Abstract Forty years after the beginning of the transition in Argentina and 50 years after the Chilean coup d'état, this article analyzes the sexual violence against women implemented in clandestine detention centers (CDCs) as political, terrorist, and genocidal violence. Through a qualitative approach to the testimonies of former political prisoners, this paper aims to understand sexual violence against women in the experiences of concentration camps as a specific form of violence within the framework of conservative reconstructions of the civil-military dictatorships in Argentina and Chile. This violence, which was a total patriarchal act, not only sought to punish and discipline “deviant” female militants, but also to harm militant men. Likewise, it was established as a permanent threat against female detainees and a way of suppressing change and subjective, cultural, and social subversions, which, in parallel or as part of the political experience, developed in the countries of the Latin American Southern Cone. It is argued that sexual violence is a form of terrorism and genocide, since it projects terror into a specific group of the population and seeks to annul the possibility of being a woman when she breaks with the sacralized mandates of the patriarchal order.

Resumen A raíz de que se cumplen 40 años del inicio de la transición en Argentina y 50 del golpe de Estado en Chile, en este artículo se aborda la violencia sexual cometida contra las mujeres en los centros clandestinos de detención para argumentar que se trata de una violencia política, terrorista y genocida. A través de un acercamiento cualitativo a los testimonios de expresas políticas, el objetivo del texto es comprender la violencia sexual contra las mujeres en las experiencias concentracionarias en cuanto violencia específica en el marco de la reconstrucción conservadora de las dictaduras cívico-militares de Argentina y Chile. Con esa violencia, que fue un acto patriarcal total, no solo se buscó castigar y disciplinar a las militantes “desviadas”, sino que también se pretendía dañar a los hombres militantes. Asimismo, se instaló como una amenaza permanente contra las detenidas y una forma de suprimir los cambios y las subversiones subjetivas, culturales y sociales, que en paralelo o formando parte de la experiencia política, se desarrollaron en los países del Cono Sur latinoamericano. Se plantea que la violencia sexual es una forma de terrorismo y genocidio, toda vez que instala el terror en un grupo específico de la población y busca anular la posibilidad de ser mujer cuando se rompe con los mandatos sacralizados del orden patriarcal.

Abstract The study exposes the strategies and tactics of radical Islamism in Europe and Spain, to attract and radicalize young Muslims with a religious, media and propagandistic content; from Al Qaeda, Daesh or other related organizations that share the culture of jihad; chain of subjects, actions, messages and propaganda to participate in a process of ideologization, to make use of violence in the jihad against the West, way of life, social and political; and interfere in the democratic, liberal and legal process in Europe. This qualitative research, achieves approximations of individual characteristics and family, social, familiar and economic conditioning factors of the vulnerable groups to the jihadist message; highlighting ignorance or dissolution of their cultural, religious and ritual traditions; absence or weak individual, family or community identity, experience of social, educational, labor or political discrimination and economic inequality; facilitating the process of radicalization until their participation in acts of indiscriminate violence. This research was carried out in the city councils of Fuenlabrada and Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid and Reus and L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Province of Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, Spain; through specialized bibliography, interviews to academic, police and intelligence experts, public attention and social services workers, the contribution of Muslim community representatives; who make emerge these elements and the need to improve strategies and preventive actions in Europe, reducing its impact on the vulnerable population.

Resumen El estudio expone las estrategias y tácticas del islamismo radical en Europa y España, para captar y radicalizar a jóvenes musulmanes de un contenido religioso, mediático, propagandístico; desde Al Qaeda, Daesh u otras organizaciones afines que comparten la cultura de la yihad; cadena de sujetos, actuaciones, mensajes y propaganda para participar en un proceso de ideologización, para hacer uso de la violencia en la yihad contra Occidente, forma de vida, social y política; e interferir en el proceso democrático, liberal y de derecho en Europa. Esta investigación cualitativa logra aproximaciones de características individuales y condicionantes familiares, sociales, familiares y económicas de los grupos vulnerables al mensaje yihadista; destacándose ignorancia o disolución de sus tradiciones culturales, religiosas y ritualidad; ausencia o débil identidad individual, familiar o comunitario, experiencia de discriminación social, educativa, laboral o política e inequidad económica; facilitando el proceso de radicalización hasta su participación en actos de violencia indiscriminada. Esta investigación se realizó en los ayuntamientos de Fuenlabrada y Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid y Reus y L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Provincia de Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, España; a través de bibliografía especializada, entrevistas a expertos académicos, policiales e inteligencia, trabajadores en atención pública y servicios sociales, el aporte de representantes comunitarios musulmanes; quienes hacen emerger estos elementos y necesidad de mejorar estrategias y actuaciones preventivas en Europa, reduciendo su impacto en la población vulnerable.

Abstract: This article presents an analysis of the National Education and Memory Program as a public policy implemented in Argentina to teach the recent past of state terrorism in the realm of educational. As a result of the debates in the field of social memory studies and the particular features of this policy, four tensions surrounding its implementation emerged: the formation of the work team, the tension between institutionality and militancy, and between public policies on memory and civil society, and the debates on representation. This is a systematic analysis of the original stage of a central policy within the universe of reparation policies in Argentina, and the first of its kind. It views the state through a theoretical-methodological lens as a complex actor embroiled in disputes over the meaning of the past.

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es presentar un análisis del Programa Nacional Educación y Memoria como política pública implementada en Argentina para la transmisión del pasado reciente de terrorismo de Estado en el ámbito educativo. A la luz de los debates abiertos en el campo de estudios de la memoria social y de las particularidades de esta política, se reponen cuatro tensiones observadas en su implementación: la conformación del equipo de trabajo, la tensión entre institucionalidad y militancia, la tensión entre políticas públicas de memoria y sociedad civil, y los debates sobre la representación. Se trata de un análisis sistemático sobre la etapa originaria de una política central dentro del universo de políticas reparatorias en Argentina que no cuenta con antecedentes en el campo, y que adopta una perspectiva teórico-metodológica para pensar al Estado como un actor complejo inmerso dentro de las disputas por el sentido del pasado.

Abstract In May 2017, the Supreme Court decided the applicability of colloquially called “2x1” law in perpetrator Luis Muiña’s case. This law had been issued between 1994 and 2001, and established a reduction of sentence for those convicted who had been in preventive detention for more than two years. This new jurisprudence for crimes against humanity established a precedent for other convicts to apply for the benefit. The following article analyzes the political and social process unleashed after the sentence and its culmination in the enactment of Law 27.362, which declared the “2x1” law for crimes against humanity inapplicable. The central hypothesis is that the political deliberation and social mobilization was a scenario for the re-articulation of a political consensus that built on the democratic transition’s legacies from State terrorism and for the notion of impunity as a category able to articulate, in a contingent way, politically heterogeneous positions, traditions and rationalities.

Resumen En mayo de 2017, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación decidió aplicar la ley conocida como “2x1” en el caso del represor Luis Muiña. Esta ley había estado vigente entre 1994 y 2001, y establecía un mecanismo de reducción de penas para aquellos condenados que hubieran estado en prisión preventiva por más de dos años. Su aplicación para un caso de delito de lesa humanidad estableció un antecedente para que otros condenados solicitasen el beneficio. El artículo busca analizar el proceso político y social desatado tras el fallo y su culminación en la sanción de la Ley 27.362 que declaraba inaplicable la ley del “2x1” para delitos de lesa humanidad. La hipótesis central es que el estado de deliberación política y movilización social se presentó como un escenario para la re-articulación de un consenso político que hizo pie en los legados de la transición democrática respecto del terrorismo de Estado y en la noción de “impunidad” como categoría puente capaz de articular, de manera contingente, posiciones, tradiciones y racionalidades políticas heterogéneas.

Resumen: El objetivo de la investigación fue dar a conocer la situación administrativa y jurídica de los sujetos de la administración pública en materia de lucha contra el terrorismo. Se ha comprobado que en Ucrania se ha creado una estructura bastante clara y lógica de órganos estatales en materia de organización y coordinación de la lucha contra el terrorismo. El sistema de entidades antiterroristas es un conjunto de entidades específicas, legalmente definidas, que interactúan con el objetivo de prevenir, detectar, detener y minimizar las consecuencias de las actividades terroristas. En la investigación se utilizaron métodos como el análisis de fuentes biográficas, la síntesis, la deducción, el análisis comparativo y el metaanálisis. Con esto, se estableció que el presidente de Ucrania, la Rada Suprema de Ucrania y el gabinete de ministros de Ucrania son los actores clave en la lucha contra el terrorismo en el sistema de autoridades superiores. Las áreas definitorias de actividad del presidente de Ucrania en la esfera de la lucha contra el terrorismo son las actividades destinadas al apoyo normativo y jurídico de la lucha contra el terrorismo en Ucrania, así como la creación, la liquidación, la reorganización y la gestión de las entidades pertinentes de lucha contra el terrorismo.

Abstract: The purpose of the research is disclosing the administrative and legal status of public administration subjects regarding countering terrorism. It has been established that a fairly clear and logical structure of State bodies regarding organization and coordination of the fight against terrorism has been created in Ukraine. The system of counter-terrorism entities is a set of specific, legally defined entities that interact with the goal of preventing, detecting, stopping, and minimizing consequences of terrorist activities. In the research, methods such as the analysis of biographical sources, synthesis, deduction, comparative analysis and meta-analysis were used. With this, it was established that the President of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine are key actors when countering terrorism in Ukraine in the system of higher authorities. The defining areas of activity of the President of Ukraine in the sphere of countering terrorism are the activities aimed at the regulatory and legal support of countering terrorism in Ukraine, as well as the creation, liquidation, reorganization and management of the relevant counter- terrorism subjects.

Abstract: This article addresses the process of domination and political clientelism by the Mexican state in its coercive relations with the peasants of coastal Guerrero, who were coopted by the Institutional Revolutionary Party in the Regional Union of Copra Producers of the state of Guerrero (URPCEG), the state’s most important peasant organization, which had been hegemonically controlled by caciques since its founding. This article studies and analyzes one of the bloodiest massacres in Mexico in the nineteen sixties, which has been overlooked by the twentieth century historiography. While the focus is on regional history, the problem addressed herein is of national importance and impact, as the massacre of peasants on August 20 1967 in Acapulco constituted the immediate background to the appearance of guerrilla groups in Guerrero and other parts of the country. It’s not an exag geration to state that this was an act of state terrorism that formed part of a counterinsurgency strategy that sought to invoke a peasant insurrection in Guerrero’s Costa Grande region, where there was a simultaneous crisis in the PRI’s structures of political clientelism, as well as an intracacique struggle combined with a mass movement of copra and coffee producers, with agrarian and economic demands.

Resumen: Este artículo aborda el proceso de dominación y el clientelismo político del Estado mexicano para coaccionar a los campesinos de las costas de Guerrero, quienes fueron cooptados por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional en la Unión Regional de Productores de Copra del Estado de Guerrero (URPCEG), la organización campesina más importante de la entidad y que desde sus inicios fue hegemonizada por grupos caciquiles. Un aporte de la investigación es el estudio y análisis de una de las masacres más sanguinarias de los años sesenta en México, que había pasado inadvertida por la historiografía del siglo XX. Si bien el enfoque es de historia regional, la importancia y el impacto del problema aquí presentado tiene trascendencia nacional, ya que la masacre de campesinos del 20 de agosto de 1967 en Acapulco es el antecedente inmediato a la aparición de diferentes guerrillas en Guerrero y en otros puntos del país. No es exagerado afirmar que fue uno de los actos de terrorismo instrumentados por el Estado mexicano como parte de una estrategia contrainsurgente que buscaba conjurar la insurrección campesina en la región de la Costa Grande de Guerrero, donde surgió paralelamente una crisis del clientelismo priista, así como una pugna intercaciquil combinada con un fuerte movimiento de masas de copreros y cafeticultores con demandas agrarias y económicas.

Abstract Public safety in Central America has become a pressing challenge, most evident in the strategies embraced by the leaders of countries such as El Salvador and Costa Rica. Two notoriously divergent approaches lie at the heart of this dichotomy, led by Nayib Bukele in El Salvador and Rodrigo Chaves in Costa Rica. While Bukele advocates for massive imprisonment and militarization as the main measures, Chaves has delegated responsibility to the Legislative and Judicial branches, thereby facing the most violent year in Costa Rican history. This paper aims to explore and analyze these contrasting strategies by examining the safety policies implemented by both leaders, their authoritarian discourses, and the impact of these decisions on public perception. Through this comparative analysis, the effectiveness and sustainability of such approaches to violence mitigation is discussed, providing a comprehensive perspective of how these leaders address the common challenge of protecting the safety of their citizens.

Resumen La seguridad pública en América Central se ha convertido en un desafío apremiante, manifestándose de manera particular en las estrategias adoptadas por los líderes de países como El Salvador y Costa Rica. En el centro de esta dicotomía se encuentran dos enfoques notoriamente divergentes liderados por Nayib Bukele en El Salvador y Rodrigo Chaves en Costa Rica. Mientras Bukele apuesta por el encarcelamiento masivo y la militarización como medidas principales, Chaves ha delegado la responsabilidad en los poderes Legislativo y Judicial, enfrentándose así al año más violento de la historia costarricense. Este ensayo se propone explorar y analizar estas estrategias opuestas, examinando las políticas de seguridad implementadas por ambos mandatarios, así como sus discursos autoritarios y las consecuencias de estas decisiones en la percepción pública. Mediante este análisis comparativo, se busca examinar la efectividad y sostenibilidad de tales enfoques en la mitigación de la violencia, ofreciendo una visión integral de cómo estos líderes abordan el desafío común de proteger la seguridad de sus ciudadanos.

Abstract This thesis analyzes the antiterrorism and counterterrorism systems of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico in response to global Islamic terrorism, particularly following the September 11, 2001 attacks. Although these countries have centered their efforts on immediate threats, such as organized crime, they are not fully prepared to face Islamic terrorism. Antiterrorism laws in these countries need improvements to effectively address this global threat. Public policies on intelligence, cybersecurity, and control of weapons of mass destruction are crucial, but require greater coordination and effectiveness. Counterterrorism forces have significant capabilities but face challenges in terms of training and resources. Globalization has facilitated the expansion of terrorist networks, increasing the risk of attacks in Latin America, which must strengthen its security measures and international cooperation. The growth of the Muslim population and the arrival of Syrian refugees present both opportunities and challenges, underscoring the need for integration policies and prevention of radicalization. The fight against terrorism requires a multidimensional approach, integrating legal, operational, preventive, and international cooperation measures. Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico must adapt and strengthen their security systems to effectively confront global Islamic terrorism.

Resumen Esta tesis analiza los sistemas antiterroristas y contraterroristas de Argentina, Brasil y México frente al terrorismo islámico global, especialmente tras los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001. Aunque estos países han centrado sus esfuerzos en amenazas inmediatas como el crimen organizado, no están completamente preparados para enfrentar el terrorismo islámico. Las leyes antiterroristas en estos países necesitan mejoras para abordar eficazmente esta amenaza global. Las políticas públicas en inteligencia, ciberseguridad y control de armas de destrucción masiva son cruciales, pero requieren mayor coordinación y efectividad. Las fuerzas contraterroristas tienen capacidades importantes, pero enfrentan desafíos en términos de entrenamiento y recursos. La globalización ha facilitado la expansión de redes terroristas, aumentando el riesgo de ataques en América Latina, que debe reforzar sus medidas de seguridad y cooperación internacional. El crecimiento de la población musulmana y la llegada de refugiados sirios presentan tanto oportunidades como desafíos, subrayando la necesidad de políticas de integración y prevención de la radicalización. La lucha contra el terrorismo requiere un enfoque multidimensional, integrando medidas legales, operativas, preventivas y de cooperación internacional. Argentina, Brasil y México deben adaptarse y fortalecer sus sistemas de seguridad para enfrentar eficazmente el terrorismo islámico global.

Abstract: This article studies the effects of government actions against insurgency and violent extremist organizations. It is argued that certain state policies and law enforcement actions can have counterproductive effects. Specifically, the “action-reaction” relationship between the surge of foreign troops in Afghanistan and the increase of the number of this force casualties as a result of adverse and counter-reaction in violent extremist jihadist organizations is explored. The findings corroborate and extend other research that suggests that, in certain modern asymmetric conflicts, the more military deployed on the ground, the higher the number of casualties that occur. The study suggests the need for decision-makers in conflicts to ask themselves about the optimal number of people on the ground and to choose courses of action that balance the stated objectives with the risk of troop casualties.

Résumé : Cet article étudie les effets des actions gouvernementales contre la sédition et les organisations extrémistes violentes. On y fait valoir que certaines politiques de l’État et certaines mesures d’application de la loi peuvent avoir des effets contreproductifs. Plus précisément, on explore la relation « action-réaction » entre l’augmentation des effectifs étrangers en Afghanistan et l’accroissement du nombre de victimes de cette force à la suite de la réaction hostile et contestataire des organisations djihadistes extrémistes violentes. Les résultats corroborent et élargissent d’autres recherches qui suggèrent que, dans certains conflits asymétriques modernes, plus il y a de militaires déployés sur le terrain, plus il y a de victimes. L’étude suggère que les décideurs dans les conflits doivent se poser la question du nombre optimal de personnes sur le terrain et choisir des lignes d’action qui équilibrent les objectifs recherchés avec le risque de pertes en vies humaines.

Resumen: Este artículo estudia los efectos de las acciones de los gobiernos contra la insurgencia y las organizaciones violentas extremistas. Se argumenta que ciertas políticas estatales y acciones de las fuerzas del orden pueden tener efectos contraproducentes. En concreto, se explora la relación “acción-reacción” entre el aumento de tropas extranjeras en Afganistán y el aumento del número de bajas de esta fuerza como resultado de la reacción adversa y contestataria en las organizaciones violentas extremistas yihadistas. Los resultados corroboran y amplían otras investigaciones que apuntan a que, en determinados conflictos asimétricos modernos, cuantos más militares se despliegan en el terreno, mayor el número de bajas que se producen. El estudio sugiere la necesidad de que los responsables de tomar decisiones en los conflictos se pregunten sobre el número óptimo de personas en el terreno y elijan líneas de acción que equilibren los objetivos planteados con el riesgo de bajas en las tropas.

On 11 September 2001, the world witnessed a drastic change in the global security landscape that influenced the dynamics of United States counterterrorism. The United States expanded its global alliances, including its financial assistance and cooperation scope, in East Africa as well. A fundamental transformation in the United States Defence Foreign Policy towards Africa was marked by a growing reliance by the United States on African partners, such as Kenya. Despite visible power disparities between the United States and Kenyan asymmetric relations, the two states set an unmatched counterterrorism partnership in East Africa - even with the growing criticism of the United States militarisation in some parts of Africa, such as in the Sahel region, which remains prone to coups despite enduring counterterrorism interventions by the United States. What is particularly interesting is how the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya enhanced a stable and multidimensional implementation of counterterrorism in East Africa. The dynamics of these asymmetric relations on counterterrorism demystify the perception that asymmetric relations between powerful and weak states are inherently unstable. Employing secondary data, the study on which this article reports, sought to deconstruct such rhetoric by conceptualising asymmetry whilst identifying five main conceptualisations of asymmetry theory that characterises the asymmetric relations between the United States and Kenya. Thereafter, by taking stock of the multidimensional efforts by the United States and Kenya, it is argued that triangular asymmetries are the significant force multipliers of stability and normalcy in asymmetric relations.

Money laundering and related financial crimes, such as fraud and terrorism financing, pose a significant threat to the integrity and stability of South African financial markets. This article explores the application and use of artificial intelligence (AI) to detect and prevent money laundering in South African banking institutions. The implementation of big data technologies, data processing analytics and AI could enhance the detection and prevention of money laundering activities in South Africa's banking sector. AI should be carefully utilised to improve the detection of suspicious activities and the accuracy of financial intelligence, and to combat evolving money laundering techniques. The article also examines the benefits and challenges of implementing AI as an anti-money laundering (AML) measure in the South African banking sector. These include the need for quality data, integration with existing regulatory systems, regulatory compliance and ethical considerations. The article highlights the potential use of AI in transaction monitoring, customer due diligence, outcomes-based risk assessment and the improved detection of suspicious transactions. This could be done by utilising AI to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of AML measures. The importance of effective coordination between banking institutions, regulatory authorities and law enforcement bodies is also highlighted as a key component of leveraging AI to combat money laundering and related financial crimes in South Africa's banking sector.

The need for religious moderation in North Sumatra province arises as a result of burning worship [Vihara and Klenteng], exploding bombs and stabbing attempts at churches during worship. This study examines the effect of Islamic education, depression and religiosity on religious moderation in students at state Islamic universities. This study used a cross-sectional design in North Sumatra province with 1125 Muslim students over a period from February 2023 to May 2023. This study used a closed questionnaire involving Islamic education, depression, religiosity and religious moderation using linear regression with 95% CI using JASP version 19. With regard to the notions of depression, religious ideology, religious experiences and religious studies, this research demonstrates that students who have received education in Muslim schools affect religious moderation in students of state Islamic universities. Religious moderation among Islamic students will be improved by providing increased information on religious studies that contain religious moderation. CONTRIBUTION: This article will provide new information about religious moderation carried out by Muslim students in Islamic universities that are often associated with intolerance, terrorism, fanaticism and religion-based violence

Abstract This is an article prepared with the aim of verifying, based on constitutional and infraconstitutional legislation, the insufficiency, or even the non-existence, of the emergency constitutional prescriptions presents in the Constitution to face the problem from arising modern terrorism. The question that motivated the research is the doubt about the sufficiency of the existing mechanisms to face terrorist attacks, mainly the concomitant or successive ones. The hypothesis is that the current mechanisms, ordinary and constitutional, are insuficiente. To develop the work, approaches, at first, the state of siege and the state of defense, which are inscribed in Part V of the Constitucion. Next, a brief analysis of federal law aimed at repressing terrorism is presented, with emphasis on Law 13.260/2016. Finally, a comparison is made between the law and the constitutional emergency model proposed by Bruce Ackerman. Initially this comparison develops through the verification of terrorism as a phenomenon that transcends common criminality, to check, in a second moment, existing emergency constitutional prescription lend themselves, or not, to confront that problem. The legal research methodology adopted for article was dogmatic, through documentary and bibliographical research.

Resumo Trata-se de artigo elaborado com o objetivo de verificar, com base na legislação constitucional e infraconstitucional, a insuficiência, ou até mesmo a inexistência, dos mecanismos de emergência constitucional presentes na Constituição para o trato do problema advindo do terrorismo moderno. A problematização que motivou a pesquisa é o questionamento acerca da suficiência dos mecanismos existentes para enfrentar os atentados terroristas, principalmente os concomitantes ou sucessivos. A hipótese é de que os atuais mecanismos, ordinários e constitucionais, são insuficientes. Para desenvolver o trabalho, abordam-se, de início, o estado de sítio e o estado de defesa, os quais se encontram inscritos no título V da Carta Política. Em seguida, apresenta-se uma breve análise da legislação ordinária voltada para a repressão ao terrorismo, com destaque para a Lei n° 13.260/2016. Por fim, realiza-se um cotejo entre as normas apreciadas e modelo de emergência constitucional proposto por Bruce Ackerman. Tal cotejo se desenvolve, inicialmente, pela constatação do terrorismo como fenômeno que transcende a criminalidade comum, para, em um segundo momento, apreciar se os mecanismos constitucionais existentes se prestam, ou não, para defrontar o problema. A metodologia de pesquisa jurídica adotada para o trabalho foi a dogmática, por meio de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica.

Abstract This article discusses how denialism of the civil-military dictatorship constitutes a pivotal element in the political propaganda of Jair Bolsonaro and the Brazilian far right. We aim to understand the connections between, on the one hand, the disavowal of our last dictatorship and state terrorism and, on the other, political attempts to undermine the legitimacy of human rights and social movements during the New Republic (1985-2020). We posit that Bolsonaro’s vision for consolidating power entails a reimagining of the republic’s foundations. Crucially, this endeavor involves an attempt to reshape the hegemonic memory regime first established during the redemocratization process. In this sense, the central hypothesis of this article is that historical negationism constitutes a fundamental and structuring axis in the power project of the renewed far right, emerging in a moment of crisis in the modern regime of historicity alongside the rise of presentism. In this regard, the political use of the recent past by the Bolsonaro government hinges on authoritarian political culture, anticommunism, and the purported crusade against corruption. These uses intend to undermine any rights-based agenda, thereby paving the way for the consecration of the neoliberal model. civilmilitary civil military right between hand other 19852020. 19852020 1985 2020 . (1985-2020) Bolsonaros s republics republic foundations Crucially process sense presentism regard culture anticommunism corruption rightsbased based agenda model 1985202 198 202 (1985-2020 198520 19 20 (1985-202 19852 1 2 (1985-20 (1985-2 (1985- (1985 (198 (19 (1 (

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é promover uma reflexão sobre o negacionismo da ditadura civil-militar como parte da ação política de Jair Bolsonaro e da extrema direita brasileira na criminalização dos movimentos sociais. Busca-se compreender como a negação do terrorismo de Estado promovido pela ditadura está relacionada à tentativa política de esvaziar a legitimidade dos direitos humanos e dos movimentos sociais na Nova República (1985-2020). Propomos que o projeto de poder de Bolsonaro inclui uma refundação das bases republicanas, sendo fundamental nesse processo alterar o regime de memória hegemônico construído a partir do processo de redemocratização. Nesse sentido, a hipótese deste artigo é de que o negacionismo histórico é um eixo estruturante no projeto de poder da extrema direita renovada e ocorre em um momento de crise do regime moderno de historicidade e de emergência do presentismo no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o uso político do passado recente pelo governo Bolsonaro se apoia na cultura política autoritária, no anticomunismo e no suposto combate à corrupção. Esses usos pretendem esvaziar qualquer agenda de direitos, favorecendo a consagração do modelo neoliberal. civilmilitar civil militar Buscase Busca 19852020. 19852020 1985 2020 . (1985-2020) republicanas redemocratização sentido Brasil autoritária corrupção neoliberal 1985202 198 202 (1985-2020 198520 19 20 (1985-202 19852 1 2 (1985-20 (1985-2 (1985- (1985 (198 (19 (1 (

Abstract. The voluntary departure of hundreds of young women, born and socialised in Europe, to Daesh-controlled territories has raised many legitimate questions. Why do women choose to adhere to ideologies that appear to disempower them? Can they really embrace such patriarchal violence? Women have traditionally been seen as the victims of violence, particularly Islamic terrorist violence, often thought of as a male prerogative. Even years after Daesh’s defeat on the ground, the ambiguity of female violence remains a compelling issue, particularly when faced with social and legal challenges posed by female returnées. To offer a gendered analysis of women in/with violent ideologies and address their agency this paper will analyse representations of “acceptable”and “unacceptable” forms of female violence by focusing on the intersection between femininity, vulnerability, empowerment, sexuality and violence.

Resumen. La salida voluntaria de cientos de mujeres jóvenes, nacidas y criadas en Europa hacia los territorios controlados por el Daesh ha suscitado muchas preguntas legítimas: ¿Por qué las mujeres eligen adherirse a ideologías que parecen desempoderarlas? ¿Pueden realmente asumir semejante violencia patriarcal? Tradicionalmente se ha considerado a las mujeres como víctimas de la violencia, en particular de la violencia terrorista islámica, a menudo considerada una prerrogativa masculina. Incluso años después de la derrota del grupo Daesh en el territorio, la violencia femenina sigue siendo un tema de actualidad, sobre todo ante los retos sociales y jurídicos que plantean las mujeres retornadas. Para ofrecer un análisis de género de las mujeres con ideologías violentas y abordar su agencia, este artículo analizará las representaciones de formas “aceptables” e “inaceptables” de violencia femenina, enfocándose en la intersección entre feminidad, vulnerabilidad, empoderamiento, sexualidad y violencia.