Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Die fokus in hierdie teaterhistoriese bespreking is op die gebruik en voorkoms van black- en brownface op die Afrikaanse verhoog. Twee tydperke word bespreek, naamlik (1) die vroeë Afrikaanse toneel (laat-19de eeu tot vroeë-20ste eeu), asook (2) die 1960's tot laat-1970's. Die vroeë Afrikaanse toneel sluit tot 'n mate aan by die vroeë Engelse toneel in Suid-Afrika wat ook 'n bepaalde rasideologie weerspieël het deur middel van die algemene gebruik van black- en brownface op die Suid-Afrikaanse verhoog van die 19de eeu. Hierdie gebruik het sy oorsprong in die minstreel-tradisie wat via Amerika na Engeland en uiteindelik ook na Suid-Afrika gebring is. Die gebruik word gesien as tekenend van 'n bepaalde rasideologie wat die breër koloniale toneel van die 19de eeu (Amerika, Engeland, Kanada, Australië, Indonesië, en ander lande) onderlê het, naamlik een wat 'n hiërargiese onderskeid tussen die onderskeie rasse gepropageer het waarin swart (en bruin mense) as ondergeskik tot blankes beskou is. Terwyl die gebruik van black- en brownface meestal verdwyn het van die Engelse Suid-Afrikaanse verhoë teen die laat 1940's, vind ons in die 1960's tot laat-1970's die ironiese situasie by die staatsgesteunde streeksrade (veral TRUK, SUKOVS en KRUIK) dat 'n verskeidenheid van rassewette veroorsaak dat blanke akteurs steeds swart/bruin karakters uitbeeld in black- en brownface. Eers met die skrapping van hierdie wette kon swart en bruin akteurs hierdie rolle vertolk en verdwyn die gebruik van black- en brownface ook op Afrikaanse verhoë.

In this discussion the focus is on the use and practice of black- and brownface on the Afrikaans stage. Although there are a few studies available on the use of blackface on the South African English stage, little research has been done on this topic with reference to Afrikaans theatre. Although one can discern a number of similarities between the use of this practice within both early Afrikaans and English theatre in South Africa (19th century), this can be attributed to the fact that all colonial theatre of the period (as noticed by Stephen Gray) was highly racialised. Two periods can be distinguished within the development and establishment of Afrikaans theatre where the practice of black- and brownface is found, namely (1) in early Afrikaans theatre (late 19th and early 20th centuries), and (2) in the period of the 1960s to the late 1970s. In the first period (the establishment of Afrikaans theatre) only white actors were used to portray both white and black/coloured characters on stage and thus made use of burnt cork/ polish/make-up to portray these black/coloured characters. It is, however, clear when one consults both the standard theatre histories (FCL Bosman, LWB Binge, Jill Fletcher), as well as study the early Afrikaans plays themselves (inter alia, Melt Brink, CL Langenhoven, and most Afrikaans plays in the 1940's and 1950's), that such portrayals were linked to a particular racist ideology. The practice of blackface originated in America with the appearance of blackface minstrelsy and was exported via travelling minstrel groups to England, South Africa, and other colonies where it was for a period extremely popular. Although Afrikaans theatre did not produce any minstrel shows as can be found in early English South African entertainment acts, the portrayal of black and brown characters does show a few similarities with blackface minstrelsy characters. These characters are also caricatured (through their names, physical appearance, actions, and utterances), while a clear racial hierarchy is presented in these plays (they are slaves, maids, servants to the white masters and madams). While this type of black- and brownface portrayals disappeared after the 1950's and the portrayal of these characters became more sympathetic from the 1960's with a new generation of Afrikaans playwrights (André P Brink, Bartho Smit, and others) critical of the Nationalist Party's race-based ideology, we find the ironic situation that these portrayals on stage again made use of black- and brownface make-up since various laws prohibited the mixing of races on stage or even within the auditorium. The state-funded Arts Councils (inter alia PACT, PACOFS) had to comply with these laws, although all of them (for example Pieter Fourie at CAPAB) actively agitated against this situation. While many English theatre practitioners simply cut their ties with the Performing Arts Councils and established theatres like The Market Theatre (Johannesburg) and The Space Theatre (Cape Town) which were non-racial, the state-funded theatres continued with these portrayals during the 1970's till the race-based laws were retracted and theatres were open to all races.

The political and social environments in which learners with disabilities live often cause more limitation on the individual abilities of these learners than the disability itself (Capri et al., 2018:2). Likewise, mathematical thinking for learners who are severely mentally disabled is often limited to concretisation or memorisation, which tends to undermine mathematical number sense. This study was undertaken against the background of a lack of methodological guidelines for the teaching of mathematics in the new adapted curriculum for learners who are severely intellectually disabled. Context-rich mathematics tasks for the development of mathematical thinking in learners who are severely intellectually disabled were used during the study. A qualitative research approach was followed in which empirical data were generated through three action research cycles. Data were collected through in-depth discussions, field notes, a literature review and learner work. Vygotsky's (1978:6) sociocultural theory was used as a theoretical framework because it highlights the importance of social interactions and mediated learning. The Reality, Abstraction, Mathematics and Reflection (RAMR) framework of Cooper and Carter (2016:177) is used as a didactic framework for a practical approach to mathematics education in the study. According to the data from in-depth discussions with five educators, learners with intellectual disability are perceived to have limited number sense knowledge. These educators also indicated that their choice of learning tasks only included number facts, arithmetic fluency, memorisation, and teaching with concrete apparatus. Data from the in-depth discussions with two mathematics subject advisors working in special education pointed out educators'limited didactical knowledge for teaching mathematics to learners who are severely intellectually disabled. Based on these data, a teaching intervention was designed and implemented for six months. The purpose was to investigate the effect on participation and learning of changing the researcher's practice to focus on mathematical reasoning in context rich tasks. The lived experiences of the ten learners who were involved in the teaching intervention were included as a background to mathematics problems to design context-rich tasks. The guidelines from the research entail that real-life contexts in which mathematical problem types are embedded are conducive to learning experiences that are rich in discussion for learners who are severely intellectually disabled. Such an approach has the potential to make mathematics more meaningful to learners who are severely intellectually disabled, improve their mastery of contexts, and develop critical thinking. Findings from the action research process can be adapted to similar mathematics teaching practices.

Die politiese en sosiale omgewings waarin leerders met gestremdhede leef, veroorsaak dikwels meer beperking van die individuele vermoëns van dié leerders as die gestremdheid self (Capri et al., 2018:2). Eweneens word wiskundige denke vir leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is dikwels tot konkretisering en memorisering beperk, wat neig om begrip te ondermyn. Hierdie studie is onderneem teen die agtergrond van 'n tekort aan metodologiese riglyne vir die onderrig van wiskunde in die nuwe aangepaste kurrikulum vir leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is. Konteksryke wiskundetake ter ontwikkeling van wiskundige denke by leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is, is tydens die studie gebruik. 'n Kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering is gevolg waarin empiriese data gegenereer is deur middel van drie aksienavorsingsiklusse. Data is deur semi-gestruktureerde fokusgroep-onderhoude, veldnotas, 'n literatuuroorsig en leerderwerk ingesamel. Die literatuuroorsig is onderneem om 'n onderrig- en teoretiese raamwerk vir die studie te skep. Vygotsky (1978:6) se sosiokulturele teorie is as teoretiese raamwerk gebruik omdat dit die belangrikheid van sosiale interaksies en bemiddelde leer uitlig. Die Realiteit, Abstraksie, Wiskunde en Refleksie (RAWR)-onderrigraamwerk van Cooper en Carter (2016:177) word as didaktiese raamwerk vir 'n praktiese aanslag tot wiskundeonderrig in die studie aangewend. Volgens die data van die fokusgroeponderhoud met vyf opvoeders, beskik leerders met intellektuele gestremdheid oor beperkte getalbegripkennis. Dié opvoeders het ook aangedui dat hul keuse van leertake slegs getalfeite, rekenvlotheid, memorisering en onderrig met konkrete apparaat insluit. Data uit die fokusgroeponderhoud met twee wiskundespesialiste wat in spesiale onderwys werksaam is, het opvoeders in die navorsingskool se beperkte didaktiese kennis vir wiskundeonderrig aan leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is, uitgewys. Gebaseer op hierdie data is 'n onderrigingreep ontwerp en vir ses maande geïmplementeer. Die tien leerders wat by die onderrigingreep betrek is, se geleefde ervaringe is as agtergrond by wiskundeprobleme ingesluit om konteksryke take te ontwerp. Die riglyne wat uit die navorsing spruit, het tot gevolg dat lewensegte kontekste waarin wiskundige probleemtipes ingebed is, nuttig gebruik kan word in gespreksryke leerervarings vir leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is. Só 'n benadering het die potensiaal om wiskunde vir leerders wat verstandelik erg gestremd is meer betekenisvol te maak, hulle beheersing van kontekste te verbeter, en kritiese denke te ontwikkel. Bevindinge uit die aksienavorsingsproses kan aangepas word vir soortgelyke wiskundeonderrigpraktyke.

Levinas mainly deals with the notion of eschatology in the preface of Totalité et infini (1961). There it appears in the context of his agreement with an entire tradition of philosophers claiming that the very nature of being is one of violence and war, which becomes manifest in the pervasive waging of political battles and wars. He further contends that a conception of morality based on the "pure subjectivism of the I" is powerless to shield humankind against such violence. The alternative he offers to such an impotent morality is an ethics of alterity. Eschatology is Levinas's answer to how such an ethics of alterity would be capable of insulating humankind against calculative reason and the pressures of politics and war. To understand how eschatology succeeds in doing so and how Levinas fills in the notion, I argue that it should be understood within the context of his conceptualisation of time. Levinas offers novel analyses of the forms and the work of time. Time, in Levinas, is the very inner structure of an existent's movement of existing - I refer in this regard to the inherent chronological inconsistency of the human condition. In Levinas's ethical metaphysics this inherent chronological inconsistency is theorised as the other (autre) within the self, an affective infection that dates back to a past that has never been present - it hails from the diachronic time of the Other - and is opened to the future, "to the newness of the unknown". While this past is impossible to grasp, it nevertheless concerns me. I cannot remain unaffected in relation to it; it has left a trace. This alterity within the self becomes manifest as an inherent Desire for time, time that can only be given by the other person, which for Levinas is the Other (l'Autrui). This means that the singular time of my being is not yet time, does not yet have time, but the singular I bears an inherent Desire for time within. This Desire for time, then, emanates from the inherent chronological inconsistency which typifies the existent being "out of sync" with itself, a diastasis or a "standing apart from itself. To be sure, this Desire is not a need to be filled, but as Desire, it is essentially insatiable. This Desire conquers the ecstatic time of need and satisfaction and the inevitable return to the self, the collapse back upon oneself that follows when needs are satiated, and the return of the unbearable heaviness of being that it signals. The early Levinas (De l'évasion, 1935) was looking for an escape from this irremediable Being. Only four decades later in Autrement qu'être ou au-delà de l'essence (1974) will Levinas come to fully plot out "a new path out of being," a temporal path that he started to chart in Le temps et l' autre (1948), which forges a fundamental link between time and ethics. The time that the future brings is not merely the recurrence of the present instant or its continuation, but the possibility of another instant or a new beginning. How can an existent in the instant recommence otherwise? The coming of the future announces another original instant that cannot be approached but that comes; that cannot be assumed, since it appears as an epiphany. The existent is able to welcome the absolutely strangeness of the epiphany of the future because of the inherent susceptibility to fraternity and sociality, which is made possible by time. This, however, is not time that the existent has like a possession but a capacity to welcome time that springs from an existential chronological inconsistency - a being temporally out of joint. To further specify, this "capacity" is not a power that the individual instant is endowed with. Quite to the contrary, faced with the radical strangeness of the future, with the alterity of the face of the Other, the existent is reduced to a "radical passivity. " Passivity is the radix or root of ethical agency. The capacity that time gives, is the capacity for generosity, the power to be able to give of the riches accumulated. This is not to turn away from one's egotistical selfish life once and for all, but a being turned to be able to welcome the Other without being obliterated in the face of an absolute Mystery. The instant as an interruption announces the possibility of a new beginning, which is not the effacement of the past, but the pardon that purifies the past and the injustices committed. Pardon consists in a retroactive action that inverts the natural temporal order of things and implies the "reversibility of time". Now the past instant has not passed but can be lived again, differently. In Levinas we find a non-teleological conception of time. Truth, Levinas contends, requires both an infinite time and a completed time conceived as "messianic time". Messianic time, more precisely, may be conceived as the "extreme vigilance of the messianic consciousness", since it is only such vigilant consciousness that can protect us against the revenge of evil -which infinite time cannot do. This notion of "messianic consciousness" is encapsulated in Levinas's conceptualisation of eschatology, which is the infinity beyond totality or beyond history, without denying history. The eschatological is not realised at the end of time but rather in each instant in which our responsibility vis-a-vis the Other is realised. If this responsibility exempts us from the jurisdiction of history and the future, salvation is not to be found at the end of history but remains at each moment possible. When Levinas speaks of eschatology in Totalité et Infini he does not refer to a doctrine but to a vision: "the eschatological vision" that consummates moral experience. It is not a spiritual relationship; it leads to action. To see (envision) is already to act. This action is evoked in feeling responsible in the face of the future one hopes for others. The future one hopes for others - a better future - is the eschatological vision realised in the eruption of the present as a purified past.

In hierdie essay word die plek van eskatologie in Levinas se tydsbegrip krities onder die loep geneem. Daar word aangevoer dat Levinas se nadruklike aandrang in Totalité et infini (1961), naamlik dat eskatologie etiese verantwoordelikheid fasiliteer, nie onafhanklik van sy konsep-tualisering van tyd verstaan kan word nie. Eskatologie in Levinas is nie die leer van die laaste dinge nie, maar die verklaring wat Levinas bied vir hoe 'n etiek van alteriteit daartoe in staat is om die mensdom teen die geweld van berekende rede en die druk van politiek en oorlog te beskerm. Hoe eskatologie presies hierin slaag, word uiteengesit aan die hand van Levinas se oorspronklike analises van die vorms en werk van tyd.

Tolstoy'sfiction is part of the cultural background of the South African intelligentsia. Moreover, generations of South Africans have been introduced to Tolstoy through screen adaptations of hisfiction, including Hollywood blockbusters and acclaimed TV series such as Anna Karenina (1935, 1948 and 2012) and War and Peace (1956 and 2016). Such exposure may well be the reason why, in the late 1990s, a survey among South African students of their perceptions of Russia showed that Tolstoy was the best-known Russian writer. During his lifetime, Tolstoy's work and personality were discussed extensively in Russia and abroad, including South Africa. He was one of the most influential and authoritative writers in the world and remained the best-known Russian author in South Africa. Tolstoy was the only writer of Imperial Russia who, for decades, received letters and guests from South Africa. His statements on the Anglo-Boer War of1899-1902 (also known as the South African War) attracted international attention which none of his Russian colleagues could match. Tolstoy wrote on South Africa, and his work was widely read there. Thanks to his erudition, ability to discern global trends, and interest in world culture and philosophy, Tolstoy had a profound understanding of political events in countries that he never visited and inspired leaders of liberation movements that he never met. His influence on South African realist literature can be traced throughout the twentieth century. This study of Tolstoy's and South Africans' views of each other focuses on Afrikaners, because in the last ten years of his life the Russian author often wrote and spoke about them, as is evident from his published works, correspondence and the archival material in the Tolstoy museums in Moscow and Yasnaya Polyana in Russia that were used for this paper. Furthermore, Afrikaner authors seem to have referred to Tolstoy's work remarkably often. By exploring these references, one can ascertain why Tolstoy's writing remained relevant to Afrikaners and other South Africans for more than a century. In the 1890s and 1900s, Tolstoy continued to develop his doctrine of not resisting evil with violence. He used information on the Anglo-Boer War to test his radical pacifist ideas. His protest against British imperialism in Africa echoed that of other world-famous humanist writers, such as Bjornstjerne Bjornson, Theodore Dreiser, Anatole France, Romain Rolland, Bernard Shaw, Bertha von Suttner and Mark Twain. But, unlike most of them, Tolstoy refused to support the Boers unconditionally. He sympathised with the defenders of the Boer republics, but as a principled opponent ofviolence he condemned those Christian people for engaging in armed struggle and killing, which he regarded as a mortal sin. During the transitional and guerrilla phases of the war, Tolstoy came to regard the continued Boer resistance to British invasion as a triumph of moral strength over immorality. He viewed the South African military conflict in a global context, as a typical war of a new era. Reflecting on the news from South Africa, he concluded that such wars were characterised by immoral goals and methods of warfare, and by non-participation in hostilities by those who directly benefitted from the hostilities (big entrepreneurs manipulating the government). Tolstoy argued that European governments were not interested in eradicating militarism, but nonviolent protest by ordinary people could well put an end to war. However, Tolstoy believed Russians, unlike participants in mass pro-Boer campaigns, were not to concern themselves with such protest because instead their main tasks were moral self-improvement and tackling injustice in their homeland. His concern with affairs in South Africa was limited to the Anglo-Boer War and the Indian civil rights campaign of the 1900s led by Gandhi, whose doctrine of satyagraha was partly based on Tolstoy's ethical teachings. Still, Tolstoy's influence on Afrikaner culture has been evident for over a century. Apartfrom direct contact, such as visits and letters to the Russian writer, Afrikaner cultural figures promoted his work, translated his fiction into Afrikaans and published their translations in almost every decade up to the 1990s. Along with other distinguished novelists of the late Imperial Russia, Tolstoy was viewed by Afrikaans authors as an exemplary realist writer who set standards that they aspired to but often regarded as unattainable. It only applied to his fiction, because Tolstoy's confessional writings and philosophical treatises did not seem to be recognised by Afrikaans authors, especially not after the Second World War. For these authors, Tolstoy was primarily a fiction writer. Tolstoy's work featured in South African literary debates with regard to resistance to abusive state authority and grappled with censorship. His fiction reminded South Africans of the humanist ideals that were meant to guide those who wanted to bring about positive change in an unjust, deeply divided society. Tolstoy's work stimulated introspection and reflection on literary mastery, the ethical standards of a writer and one's purpose in life.

Tolstoi was die enigste skrywer in Imperiale Rusland wat oor dekades briewe en gaste uit Suid-Afrika ontvang het. Sy stellings oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899-1902 het internasionaal aandag getrek op 'n wyse wat geeneen van sy Russiese kollegas kon ewenaar nie. Tolstoi het oor Suid-Afrika geskryf, waar sy werk wyd gelees is. Tolstoi se invloed op Suid-Afrikaanse realistiese¹ letterkunde is deur die hele twintigste eeu merkbaar. Hierdie studie van Tolstoi en Suid-Afrikaanse skrywers se sieninge van mekaar fokus op Afrikaners, want Tolstoi het in die laaste tien jaar van sy lewe dikwels oor hulle geskryf en gepraat. Afgesien van regstreekse kontak, soos besoeke en briewe aan die Russiese skrywer, het Afrikaner-kultuurfigure sy werk bevorder, sy fiksie in Afrikaans vertaal en hul vertalings in feitlik elke dekade tot die 1990's gepubliseer. Tolstoi, soos ook ander vooraanstaande romansiers in laat Imperiale Rusland, is deur Afrikaanse skrywers beskou as 'n toonbeeld van 'n realistiese skrywer wat standaarde gestel het waarna hulle gestreef het maar wat hulle dikwels ook as onhaalbaar beskou het. Tolstoi se werk het in Suid-Afrikaanse literêre debatte oor weerstand teen onregmatige staatsgesag en sensuur gefigureer. Sy fiksie het Suid-Afrikaners herinner aan die humanistiese ideale wat as rigsnoere moes dien vir diegene wat positiewe verandering in 'n onregverdige en diep verdeelde samelewing teweeg wou bring. Tolstoi se werk het introspeksie en nadenke oor literêre uitnemendheid, die etiese standaarde van 'n skrywer en 'n mens se lewensdoel gestimuleer.

The number of people on Earth and human activities are currently taking on frightening proportions with far-reaching consequences for our planet, its biodiversity and ultimately the human race itself. Ten thousand years ago, humans represented 1% of the total biomass of all land vertebrates. The rest was made up by wild animals. Currently, humans, livestock and pets make up 99% of terrestrial vertebrate biomass, while wild animals represent only 1%. It took millennia for the human population to reach the 1 billion mark and that only by 1890. By 1960, however, the world population had grown to 3 billion. Today there are 8 billion people living on our planet. According to Population Matters, the world population will be approximately 10,4 billion by the end of this century, despite the gradual decline in the growth rate in some countries. There is only a 23% chance that the total population growth rate will tail off before 2100. The population of the 47 least developed countries is likely to triple between 2017 and 2100 to around 3 billion. There are currently 62 million people in South Africa. About 67,9% of our population (in 2021) live in urban areas. The South African population grew by 0,87% in 2023. The fertility rate is 2,30 (2023). It is estimated that by 2050 75,5 million people will be living in South Africa, with 8 out of every 10 people living in urban areas, which would significantly increase the pressure on infrastructure. The Global Footprint Network states that humans currently use the resources of 1,75 Earths. If the situation does not improve, by 2050 we would need the equivalent of three Earths to survive. More than 4 billion people will have little or no water by 2050, and South Africa even now has been classified as a "water-stressed" country. Medical science is continually contributing to more babies surviving their entry into the world and to our living increasingly longer. Life expectancy has risen from 46 years in 1950 to 73,2 years in 2023. By 2050 it will be 77 years. What can be done? Empowerment of women is important. Population growth can be curbed to a reasonable extent by giving more girls access to education. This certainly does not mean that girls or women alone should be held responsible for the current population growth, but much more will have to be done about sex education, women's rights will have to be actively promoted and there will have to be better provision and use of contraceptives. Obviously, these issues should be approached and handled with due caution. In this regard, countries such as Thailand and South Korea have, in the recent past, proved that good education may result in lower birth rates. In Africa, women with no education have an average of 5,4 children; women who completed high school an average of 2,7 children and women with tertiary education an average of 2.2. In Nigeria, every year of school attendance by girls cuts the birth rate by a tenth. In addition, intensified efforts to reform economies and societies should be considered. For the sake of the survival of the human species and the sustainability of the Earth, ecological and economic justice and the empowerment ofwomen have to be encouraged. The Millennium Project - a global participatory think tank that was founded in 1996 under the auspices of the American Council for the United Nations University, but which became independent in 2009 and has since grown into a global network of institutions and individuals - aims to improve humankind's prospects for a better future. It recommends, among other things, the following: • Support a policy aimed at improving the survival of children, responsible family planning and educational opportunities for (especially) girls. • Improve methods that will ensure skills and employment opportunities for young people, as well as care and services for the elderly. • Implement the UN's urban agenda. • Create enough smart cities where citizens with urban intelligence can help in eco-smart ways with the necessary improvements in the city. • Increase training in resilience, and improve disaster prediction and management. • Provide guidance for people about urban ecology. • Intensify research and development in saltwater agriculture (halophytes or salt plants) on coastlines to produce food for humans and animals, biofuel and pulp for the paper industry, and to absorb carbon dioxide (CO2). This will ease the pressure on freshwater agriculture. • Improve agricultural and irrigation management. • Invest in precision agriculture and aquaculture. • Reduce food losses from the "farm to the mouth" (one third or 1,3 billion tons of agricultural production is wasted in this way every year). • Establish seaweed to restore wild fish populations along coastlines. The World Bank estimates that 90% of marine life is completely depleted. • Expand the production of insects for animal feed and human diets (insects have a low environmental impact, and 2 billion people already supplement their diet with insects today). • Encourage vegetarianism. Although there are more ways to address these important global challenges, responsible family planning remains one of the most important. This is an extremely sensitive issue for many people (especially in Africa), but if it is not promoted in a humane, informed and responsible way, the sustainability of life on our planet will increasingly come under tremendous pressure in various respects.

Die aantal mense op aarde en hulle/ons aktiwiteite neem tans skrikwekkende afmetings aan met wydlopende gevolge vir ons planeet, biodiversiteit en uiteindelik onsself. Die moderne mens het sy teenwoordigheid op die aarde en die benutting van hulpbronne baie lank as sy onaantasbare reg gesien. Die huidige uitwerking van byvoorbeeld bevolkingsgroei en besoedeling versteur die aarde se natuurlike ritme in so 'n mate dat ons nou nie meer op 'n kitsoplossing kan hoop nie. Die mens se getalle neem teen so 'n tempo toe dat dit nie net nadelig vir die planeet is nie, maar ook vir die mensdom self. Wat kan gedoen word? Bemagtiging van vroue speel 'n belangrike rol. Dit beteken beslis nie dat meisies en vroue alleen vir die huidige bevolkingsgroei verantwoordelik gehou moet word nie. Die bevolkingsgroei kan egter in 'n redelike mate vertraag word deur veral meer meisies toegang tot onderwys en opleiding te gee - asook hul lewensomstandighede te verbeter. Ook sal daar heelwat meer aan seksopvoeding gedoen moet word, vroueregte sal daadwerklik bevorder moet word en daar sal beter voorsiening en gebruik van voorbehoedmiddels moet wees. Uiteraard moet hierdie kwessies met die nodige omsigtigheid benader en hanteer word. In hierdie verband kan onder andere Thailand en Suid-Korea genoem word wat in die onlangse verlede bewys het dat goeie onderwys geboortesyfers laat daal. In Afrika het vroue wat geen onderwys ontvang nie, gemiddeld 5,4 kinders; vroue wat hoërskool voltooi het gemiddeld 2,7 kinders en vroue wat tersiêre studie deurloop het, gemiddeld 2,2 kinders. In Nigerië sny elke jaar wat meisies skool bywoon, die geboortesyfer met 'n tiende. Hiermee saam sal daar ook verskerpte pogings moet wees om ekonomieë en samelewings te hervorm. Ter wille van die mens se voortbestaan en die volhoubaarheid van lewe op aarde moet ekologiese en ekonomiese geregtigheid, en die bemagtiging van vroue aangemoedig word.

The objective of this study was to assess the prevalence of linguistic sexism in Afrikaans and its evolution over seven decades, reflecting possible societal changes. More specifically, the inquiry sought to investigate the presence of sexism in Afrikaans women's magazines from 1948 to 2020. To achieve this, a corpus was constructed using 57 editions of the Afrikaans women's magazine, rooi rose. The data was then analysed by means of the #LancsBox corpus software tool. Situated within the domain of language and gender, the study delved into the intricate interplay between linguistic and societal norms. We accept that there is a symbiotic and reciprocal relationship between language and the way humans experience the external world. This also applies to the relationship between a (specific) language and the way in which the concept of gender is embodied by speakers of the language. In particular, linguistic sexism, a subfield of the language and gender field, can be seen as the lens through which possible discrimination against women can be made visible. Linguistic sexism manifests inter alia through lexical items of the following types: forms of address and titles; gendered nouns like skryfster ("female author") and sekretaresse ("female secretary"); the generic he and the frequency of co-occurrence of the pronouns hy ("he"), hom ("him") and sy ("his") with gender-neutral nouns like baba ("baby"), kind ("child") and mens ("humankind", "man"). The findings from the rooi rose corpus paint a nuanced picture. While the prevalence of mevrou outweighs that of mejuffrou, suggesting a lingering gender bias, the diminishing gap between their usage indicates a gradual shift. However, traditions like beauty competitions perpetuate linguistic sexism, with titles like Mejuffrou Persoonlikheid ("Miss Personality") and Mejuffrou Glimlag ("Miss Smile") reinforcing traditional gender norms. Me, the Afrikaans equivalent of "Ms", appears so infrequently in the corpus that its frequency is negligible. The analysis of professional and personal names reveals a changing landscape, with certain terms evolving into gender-neutral descriptors, albeit with remnants of gender stereotypes persisting in certain contexts. The generic use of masculine pronouns ("hy", "hom", "sy") when referring to gender-neutral nouns underscores linguistic bias. GraphColl (a function of #LancsBox) was used to ascertain how many times hy ("he"), hom ("him") and the possessive pronoun sy ("his") refer to mens ("person"), kind ("child" and baba ("baby") where the gender of these words is uncertain. An example of such occurrences is the following: Wie kan werklik begryp wat die kind dink en voel en glo daar waar hy in sy eie beto-werde wêreldjie verlöre raak? ("Who can really understand what the child thinks and feels and believes where he gets lost in his own enchanted little world?") References to baba ("baby"), kind ("child") and mens ("person") in most cases show a clear preference for the male personal or possessive pronouns. To conclude, while the linguistic landscape of Afrikaans women in rooi rose demonstrates strides towards inclusivity, traces of entrenched linguistic biases endure, illustrating the complex interplay between language and societal norms.

Hierdie artikel ondersoek die taallandskap¹ van die Afrikaanse vrou soos wat dit te sien is in die rooi rose van 1948 - 2020 en vra of hierdie landskap, veral wat taalseksisme betref, soos te siene in rooi rose sedert 1948, verander het. Die rooi rose-korpus was die databron wat ontleed is met die moontlikhede wat korpuslinguistiek as metode bied. Die studie val in die sosiolinguistieksubveld wat in die breë as die taal-en-gender-veld bekend staan. Taalseksisme val in hierdie deelgebied. Taalseksisme (en gepaardgaande stereotipering) kom voor wanneer daar deur en in taal teen 'n geslag of gender gediskrimineer word. Kwantitatiewe navorsing is gebruik om frekwensies van leksikale items soos aan-spreekvorms en titels, die generiese hy en manlike en vroulike persoons- en beroepsname vas te stel. Soekwoorde binne konteks, soos wat verkry word in konkordansiereëls, asook kollokasies is kwalitatief ontleed. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe die studie kom, is dat daar verandering op te merk is wat die gebruik van sommige leksikale items betref. Daar is 'n frekwensieafname te bespeur in sommige titels en aanspreekvorme, maar die neutrale me (wat nie onderskeid tref wat huwelikstatus betref nie) word nie in die korpus aangetref nie. Afrikaans volg die wêreldtendens deur sommige manlike en vroulike selfstandige naamwoorde te vervang met een naamwoord wat na beide mans en vrouens kan verwys. Daar is egter nog tekens van taalseksisme in die korpus. Die generiese hy word tot 2020 nog baie gebruik en onderskeid word ook nog getref wat betref die huwelikstatus van vroue.

In hierdie studie word optimale prysbepaling en lotgrootte produksiebeleidsmodelle met pryssensitiewe vraag na verswakkende produkte oorweeg, met inagneming van twee afsonderlike produksietempo's. Dit is moontlik om produksie teen een tempo te begin en dan na 'n ander tempo oor te skakel na 'n tydperk. So 'n scenario is aantreklik, aangesien 'n groot aanvanklike voorraad geproduseerde goedere vermy kan word deur produksie teen 'n beskeie tempo te begin, en sodoende die aanvanklike belegging en die houkoste te verminder. Verder word die vyfde-orde vergelyking verkry wanneer die vergelyking vir optimale prysbepaling afgelei word. Maksimering van die wins word bereken op grond van 'n vyfde-orde vergelyking. Beide optimale pryse en produksielotgrootte is besluitveranderlikes, en optimale siklustyd is ook een van die besluitveranderlikes vir die bepaling van prysgelykbreekpunte. Wat inligting betref, het geen navorser optimale prysbepaling en produksielotgrootte-beleide in twee-tempo-van-produksie-modelle vir hul studie ondersoek nie. Die doel van die studie is om die optimale produksie, optimale pryse en optimale siklustyd te ondersoek om die totale koste te verminder en die totale wins te maksimeer. Beide prys-gelykbreekpunt en winsmaksimering word oorweeg. 'n Toepaslike wiskundige model word ontwikkel. 'n Illustratiewe voorbeeld word verskaf en numeries bekragtig met behulp van 'n sensitiwiteitsanalise. Microsoft Visual Basic 6.0 is gebruik om die model se uitkomsvalidering te kodeer.

In the present study, optimal pricing and optimal lot size production policy models with price-sensitive demand of deteriorating products are considered, taking into account two distinct production rates. It is possible to begin production at one rate and then switch to a different rate after a period of time. Such a scenario is appealing, in that a big initial stock of produced goods can be avoided by starting production at a modest pace, thus reducing the initial investment and the holding cost. Further, the fifth-order equation is obtained when the equation for optimal pricing is derived. Maximising the profit is calculated based on a fifth-order equation. Both optimal pricing and production lot size are decision variables, and optimal cycle time is also one of the decision variables for determining price break-even points. As far as information is concerned, no researcher has examined optimal pricing and production lot size policies in two-rates-of-production models for their study. The objective of the present study is to examine the optimal production, optimal pricing, and optimal cycle time to reduce the total cost and to maximise the total profit. Both price break-even point and profit maximisation are considered. An appropriate mathematical model is developed. An illustrative example is provided and numerically validated using a sensitivity analysis. Microsoft Visual Basic 6.0 was used to code the model's outcome validation.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

ABSTRACT BACKGROUND: Exclusive breastfeeding is recommended for the first six months, and mother’s age impact early weaning. Educational support and relevant information can increase breastfeeding rates. OBJECTIVE: To determine whether antenatal education enhances the maintenance, intention, and confidence in breastfeeding among adolescents. DESIGN AND SETTING: A prospective cohort study involving primiparous adolescents who gave birth at the Woman’s Hospital (CAISM), Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Brazil. METHODS: Adolescent mothers were categorized into two groups based on the location of prenatal care: those at the Woman’s Hospital (WH) who received antenatal education, and at the Primary Care (PC) who did not receive antenatal education. All adolescents received breastfeeding orientation during their postpartum hospital stay. The groups were compared using the Student’s t-test, Mann–Whitney U test, and chi-squared test. Log-binomial models were used to compare the groups at different time intervals. RESULTS: The study included 132 adolescents: 59 in the WH group and 73 in the PC group. Six months postpartum, adolescents in the WH group demonstrated higher engagement in breastfeeding (P < 0.005) and exclusive breastfeeding (P = 0.04) than PC group. PC group showed greater lack of confidence in breastfeeding (P = 0.02) and felt less prepared (P = 0.01). Notably, all WH adolescents reported a stronger desire to breastfeed after antenatal education. CONCLUSION: Antenatal education significantly improves the maintenance, intention, and confidence of breastfeeding among adolescents. This education approach can be implemented across all healthcare levels and should be made accessible to all women throughout the pregnancy and postpartum period. BACKGROUND mother s weaning rates OBJECTIVE maintenance intention SETTING Womans Woman CAISM, CAISM , (CAISM) Campinas Brazil METHODS care (WH (PC stay Students Student ttest, ttest t test t-test MannWhitney Mann Whitney chisquared chi squared Logbinomial Log binomial intervals RESULTS 13 5 7 P 0.005 0005 0 005 0.04 004 04 0.02 002 02 0.01. 001 0.01 . 01 0.01) Notably CONCLUSION period (CAISM 1 0.00 000 00 0.0 0.

Abstract This paper explores the representation and translation of swearwords in a corpus of English Netflixseries dubbed into Italian. The TV series selected for this study encompass the most popular genres on the platform, including teen, dramedy, action, and mystery, making them representative of widely consumed content. The analysis begins with a comprehensive examination of the occurrence, extent, and function of swearwords in the original soundtracks, by considering variations across genres and semantic domains. The second part of the analysis offers a detailed exploration of the translation strategies employed to convey swearwords in the Italian dubbing of Netflix series, emphasizing genre-specific differences and the influence of language pair and cultural context on strategy selection. The results distinctly reveal that Italian dubbed dialogues often mitigate the offensiveness of swearwords, in contrast to the vulgarization tendency detected in previous studies for dialogues dubbed in Spanish. This divergence may be attributed to cultural factors and lower tolerance among Italian audiences. platform teen dramedy action mystery content occurrence extent soundtracks domains genrespecific genre specific selection Spanish audiences

Abstract: The goal of this article is to analyze the representation of the dead-but-not-gone girl archetype in two popular Netflix teen series: 13 Reasons Why (2017-2020) and Élite (2018-). To do that, we used a close reading of the first season of each series as a method of analysis. The results point to the representation of inactive female characters who end up being the object of desire -and obsession- of the male ones, who seek answers and/or revenge for their death. In this way, they become a kind of “sender,” a character that motivates or moves the active subject of the storytelling (the boys). Also, being dead, their voice is compromised or conveyed through the speech of other characters. They are voiceless girls who are in the memory and torment the living ones. Abstract deadbutnotgone dead but not gone 1 20172020 2017 2020 (2017-2020 2018. 2018 . (2018-) analysis obsession ones andor death way sender, sender “sender, boys. boys boys) Also 2017202 201 202 (2017-202 (2018- “sender 201720 20 (2017-20 (2018 20172 2 (2017-2 (201 (2017- (20 (2017 (2 (

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la representación del arquetipo de la dead-but-not-gone girl en dos series adolescentes de la plataforma Netflix: 13 Reasons Why (2017-2020) y Élite (2018-). Para ello, como técnica de análisis, realizamos la lectura en profundidad de la primera temporada de cada serie. Los resultados apuntan a la representación de unos personajes femeninos inactivos que acaban siendo el objeto de deseo -y de obsesión- de los masculinos, que buscan respuestas y/o venganza a su muerte. Devienen, de esta manera, una especie de “destinadoras”, personajes que motivan o mueven al sujeto activo (los chicos) del relato. Además, estando muertas, su voz se ve comprometida o vehiculada a través del discurso de otros personajes. Son chicas sin voz que se sitúan en el recuerdo y atormentan a los personajes vivos. Resumen deadbutnotgone dead but not gone Netflix 1 20172020 2017 2020 (2017-2020 2018. 2018 . (2018-) ello análisis serie obsesión masculinos yo muerte Devienen manera destinadoras, destinadoras , “destinadoras” chicos relato Además muertas vivos 2017202 201 202 (2017-202 (2018- “destinadoras 201720 20 (2017-20 (2018 20172 2 (2017-2 (201 (2017- (20 (2017 (2 (

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a representação do arquétipo dead-but-not-gone girl em duas séries adolescentes da Netflix: 13 Reasons Why (2017-2020) e Élite (2018-). Para isso, utilizamos a técnica de leitura profunda para analisar a primera temporada de cada série. Os resultados indicam que há uma representação de personagens femininas de forma passiva. Estas personagens acabam sendo objeto de desejo e obsessão de personagens masculinos, que buscam respostas e/ou vingança por sua morte. Dessa forma, as personagens femininas se tornam “destinadoras” que motivam ou movem os sujeitos ativos (os garotos). Além disso, as vozes destas personagens estão comprometidas, já que elas estão mortas e são transmitidas através da fala de outros personagens. Portanto, são garotas sem voz que vivem apenas na memória e, atormentam os vivos. Resumo deadbutnotgone dead but not gone Netflix 1 20172020 2017 2020 (2017-2020 2018. 2018 . (2018-) isso série passiva masculinos eou morte destinadoras “destinadoras garotos. garotos garotos) disso comprometidas Portanto vivos 2017202 201 202 (2017-202 (2018- 201720 20 (2017-20 (2018 20172 2 (2017-2 (201 (2017- (20 (2017 (2 (

This article explores similar social experiences of South Africa in the English and Afrikaans literary systems respectively. It investigates the reflection of patriarchy as an ideological presupposition of South African society in the earliest writings of two South African writers, Olive Schreiner (1855-1920) and Maria Elizabeth Rothmann (1875-1975) (known as M. E. R.). In doing this, it offers a discussion of how these women's involvement in South African politics sought to address the situation that political rule during the late 1800s and early 1900s created for South African women in the broader context of the South African War. The practice of gender politics as a response to these social experiences is discussed, while the contribution of Schreiner's radical voice to the stereotyping of the Afrikaner woman is compared to the modest voice with which M. E. R. fought for the rights of these stereotyped women. The article concludes that the nature of, and similarities and differences between their feminist voices determined Schreiner's and M. E. R.'s contribution to their respective literary systems, as well as their contribution to English and Afrikaans prose.

Maternal and Child Welfare (MCW) was introduced to Swazis in 1933 by the Raleigh Fitkin Memorial (RFM) Hospital of the Church of the Nazarene (CON). Literature on its introduction shows how European doctors in colonial spaces used their knowledge of medicine to further imperial expansion and control, legitimise and maintain colonial power and undermine local belief systems. Literature on the African response to its introduction is still scanty. Drawing from archives and oral informants, this article advances the standard assumption in medical historiography of Africa which states that African people were not passive recipients of biomedical services by demonstrating that Swazi women contested and sometimes rejected some of the MCW services. The article explores overlapping interests in health care provision between the CON missionaries and the colonial government and explains why pregnancy and childbirth were shifted from the private to the public domain. Further, it investigates Swazi women's contestation of some missionary maternal health practices, which forced CON missionaries to negotiate their uptake.

Moeder- en Kinderwelsyn (MCW) is in 1933 aan die Swazi's bekendgestel by die Raleigh Fitkin Memorial (RFM) Hospital of the Church of the Nazarene (CON). Geskrifte oor die bekendstelling daarvan wys hoe Europese dokters in koloniale ruimtes hul mediese kennis gebruik het om imperiale uitbreiding en beheer te bevorder, imperiale mag gelegitimeer en in stand gehou het, en plaaslike stelsels van kennis en geloof ondermyn het. Geskrifte oor Afrikane se reaksie daarop is egter skraps. Deur middel van argiewe en mondelinge getuies voer hierdie artikel aan dat Afrikane nie bloot passiewe ontvangers van biomediese dienste was nie, deur te wys hoe Swazi vroue weerstand daarteen gebied het, en sommige van die MCW se dienste ronduit verwerp het. Die artikel stel ondersoek in na die CON-sendelinge en koloniale regering se oorvleuelende belange wat betref gesondheidsdienste, en verduidelik waarom swangerskap en geboorte verskuif is vanuit die private na die openbare sfeer. Verder stel dit ondersoek in na Swazi vroue se weerstand teen sommige van die sendelinge se gesondheidsdienste aan swanger vroue en moeders, wat die CON-sendelinge genoop het om oor die gebruik daarvan te onderhandel.

BACKGROUND: Despite measures put in place to combat teenage pregnancy, the rate remains high. Community health workers (CHWs) are a cadre of health workers that can help put measures in place to reduce teenage pregnancy in the communities in which they live and work. AIM: This article aims to gain a deeper understanding of CHWs' perceptions regarding teenage pregnancy in the rural districts of Limpopo province. METHODS: An exploratory qualitative study approach was employed to collect data from CHWs in two rural districts of Limpopo. A non-probability purposive sampling approach was used to choose 81 CHWs. Eight focus group discussions (FGDs) were organised, and audio recorded to collect data from participants. The discussions were 2-3 h long and conducted in English, and data saturation was attained by the fifth FGDs. RESULTS: An eight-step tech's content analysis approach was employed to deductively code, analyse and summarise data into themes. Three themes emerged: the prevalence of teenage pregnancy in rural villages, factors contributing to teenage pregnancy and challenges faced by CHWs when dealing with teenage pregnancy. CONCLUSION: The study's findings revealed that CHWs face challenges in their communities when offering appropriate teen pregnancy services and CHWs believe that teen pregnancy numbers remain high. There is a significant barrier in combating teenage pregnancy; if contraceptives are not acceptable to the community, the only solution and option for combating teenage pregnancy is abstinence. CONTRIBUTION: The CHWs presented their insights of teenage pregnancy in rural communities. The outcomes of this study could help clinical practise, schools, communities, youth-friendly services, policymakers and other non-governmental organisations reduce teenage pregnancy.