is voluntary. Religion in Brazilian schools is influenced by the strong position of the Roman Catholic faith in Brazilian society, which could potentially be detrimental to minority groups in Brazil (Senefonte, 2018:440). Learners in Russia, according to Russian law, are free to choose for themselves the religious module in which they wish to receive education. Schools in Russia do not, however, always implement this legislation correctly, since a school's resources actually determine which module the learners should take. The manner in which religion is being dealt with, causes unhappiness among learners and parents as they do not really have freedom of choice regarding the religious module in which they wish to receive instruction (Zöllner, 2016). The legislation in China clearly states that no religious activities may take place in public schools, yet the ruling party of China intends to enshrine tenets of atheism in learners in schools (Vickers, 2022; Wang & Froese, 2020). Compared to the other BRICS member states, China has the most officially, constitutionally recognised ethnic groups. In terms of legislation and policy formulations, the ethnic minority groups obtain various benefits in terms of education. The wide variety of ethnic groupings poses various challenges to the government of China as the views of all these groups in the education system have to be taken into account. Various documents, including the South African Schools Act 76 of 1996, and other education policies provide clear guidelines as to how religion ought to be dealt with in South African schools. In South Africa, learners are taught various major deities worldwide. All learners in South Africa are exposed to the concept of religion through the subject Life Orientation (Grades 7-12). Teachers in South Africaface the challenge of respecting all kinds of religions and not preaching their own views on a religion. This challenge of respecting all religions can result in conflict in schools, as learners may feel that they will be discriminated against if one type of religion is singled out, for example during assembly. This underscores the role and value of South African teachers in inculcating citizenship values (see Wolhuter, Janmaat, Van der Walt & Potgieter, 2020). The Government of India faces opposition from minority groups with regard to religion in schools as the socio-political hegemony religion is especially preferred in terms of the drafting of academic textbooks (Traub, 2018). This preferential treatment of a particular religion is contrary to the Indian constitution, as no single religion may be singled out, nor should any religion be discriminated against (Majumdar, 2018). The preference given to a particular religion in textbooks can result in a negative impact on the education system of India. The analysis and interpretation show that there is still a close relationship between religion and education in the BRICS countries. However, all five BRICS member states face different problems regarding religion and each of the five member states also deals with its problems differently. This conclusion is now unpacked in this summary, and in detail defended in the ensuing full text. In terms of dealing with religion, South Africa appears to be more tolerant than Brazil, Russia, India and China, although this tolerance still causes more problems for the South African government, in the sense of opposition from various adherents of a wide variety of faith groupings who would like schools to play a role in strengthening the religious beliefs of their children. Several court cases have been fought in South Africa as schools struggle to accommodate the wishes of all religious groups in South Africa (see Nthontho, 2020). In contrast to forces in all the BRICS countries trying to separate religion and (public) education, the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, the proto-charter of Human Rights Charters in the contemporary world, Article 26 states that everyone has the right to education, education should be oriented towards the total development of the child's personality, and that parents have a preferential right to decide on the type of education their children should receive. The BRICS member states can learn from each other how to deal with religion in schools, even though none have yet managed to deal satisfactorily with religion in education. The common factor among all five BRICS countries is that religion is used again and again (consciously or unconsciously) to reinforce political or ideological hegemony. It seems that the shortcoming in all these countries is pointing to a lack of recognition of the place and role of religion in the lives of their citizens and that secular-political objectives, notably the forcing of official ideological hegemony, as well as the achievement of national unity above the full recognition of religious freedom, are also stated in the education system and in citizens 'choice of the kind of religious education of their children. As a result, the role of religion in creating a strong moral fibre for a society therefore never seems to come into its own. Moreover, judging by the United Nations Charter's Human Rights provisions on education, educative education (incl. teaching and learning), in accordance with its full scope of semantic value, does not currently come into its own. The same seems to be the case as regards the human right to parental advocacy with respect to religious education. The experience of the BRICS countries in terms of religion-in-education shows that it is sensible and even necessary, for example, along the path of enlarged parental speech in education and school autonomy, to allow more room for religious freedom in education. The BRICS countries are currently being proposed as the leading grouping of the Global South in a new formative world order. Against this background, current trends regarding religion-in-education in these countries therefore probably represent a bold example. However, it should nonetheless be denounced by the academic community and better examples should subsequently be extracted and presented from other national education systems from future research.

'n Onderwysstelsel word deur verskeie samelewingskontekstuele kragte gevorm. Hierdie kontekstuele faktore sluit taal, demografie, geografie, tegnologie, politiek en finansiële en ekonomiese tendense in. Godsdiens is een van die laasgenoemde tendense wat 'n onderwys-stelsel kan beïnvloed. Die BRICS-organisasie bestaan uit Brasilië, Rusland, Indië, Sjina en Suid-Afrika en is 'n supra-nasionale blok wat baie aandag in die openbare sowel as akademiese diskoers oor internasionale politiek en maatskaplike kwessies trek (De Beer, 2017). Godsdiens word wyd geag as 'n omstrede en sensitiewe faktor in onderwysstelsels (sien Van der Walt, Potgieter & Wolhuter, 2010). In hierdie artikel word godsdiens as vormgewende faktor van die onderwysstelsels in die BRICS-lande ondersoek, om die waarde daarvan as 'n aanskouingsles vir Suid-Afrika en ander lande te bepaal. Die BRICS-lidlande is doelbewus vir hierdie navorsing gekies weens die besondere waarde van hierdie lande as vertoonvenster van onderwysstelsels se antwoord op samelewingstendense van die een-en-twintigste eeu. Dokumentontleding is uitgevoer ten opsigte van beleidsdokumente, wetgewing, artikels en staatspublikasies, ten einde inligting in te samel. In die verwerking en interpretasie van inligting is die metableties-vergelykende metode gebruik ten einde beste praktyke ten opsigte van die hantering van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels vanuit die BRICS-lidlande te identifiseer. Die ondersoek het ernstige tekortkominge in al die BRICS-lande se hantering van godsdiens in onderwys aan die lig gebring. Nie een van die lande se beleid of praktyk slaag die toets, soos gemeet aan die Verenigde Nasies se Handves van Menseregte nie. Die noodsaak van voortgesette navorsing oor die plek van godsdiens in die onderwysstelsels van die wêreld word ten slotte verduidelik.

Resumen El objetivo general de este artículo desde la perspectiva del derecho ambiental es resaltar los problemas ambientales cada vez más presentes en Brasil, que surgen como consecuencia del incumplimiento de las disposiciones constitucionales brasileñas y de los instrumentos de protección internacional. El propósito de la investigación consistió en examinar cómo el sistema legal brasileño ha tratado y brindado protección al medio ambiente desde la perspectiva del principio de alteridad propuesto por Lévinas, en que se considera fundamental la importancia de reconocer el medio ambiente como un recurso transgeneracional. Además, se pretende examinar la imperativa reflexión sobre la preservación de ‘nuestra casa común’, tal como lo plantea Laudato Si, la carta encíclica del Santo Papa Francisco. Con el fin de alcanzar tal objetivo, se realizó una revisión de investigaciones bibliográficas y legislación, aplicando el enfoque del método hipotético-deductivo. Como resultado, se demuestra de manera concluyente la urgente necesidad de poner en práctica la alteridad. Sin lugar a dudas, se llega a la deducción de que el actual sistema capitalista debe ser afrontado directamente, dado que, debido a la cultura del egoísmo y la falta de responsabilidad, ya es posible observar el inicio de la escasez de los recursos naturales que son indispensables para la vida, especialmente para la vida humana. Brasil internacional Lévinas transgeneracional Además nuestra común, común , común’ Si Francisco legislación hipotéticodeductivo. hipotéticodeductivo hipotético deductivo. deductivo hipotético-deductivo resultado dudas directamente responsabilidad humana

Abstract From the perspective of environmental law, this article has the general objective of highlighting the increasingly prevalent environmental issues that arise as a result of the non-compliance with Brazilian constitutional provisions, as well as international protective measures. The study aimed to analyze how the Brazilian legal system has addressed and provided protection to the environment from the standpoint of the alterity principle proposed by Lévinas, considering the importance of viewing the environment as a transgenerational resource. Additionally, it seeks to examine the need to reflect on the care of “our common home,” as prescribed by Laudato Si, the encyclical letter of Pope Francis. To achieve this, a review of bibliographic research and legislation was conducted, using a hypothetical-deductive approach. As a result, it conclusively demonstrates the urgent need to practice alterity. Without a doubt, the conclusion is reached that the current capitalist system must be directly confronted, as, due to the culture of selfishness and a lack of responsibility, it is already possible to observe the beginning of the scarcity of natural resources that are essential for life, especially human life. law noncompliance non compliance provisions measures Lévinas resource Additionally our home, home Si Francis conducted hypotheticaldeductive hypothetical deductive approach doubt confronted responsibility life

Resumo O objetivo geral deste artigo, a partir de uma perspectiva do direito ambiental, é destacar os problemas ambientais cada vez mais presentes no Brasil, que surgem como consequência do descumprimento das disposições constitucionais brasileiras e dos instrumentos internacionais de proteção. O propósito da pesquisa foi examinar como o sistema legal brasileiro tem tratado e assegurado a proteção do meio ambiente a partir da perspectiva do princípio da alteridade proposto por Lévinas, no qual se considera fundamental a importância do reconhecimento do meio ambiente como um recurso transgeracional. Além disso, pretende-se examinar a reflexão imperativa sobre a preservação de “nossa casa comum”, conforme estabelecido pela Laudato Si, a carta encíclica do Papa Francisco. Para alcançar esse objetivo, foi realizada uma revisão da pesquisa bibliográfica e da legislação, aplicando a abordagem do método hipotético-dedutivo. Como resultado, a necessidade urgente de colocar a alteridade em prática é demonstrada de maneira conclusiva. Não há dúvidas de que se pode inferir que o atual sistema capitalista deve ser confrontado diretamente, pois, diante da cultura do egoísmo e da falta de responsabilidade, já é possível observar o início da escassez dos recursos naturais indispensáveis à vida, especialmente à vida humana. artigo ambiental Brasil Lévinas transgeracional disso pretendese pretende nossa comum, comum , comum” Si Francisco legislação hipotéticodedutivo. hipotéticodedutivo hipotético dedutivo. dedutivo hipotético-dedutivo resultado conclusiva diretamente pois responsabilidade humana

Abstract This article introduces one of the first feminist judgment projects in Brazil, explaining the methodology used, the expected objectives and presenting the judgments that make up the present dossier. Feminist judgment projects have been developed in the country and around the world and, in common, they all adopt the methodology of rewriting, from one or more feminist perspectives, judicial decisions rendered in real cases, observing all the factual and legal limitations present on the date of the judgment. These projects aim to contribute to the construction of a new critical understanding of law from the perspectives of flesh-and-blood subjects embedded in hierarchical social structures. Thus, we expose the reality of the institutions that make up the current justice systems, still tainted by many stereotypes, including gendered ones. Brazil used dossier common rewriting cases fleshandblood flesh blood structures Thus systems stereotypes ones

Resumo Esse artigo apresenta um dos primeiros projetos de julgamentos feministas no Brasil, explicando a metodologia empregada, expondo os objetivos esperados e comentando os julgamentos que compõem o presente dossiê. Projetos de julgamentos feministas vem sendo desenvolvidos no país e mundo afora e, em comum, todos adotam a metodologia de reescrever, a partir de uma ou mais perspectivas feministas, decisões judiciais prolatadas em casos reais observando todas as limitações factuais e legais presentes na data do julgamento. Esses projetos têm por objetivo contribuir para a construção de uma nova compreensão crítica sobre o direito a partir das perspectivas de sujeitas de carne e osso inseridas em estruturas sociais hierarquizadas. Assim, expomos como a realidade das instituições que compõem os sistemas de justiça atuais ainda está marcada por estereótipos diversos, inclusive de gênero. Brasil empregada dossiê comum reescrever julgamento hierarquizadas Assim diversos gênero

Resumen La región del semiárido brasileño es el nuevo destino del capital global en energías renovables, frente a la crisis ambiental. Este hecho trae como consecuencia la expansión de las bases de acumulación de capital: extracción de plusvalía de la fuerza de trabajo, acaparamiento de tierras de campesinos y concentración de tierras. Para discutir esa problemática, los objetivos del presente texto son: a) señalar las nuevas particularidades de la cuestión agraria frente la expansión de parques eólicos; b) analizar el proceso de desposesión de tierras de los agricultores; y c) presentar la relación de los contratos de arrendamiento con la renta de la tierra. Para eso, realizamos una revisión de literatura respecto a los temas de privatización de los bienes comunes, en particular de las tierras para la producción de energía eólica, buscando explicar como la privatización de bienes comunes, particularmente la fuerza de los vientos, implica estrategias legales de reducción de derechos y de servicios básicos a derechos exclusivos de propiedad privada. La “acumulación por desposesión”, concepto formulado porDavid Harley (2011) y aplicado porMariana Traldi (2019) en el análisis de la expansión de la energía eólica en Brasil, implica apropiación por el capital de extensas áreas con el pretexto de garantizar el “desarrollo sostenible”, el enfrentamiento a la “crisis hídrica” o una “agenda verde”. El artículo parte de la hipótesis de que la implantación de los parques eólicos en Brasil pasa por acaparamiento de tierras bajo el control del derecho de explotación económica de estas y se inserta en un nuevo movimiento de reconcentración de tierras. Al final, dibujamos propuestas de cambio del marco normativo de la energía eólica. renovables ambiental trabajo problemática son b agricultores c tierra eso comunes vientos privada desposesión, , desposesión” 2011 (2011 2019 (2019 desarrollo sostenible, sostenible sostenible” hídrica agenda verde. verde . verde” final 201 (201 20 (20 2 (2 (

Abstract The leasing of land for wind power production is the subject analyzed in this work, precisely the control exercised by multinationals of the exploration rights from peasants’ lands. Taking in consideration that the semi-arid region of Brazil is the new destination for the global capital in renewable energies, given the environmental crises, the research presents its relevance for the study of wind farms. The main problem is that this expansion copies the foundations of the primitive accumulation of capital: extraction of surplus value from the labor force, land grabbing of peasants and land concentration. The goals go from pointing out the new singularities of the agrarian situation in face of the expansion of wind farms to analyze the process of dispossession of land from farmers and to show the link between lease contracts and land profit. The theses ofDavid Harvey (2011) andMariana Traldi (2019), in which they aim to explain how the privatization of common goods, particularly of the wind force, involves the use of legal strategies that reduce rights and basic services on the common good to exclusive rights of Private propriety, were used. “Accumulation by dispossession,” for Harvey, and its “green” version, for Traldi, imply the appropriation by capital of large areas of land on the pretext of ensuring “sustainable development,” the fight against the “water crisis” or a “green agenda.” Therefore, we investigate the hypothesis that the implementation of wind farms in Brazil involves the storage of land under the control of the economic exploitation rights of the farmers over their land and that this is included in a new movement of land reconcentration. work lands semiarid semi arid energies crises force concentration profit 2011 (2011 2019, 2019 , (2019) goods propriety used Accumulation dispossession, green version sustainable development, development water crisis agenda. agenda Therefore reconcentration 201 (201 (2019 20 (20 2 (2 (

Resumo O semiárido brasileiro é o novo destino do capital global em energias renováveis, diante da crise ambiental. Esse fato traz como consequência a expansão das bases da acumulação de capital: extração de mais-valor da força de trabalho, apossamento de terras dos camponeses e concentração fundiária. Para discutir essa problemática, os objetivos do presente texto são: a) apontar as novas particularidades da questão agrária ante a expansão dos parques eólicos; b) analisar o processo de desapossamento de terras dos agricultores; e c) apresentar a relação dos contratos de arrendamento com a renda da terra. Para isso, realizamos uma revisão de literatura sobre os temas da privatização dos bens comuns, em particular das terras para a produção de energia eólica, buscando explicar como a privatização sobre bens comuns, particularmente a força dos ventos, implica estratégias legais de redução de direitos e de serviços básicos a direitos exclusivos de propriedade privada. A “acumulação por despossessão”, conceito cunhado por David Harvey (2011) e aplicado por Mariana Traldi (2019) na análise da expansão da energia eólica no Brasil, implica apropriação pelo capital de extensas áreas a pretexto de se assegurar o “desenvolvimento sustentável”, o combate à “crise hídrica” ou uma “agenda verde”. O artigo parte da hipótese de que a implantação dos parques eólicos no Brasil passa por estocagem de terras sob o controle do direito de exploração econômica destas e insere-se em um novo movimento de reconcentração fundiária. Ao final, esboçamos propostas de modificação do marco legal da energia eólica. renováveis ambiental maisvalor mais valor trabalho fundiária problemática são b agricultores c terra isso comuns ventos privada despossessão, despossessão , despossessão” 2011 (2011 2019 (2019 desenvolvimento sustentável, sustentável sustentável” hídrica agenda verde. verde . verde” inserese insere final 201 (201 20 (20 2 (2 (

Abstract Objective To analyze marital outcomes, divorce or separation, and its association with demographic, socioeconomic, and clinicopathological factors among breast cancer (BC) survivors after 2-years of diagnosis. Methods We performed a retrospective analysis of marital status at baseline and at years 1 and 2 of follow-up of women aged ≥ 18 years diagnosed with invasive BC participating in the AMAZONA III (GBECAM0115) study. The BC diagnosis occurred between January 2016 and March 2018 at 23 institutions in Brazil. Results Of the 2974 women enrolled in AMAZONA III, 599 were married or living under common law at baseline. Divorce or separation occurred in 35 (5.8%) patients at 2 years of follow-up. In the multivariate analysis, public health insurance coverage was associated with a higher risk of marital status change (8.25% vs. 2.79%, RR 3.09, 95% CI 1.39 - 7.03, p = 0.007). Women who underwent mastectomy, adenomastectomy or skin-sparing mastectomy were associated with a higher risk of divorce or separation (8.1% vs. 4.49%, RR 1.97, 95 CI 1.04 – 3.72, p = 0.0366) than those who underwent breast-conserving surgery. Conclusion Women covered by the public health system and those who underwent mastectomy, adenomastectomy or skin-sparing mastectomy were associated with a higher risk of divorce or separation. This evidence further supports the idea that long-term marital stability is associated with a complex interplay between socioeconomic conditions and stressors, such as BC diagnosis and treatment. ClinicalTrials Registration: NCT02663973. outcomes demographic (BC 2years followup follow up GBECAM0115 GBECAM (GBECAM0115 study 201 Brazil 297 59 3 5.8% 58 5 8 (5.8% followup. up. 8.25% 825 25 (8.25 vs 279 79 2.79% 309 09 3.09 139 39 1.3 703 7 03 7.03 0.007. 0007 0.007 . 0 007 0.007) skinsparing skin sparing 8.1% 81 (8.1 449 4 49 4.49% 197 97 1.97 9 104 04 1.0 372 72 3.72 0.0366 00366 0366 breastconserving conserving surgery longterm long term stressors treatment Registration NCT02663973 NCT GBECAM011 (GBECAM011 20 29 5.8 (5.8 8.25 82 (8.2 27 2.79 30 3.0 13 1. 70 7.0 000 0.00 00 8.1 (8. 44 4.49 19 1.9 10 37 3.7 0.036 0036 036 NCT0266397 GBECAM01 (GBECAM01 5. (5. 8.2 2.7 3. 7. 0.0 8. (8 4.4 0.03 003 NCT026639 GBECAM0 (GBECAM0 (5 2. 0. ( 4. NCT02663 (GBECAM NCT0266 NCT026 NCT02 NCT0

ABSTRACT Findings: This article sought to answer the influence of marital status (considering people married or in a common-law marriage vs. single, separated, and divorced individuals) on the consumer’s perception of attributes of food delivery applications (FDAs). The attributes analyzed were price, convenience, usability, various food choices, and trustworthiness. The results demonstrate differences between the groups, with single, separated, and divorced individuals emphasizing perceptions of the FDA attributes usability and price. Purpose: This research aims to identify the influence of marital status on the attributes’ perception of food delivery applications (FDA) by Brazilian consumers, considering convenience, price, usability, various food choices, and trustworthiness. Methodology: This quantitative research study is based on a survey with a sample of 348 Brazilian FDA users, applying exploratory factor analysis (EFA). Theoretical contributions: The study extends the theory on m-commerce and FDAs, as well as managerial implications for companies in the food delivery sector. Armed with such knowledge, marketing managers can develop strategies focusing on specific interest groups according to marital status, considering the attributes of greatest value for each segment. Relevance/Originality: The increase in FDA consumption has attracted the attention of the most diverse market segments. This study brings light to new propositions concerning purchase habits by specific groups, reinforcing the need to improve communication between company and user, counting on resources such as customization and segmentation to optimize the use of apps. Findings commonlaw common law vs single separated consumers consumer s FDAs. FDAs . (FDAs) price convenience choices trustworthiness Purpose (FDA Methodology 34 users EFA. EFA (EFA) contributions mcommerce m commerce sector knowledge segment Relevance/Originality RelevanceOriginality Relevance Originality segments user apps (FDAs 3 (EFA

RESUMO Objetivo: Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo identificar a influência do estado civil na percepção dos atributos dos aplicativos de delivery de comida (ADC) pelos consumidores brasileiros, considerando conveniência, preço, usabilidade, diversas escolhas alimentares e confiabilidade. Metodologia: Esta pesquisa quantitativa é baseada em uma pesquisa realizada com uma amostra de 348 usuários brasileiros de ADC, aplicando análise fatorial exploratória (AFE) Resultados: Este artigo buscou responder a influência do estado civil (considerando pessoas casadas ou em união estável vs. indivíduos solteiros, separados e divorciados) na percepção do consumidor sobre atributos de aplicativos de delivery de comida (ADCs).Os atributos analisados foram preço, conveniência, usabilidade, diversas opções alimentares e confiabilidade. Os resultados demonstram diferenças entre os grupos, com indivíduos solteiros, separados e divorciados enfatizando as percepções dos atributos usabilidade e preço. Contribuições teóricas: O estudo amplia a teoria sobre m-commerce e ADCs, bem como implicações gerenciais para empresas do setor de entrega de alimentos. Munidos desse conhecimento, os gestores de marketing podem desenvolver estratégias com foco em grupos de interesse específicos de acordo com o estado civil, considerando os atributos de maior valor para cada segmento. Relevância/Originalidade: O aumento do consumo de ADCs tem atraído a atenção dos mais diversos segmentos de mercado. Este estudo traz à tona novas proposições sobre hábitos de compra por grupos específicos, reforçando a necessidade de melhorar a comunicação entre empresa e usuário, contando com recursos como customização e segmentação para otimizar o uso de aplicativos. Objetivo ADC (ADC conveniência preço confiabilidade Metodologia 34 AFE (AFE Resultados vs solteiros ADCs.Os ADCsOs .Os teóricas mcommerce m commerce alimentos conhecimento segmento Relevância/Originalidade RelevânciaOriginalidade Relevância Originalidade mercado usuário 3