Résumé La politique de colonisation interne au Brésil après l’Indépendance a été continuellement activée et transformée au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles afin de contrôler les populations insoumises et les territoires. À partir de l’analyse bibliographique et documentaire d’un ensemble de projets et d’expériences de colonisation, il a été possible de reconstruire le cadre interprétatif de cette politique, en mettant l’accent sur la période de la dictature entreprise-militaire et sur son sens de transformation des paysans en classe moyenne rurale. Nous avons cherché à identifier les principaux éléments constitutifs de cette couche sociale, ses caractéristiques et ses attentes en fonction de l’ensemble des valeurs, intérêts et présupposés du complexe techno-entreprise-militaire à partir de la politique de colonisation dans sa formation. Les continuités et reconfigurations de cette politique nous permettent d’affirmer que coloniser est le verbe caché dans le traitement de la question agraire nationale. lIndépendance l Indépendance territoires lanalyse analyse dun d un dexpériences expériences laccent accent entreprisemilitaire entreprise militaire rurale sociale lensemble valeurs technoentreprisemilitaire techno formation daffirmer affirmer nationale

Abstract The internal colonization policy in post-Independence Brazil was continuously activated and transformed throughout the 19th and 20th centuries in order to control unsubmissive populations and territories. From the bibliographic and documentary analysis of a set of colonization projects and experiences, it was possible to reconstruct the interpretative framework of this policy, emphasizing the period of the corporate-military dictatorship and its meaning of transformation of the traditional peasantry into the rural middle class. We sought to identify the main elements that constitute this stratum, its characteristics and expectations based on the set of values, interests and assumptions of the techno-corporate-military complex, highlighting the role of the colonization policy in its formation. The continuities and reconfigurations of this policy allow us to state that talking about colonizing while it is the hidden verb of the treatment given to the national agrarian question. postIndependence post Independence th territories experiences corporatemilitary corporate military class stratum values technocorporatemilitary techno complex formation question

Resumen La política de colonización interna en el Brasil posterior a la independencia se activó y transformó continuamente a lo largo de los siglos XIX y XX con el fin de controlar a las poblaciones y territorios insumisos. A partir de un análisis bibliográfico y documental de una serie de proyectos y experiencias de colonización, fue posible reconstruir el marco interpretativo de esta política, haciendo hincapié en el periodo de la dictadura empresarial-militar y su transformación del campesinado en clase media rural. Se buscó identificar los principales elementos que componen este estrato, sus características y expectativas, con base en el conjunto de valores, intereses y supuestos del complejo tecno-empresarial-militar desde la política de colonización en su formación. Las continuidades y reconfiguraciones de esta política nos permiten afirmar que la colonización es el verbo oculto en el tratamiento de la cuestión agraria nacional. insumisos empresarialmilitar empresarial militar rural estrato expectativas valores tecnoempresarialmilitar tecno formación nacional

Resumo A política de colonização interna no Brasil pós-Independência foi continuamente acionada e transformada ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX a fim de controlar populações insubmissas e territórios. A partir da análise bibliográfica e documental de um conjunto de projetos e experiências de colonização foi possível reconstruir o quadro interpretativo desta política, dando ênfase ao período da ditadura empresarial-militar e ao seu sentido de transformação do campesinato em classe média rural. Buscou-se identificar os principais elementos que constituem esse estrato, suas características e expectativas com base no conjunto de valores, interesses e pressupostos do complexo tecno-empresarial-militar a partir da política de colonização em sua formação. As continuidades e reconfigurações desta política nos permitem afirmar que colonizar é o verbo oculto do tratamento dado à questão agrária nacional. pósIndependência pós Independência territórios empresarialmilitar empresarial militar rural Buscouse Buscou se estrato valores tecnoempresarialmilitar tecno formação nacional

RESUMEN La pregunta central del presente artículo se centra en el grado y alcance de la transformación de la metódica heideggeriana en la medida en que la cuestión del ser debe abrirse a la posibilidad de lo político en la década de los 30. Esta reelaboración de ciertos aspectos prácticos de su pensamiento sucede para Heidegger en gran parte a través de un modo específico de tratamiento del concepto de espíritu que comienza a tomar forma en su famoso discurso del rectorado donde lo geistig aparece como una estructura fundamental del proyecto que se empieza a poner en marcha y que se consolida, precisamente, en el seminario Hegel, Sobre el Estado que da pie a este análisis. Se planteará a lo largo de este artículo que el espíritu, tajantemente rechazado en Ser y tiempo en vistas a su status temporal, se transforma en el desarrollo de la metapolítica heideggeriana en el nexo esencial entre Dasein y pueblo.

ABSTRACT The central question of the present article focuses on the extent and scope of the transformation of Heideggerian methodics, insofar as the question of being must open up to the possibility of the political in the 1930s. This reworking of certain practical aspects of his thought happens for Heidegger largely through a specific mode of treatment of the concept of spirit that begins to take shape in his famous rectorate speech, where the geistig appears as a fundamental structure of the project that begins to be set in motion, and which is consolidated, precisely, in the seminar Hegel, On the State that gives rise to this analysis. It will be argued, throughout this article, that the spirit, categorically rejected in Being and Time in view of its temporal status, is transformed in the development of Heideggerian metapolitics into the essential nexus between Dasein and people.

RESUMEN ¿Por qué no se soluciona la crisis carcelaria en Ecuador? Esta pregunta lleva a explorar la problemática penitenciaria desde sus orígenes hasta llegar al contexto ecuatoriano actual. El objetivo es reflexionar y demostrar que las prisiones y la privación de libertad han mantenido la misma dinámica desde sus orígenes, causando sufrimiento y dolor a los reclusos, en contraposición a la finalidad resocializadora de la pena; el contexto actual demuestra que la gestión penitenciaria no ha evolucionado, pese al desarrollo científico y normativo de esta rama. El enfoque cualitativo y socio-jurídico son la base de la investigación porque a través del diseño narrativo se describe de forma secuencial la historia del sistema penitenciario, el avance normativo y se compara con la realidad social; es decir, se hace un acercamiento del derecho a la sociedad a través de la revisión documental de fuentes secundarias. En definitiva, se concluye que no existe la voluntad política del Estado para abordar el problema de forma técnica y con el personal especializado, tal como sugiere la doctrina; al contrario, la crisis carcelaria en Ecuador tiene un tinte anacrónico, deshumanizante y alejado de la finalidad de la pena; es decir, no hay rehabilitación ni resocialización.

ABSTRACT Why is the prison crisis in Ecuador not solved? is the question that leads us to explore the penitentiary problem from its origins to the current Ecuadorian context. The objective is to reflect and demonstrate that prisons and deprivation of liberty have maintained the same dynamic since their origins, causing suffering and pain to inmates, in contrast to the resocializing purpose of punishment; The current context shows that prison management has not evolved, despite the scientific and regulatory development of this branch. The qualitative and socio-legal approach is the basis of the research because through the narrative design the history of the penitentiary system, the regulatory advance, and are compared with social reality are sequentially described; That is, an approach to the right to society is made through the documentary review of secondary sources. In short, it is concluded that there is no political will of the State to address the problem technically and with specialized personnel as suggested by the doctrine; on the contrary, the prison crisis in Ecuador has an anachronistic, dehumanizing tone and is far from the purpose of the sorrow; That is, there is no rehabilitation or resocialization.

Abstract: The starting point of this paper is the well-known crisis of politics and, in particular, the attacks on the principle of political representation. It would seem, then, that the solution lies in a re-politicisation of our communities and a greater presence of political participation. Why is the recovery of political participation utopian at the present? Beyond the non-existence of channels, the question remains open as to when it is possible to dedicate time to such participation. Indeed, present-day life does not seem to leave time for almost anything. Rosa explains the phenomenon of social acceleration, but devotes little time to the political repercussions beyond the consideration of another paradox, as we shall see, regarding the role of the state in acceleration. In this study, we shall attempt, after setting out Rosa's theses, to draw some conclusions with regard to present political participation.

Resumen: El punto de partida del presente trabajo es la consabida crisis de lo político y en especial los ataques al principio de representación política. Pareciera entonces que la solución pasa por una repolitización de nuestras comunidades y una mayor presencia de la participación política. Ahora bien, ¿por qué resulta utópica en el momento presente la recuperación de la participación en lo político? Más allá de la inexistencia de cauces, queda abierta la pregunta de cuándo es posible dedicar tiempo a tal participación. En efecto, la vida presente no parece dejar espacio temporal para casi nada. Rosa explica el fenómeno de la aceleración social, aunque apenas dedica tiempo a las repercusiones políticas más allá de la consideración de otra paradoja, como veremos, con respecto al papel del Estado en la aceleración. En este estudio, vamos a intentar, después de exponer las tesis de Rosa, sacar algunas conclusiones con respecto a la participación política presente.

Resumo: O ponto de partida deste documento é a conhecida crise da política e, em particular, os ataques ao princípio da representação política. Parece, pois, que a solução reside numa re-politização das nossas comunidades e numa maior presença de participação política. Mas porque é que a recuperação da participação política é utópica no momento actual? Para além da inexistência de canais, a questão permanece em aberto quanto a quando é possível dedicar tempo a essa participação. De facto, a vida actual parece não deixar tempo para quase nada. Rosa explica o fenómeno da aceleração social, mas dedica pouco tempo às repercussões políticas para além da consideração de outro paradoxo, como veremos, no que diz respeito ao papel do Estado na aceleração. Neste estudo, tentaremos, depois de apresentar as teses de Rosa, tirar algumas conclusões no que diz respeito à participação política actual.

Abstract Background: Although the loss of Melipona beecheii colonies in meliponaries suggests insufficient availability of melliferous blooming plants, there is limited knowledge about the diversity and conditions of the surrounding vegetation. Question: What is the diversity, structure, and composition of the melliferous and non-melliferous vegetation surrounding meliponaries, and how does it affect the availability of food sources for bees? Study site and dates: The vegetation surrounding nine meliponaries, three in each political state of the Yucatán Peninsula encompassing the main vegetation types, was studied in 2022 and 2023. Methods: Four 150-meter-long transects with the point-centered quadrants method were traced in each meliponary to estimate plant species composition, the availability of melliferous and blooming plants (IVI), diversity parameters (Hill-numbers), tree density, and diameter per strata. Results: 312 taxa, 250 genera, and 73 plant families were recorded. In five meliponaries, blooming melliferous plants accounted for less than 9 % of the IVI, with one meliponary having no blooming species. The highest diversity was found in a meliponary surrounded by semi-evergreen forest. The high stratum had a mean tree height of 5.5 (SD ± 2.9) meters and 3,390 (SD ± 2,702) trees/hectare across vegetation types. The tree diameter was lowest in meliponaries located in the semi-deciduous forest. Conclusions: The meliponaries are surrounded by young secondary vegetation with high density of small trees and predominance of the low stratum. We found a similar vegetation diversity among meliponaries and scarce blooming melliferous plants. Human activity seems to impact plant diversity and food availability for M. beecheii.

Resumen Antecedentes: Aunque la pérdida de colonias de Melipona beecheii en meliponarios sugiere insuficientes plantas melíferas en floración, existe conocimiento limitado sobre la diversidad y condiciones de la vegetación circundante. Pregunta: ¿Cuál es la diversidad, estructura y composición de la vegetación melífera y no melífera circundante a los meliponarios y cómo afecta a la disponibilidad de fuentes de alimento para las abejas? Sitio de estudio y fechas: Vegetación circundante de nueve meliponarios, tres por cada estado de la Península de Yucatán, abarcando los principales tipos de vegetación en 2022 y 2023. Métodos: Con cuatro transectos de 150-metros por meliponario y método de cuadrantes centrados en puntos, se estimó composición, disponibilidad de plantas melíferas y con flores (IVI), parámetros de diversidad (números de Hill), densidad y diámetros de árboles. Resultados: 312 taxa, 250 géneros y 73 familias de plantas registradas. En cinco meliponarios, las plantas melíferas floreciendo representaron menos del 9 % del IVI y uno no tuvo especies floreciendo. La mayor diversidad fue en un meliponario rodeado de selva mediana subperennifolia. La altura promedio de árboles en el estrato alto fue 5.5 (DE ± 2,9) metros, con 3,390 (DE ± 2.702) árboles/hectárea en todos los tipos de vegetación. El diámetro de árboles fue menor en meliponarios en selva mediana subcaducifolia. Conclusiones: Los meliponarios están rodeados de vegetación secundaria joven, alta densidad de árboles pequeños, predominio del estrato bajo, características similares y escasas plantas melíferas floreciendo, sugiriendo que, la actividad humana afecta la diversidad vegetal y disponibilidad de alimento para M. beecheii.

Abstract Background: As a result of botanical explorations carried out for the project Bromeliaceae of Mexico, we collected plants of the genus Hechtia within the Sierra de Huautla Biosphere Reserve, in Xochipala, municipality of Tlaquiltenango, Morelos, Mexico. However, this plant does not resemble any known species. Question: Do the Hechtia populations in Xochipala correspond to an undescribed taxon? Studied species: Species of Hechtia previously reported from Morelos and all the taxa with greater morphological similarity to the new proposed taxon. Study site and date: Xochipala, municipality of Tlaquiltenango, Morelos, Mexico, 2023. Methods: Our research involved field work, review of herbarium specimens, protologues, and type material of all the species of Hechtia distributed in Morelos, in the neighboring states of Puebla and Guerrero, and of the most morphologically similar taxa. Results: After a careful and detailed review of the living material and herbarium specimens, we conclude that those plants belong to an undescribed taxon that we propose here. A morphological description, images, and a distribution map of Hechtia cerrostlatilpae are included, as well as an identification key and a list of examined specimens of all Hechtia species known from the state of Morelos. Conclusions: The discovery of a new species of Hechtia in Xochipala, Morelos, Mexico increases the plant diversity of Morelos, particularly at the Sierra de Huautla Biosphere Reserve. Hechtia cerrostlatilpae presents unique vegetative and floral characters that allow its recognition as a new species within the genus.

Resumen Antecedentes: Como resultado de exploraciones botánicas realizadas para el proyecto Bromeliaceae de México, se recolectaron plantas del género Hechtia dentro de los límites de la reserva de biosfera Sierra de Huautla en Xochipala, municipio de Tlaquiltenango, Morelos, México. Sin embargo, esta planta no se parece a ninguna especie conocida. Pregunta: ¿Las poblaciones de Hechtia en Xochipala corresponden a un taxón no descrito? Especies de estudio: Especies de Hechtia reportadas para Morelos y todos los taxa morfológicamente más similares al nuevo taxón propuesto. Sitio y año de estudio: Xochipala, municipio de Tlaquiltenango, Morelos, México, 2023. Métodos: Nuestra investigación implicó trabajo de campo, revisión de especímenes de herbario, protólogos y material tipo de todas las especies de Hechtia distribuidas en Morelos, en los estados vecinos de Puebla y Guerrero y también, de los taxones más similares morfológicamente. Resultados: Tras una cuidadosa y detallada revisión de material vivo y de ejemplares de herbario, concluimos que estas plantas son un taxón no descrito que aquí proponemos. Se incluye una descripción morfológica, imágenes y un mapa de distribución de Hechtia cerrostlatilpae, así como una clave de identificación y una lista de especímenes examinados de todas las especies de Hechtia conocidas en el estado de Morelos. Conclusiones: El descubrimiento de una nueva especie de Hechtia en Xochipala, Morelos, México, aumenta la diversidad de plantas en Morelos, particularmente en la reserva de la biosfera Sierra de Huautla. Hechtia cerrostlatilpae presenta caracteres vegetativos y florales únicos que permiten su reconocimiento como una nueva especie del género.

Abstract: Hospitals, as the main entities providing medical services, face the crucial question of how to ensure the fairness and accessibility of medical services in strengthening the construction of integrity ethics. Patient-centered care is the code of conduct for medical services, requiring hospitals to provide high-quality and efficient medical services. This study delves into patients’ experiences, needs, and expectations regarding the construction of integrity ethics in hospitals, aiming to offer guidance and practical pathways for protecting patient rights, promoting reforms in the medical service system, and building trust-based doctor-patient relationships. In the context of an aging population and the goal of achieving universal health coverage, it is essential to allocate medical resources reasonably, ensuring the quality and credibility of medical services. Based on the stance of protecting patient rights, this study analyzes the current state of China’s medical service system and proposes specific measures to improve the quality of medical services and patient satisfaction, striving to provide valuable references for fostering positive interaction between patients and hospitals.

Resumen: Los hospitales, como principales entidades proveedoras de servicios médicos, se enfrentan a un punto crucial: cómo garantizar la equidad y la accesibilidad de los servicios médicos en el fortalecimiento de la construcción de la ética de la integridad. La atención centrada en el paciente es el código de conducta de los servicios médicos, que exige a los hospitales la prestación de servicios médicos eficientes y de alta calidad. Este estudio profundiza en las experiencias, necesidades y expectativas de los pacientes en relación con la construcción de una ética de la integridad en los hospitales, con el objetivo de ofrecer orientación y vías prácticas para proteger sus derechos, promover reformas en el sistema de servicios médicos y construir relaciones médico-paciente basadas en la confianza. En el contexto del envejecimiento de la población y el objetivo de lograr una cobertura sanitaria universal, es esencial asignar los recursos médicos de manera razonable, garantizando la calidad y la credibilidad de los servicios médicos. Partiendo de la postura de proteger los derechos del paciente, este estudio analiza el estado actual del sistema de servicios médicos en China y propone medidas concretas para mejorar su calidad y la satisfacción del paciente, esforzándose por ofrecer referencias para promover una interacción positiva entre pacientes y hospitales.

Resumo: Hospitais, como principais entidades fornecedoras de serviços médicos, enfrentam a questão crucial de como garantir equidade e acessibilidade dos serviços médicos no fortalecimento da construção de integridade ética. Cuidados centrados no paciente é o código de conduta para serviços médicos, requerendo que hospitais forneçam serviços médicos de alta qualidade e eficientes.Esse estudo investiga as experiências, necessidades e expectativas dos pacientes a respeito da construção de integridade ética nos hospitais, visando oferecer diretrizes e caminhos práticos para a proteção dos direitos dos pacientes, promovendo reformas no sistema de serviços médicos e construindo relações médico-paciente baseadas na confiança. No contexto do envelhecimento da população e do objetivo de alcançar cobertura universal da saúde, é essencial alocar recursos médicos de forma satisfatória, garantindo a qualidade e credibilidade dos serviços médicos. Baseado na orientação de proteger os direitos dos pacientes, esse estudo analisa o estado atual do sistema de serviços médicos da China e propõe medidas específicas para melhorar a qualidade dos serviços médicos e a satisfação dos pacientes, aspirando fornecer referências valiosas para promover uma interação positiva entre pacientes e hospitais.

Esta revisão de escopo buscou investigar se e como a história das facções criminais oriundas do estado do Rio de Janeiro tem sido abordada na literatura científica. A pergunta de pesquisa foi: “como a história, percursos e desdobramentos da atuação das facções criminais oriundas do estado do Rio de Janeiro são descritos pela literatura científica?”. Para respondê-la, buscou publicações nas bases da Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde (BVS), SciELO, Scopus e Web Of Science. Foi adotado o procedimento duplo-cego para a seleção de publicações e o Guia PRISMA-ScR para sumarização dos resultados. Verificou-se que a história destas facções não foi objeto principal dos estudos, sendo abordada por eles de maneira breve e pontual. As formas de conceituá-las variavam desde as que enfatizavam sua atuação no tráfico; que destacavam seu caráter cultural; seu caráter de governança; seu caráter de resistência política. Quanto à história das facções, alguns trabalhos trouxeram dados sobre sua origem; outros sobre sua trajetória no mercado do tráfico; sobre o surgimento de uma “cultura de facção”; sobre a relação entre facções e Estado. As diferentes formas de conceituá-las e o destaque de certos aspectos de sua história em detrimento de outros seguem a tendência da literatura mais abrangente sobre o tema.

This scoping review aimed to investigate whether and how the history of criminal factions originating from the state of Rio de Janeiro has been addressed in the scientific literature. The research question was: “How are the history, pathways, and developments of the activities of criminal factions from the state of Rio de Janeiro described in the scientific literature?” To answer this, publications were searched in the Virtual Health Library (BVS), SciELO, Scopus, and Web of Science databases. A double-blind procedure was adopted for the selection of publications, and the PRISMA-ScR guidelines were used to summarize the results. It was found that the history of these factions was not the main focus of the studies, being briefly and sporadically addressed. The ways of conceptualizing them varied, ranging from those that emphasized their involvement in drug trafficking, their cultural nature, their governance structure, or their role in political resistance. Regarding the history of the factions, some studies provided data on their origins, others on their trajectory in the drug market, the emergence of a “faction culture” or the relationship between factions and the state. The different ways of conceptualizing these factions and the emphasis on certain aspects of their history over others reflect trends in the broader literature on the subject.

Abstract Using the epistemological instrument of historical and dialectical materialism, embodied in the critique of the legal form of Pachukanis, with the procedural modality attributed to it by Edelman, consisting of formulating theoretical developments from the immanent critique of judicial decisions, the article investigates the relations between law and violence, especially in light of its impact on social movements, from the case study of the legal dispute surrounding the removal of the statue of a Confederate general in the city of Richmond, Virginia. In the end, it is concluded that, even when the state welcomes the interest of a critical social movement, as in the case in question, it does so in order to reaffirm the mechanisms of reproduction of the legal form that imprisons the contesting movements and prevents them from advancing towards the transformation of the mode of production. materialism Pachukanis Edelman decisions violence Richmond Virginia end movement question production

Resumo Valendo-se do instrumental epistemológico do materialismo histórico dialético, consubstanciado na crítica da forma jurídica de Pachukanis, com a modalidade procedimental que lhe atribuiu Edelman, consistente em formular desenvolvimentos teóricos a partir da crítica imanente de decisões judiciais, o artigo investiga as relações entre direito e violência, especialmente à luz de sua incidência na atuação de movimentos sociais, a partir do estudo de caso da disputa judicial em torno da remoção da estátua de um general confederado na cidade de Richmond, Virginia. Ao final, conclui-se que, ainda quando o estado alberga o interesse de um movimento social crítico, como no caso em exame, o faz de forma a reafirmar os mecanismos de reprodução da forma jurídica que aprisiona os movimentos contestatórios e impede que avancem em direção à transformação do modo de produção. Valendose Valendo se dialético Pachukanis Edelman judiciais violência sociais Richmond Virginia final concluise conclui crítico exame produção

Heelwat navorsing is al gedoen in 'n poging om 'n greep op aspekte van goeie en slegte plaaslike regering te kry. 'n Kernvraag wat steeds onbeantwoord bly is die volgende: Wat is "plaaslike regering", en hoe kan die werklikheid waarna die begrip verwys, verstaan en herken word? 'n Begripsraamwerk van "plaaslike regering" is onlangs ontwikkel bestaande uit die herkenbare eienskappe van die begrip om dit te identifiseer. Gepaardgaande daarmee is 'n sosiale ontologie van sorg vir "plaaslike regering" ontwikkel. Die veronderstelling is dat plaaslike regerings in Suid-Afrika en ander lande aan die hand van daardie eienskappe herken sal word. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is daar egter 'n moontlike nietipiese voorbeeld van plaaslike regering, naamlik Orania, 'n bestaande dorp binne die geografiese gebied van die Thembelihle Plaaslike Munisipaliteit in die Noord-Kaapprovinsie. Orania is nie 'n muni-sipaliteit ingevolge die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet en wetlike raamwerk nie. Die vraag is gevolglik of Orania wel as 'n "plaaslike regering" beskou kan word. In antwoord op die vraag gee hierdie artikel 'n ontiese¹ beskrywing van Orania aan die hand van die gekose begripsraamwerk en sosiale ontologie van sorg. Dit blyk uit die beskrywing en ontleding daarvan dat Orania wel aan die institusionele, funksionele en territoriale eienskappe van die begrip "plaaslike regering" voldoen en op 'n outentieke wyse as plaaslike regering funksioneer. Die gevallestudie wys dat 'n outentieke plaaslike regering een is wat 'n integrerende deel uitmaak van sy plaaslike gemeenskap en omsluitende wêrelde, wat voortdurende ongemak met die hede beleef en met sorg, besorgdheid en sorgsaamheid daarop reageer.

Much research has been conducted to grasp aspects of good and bad local governance. A central question that remains unanswered is: What constitutes "local government" and how can the reality to which this concept refers be understood and recognised? Recently, a conceptual framework was developed by identifying recognisable characteristics of this concept's reference. The assumption is that local governments in South Africa and other countries will be recognised based on these characteristics. Alongside this, a social ontology of care for "local government" was established. However, within the South African context, a potentially atypical example of local government is found, namely Orania, an existing town situated within the geographical area of the Thembelihle Local Municipality in the Northern Cape province. Orania is not a municipality in terms of the South African constitution and legal framework. The question thus arises whether Orania can indeed be considered a "local government". In response to this query, this article provides a description of Orania using the chosen conceptual framework and social ontology of care as part of a case study design. The analysis and ontological description ofOrania, by means of the conceptual framework, reveal that the phenomenon of Orania does indeed possess a territorial jurisdictional sphere (the Orania Overlay Zone), a democratically elected representative council (the OVR), and a Town Council and its administration that performs a range of local functions and responsibilities. While the territory of a municipality is generally determined by authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions (such as province, state, and national government), the territorial area known as the Orania Overlay Zone results from the purchase and cultivation of land by members of a homogeneous cultural community. Therefore, the territory is not only a demarcation of jurisdiction, but the place to which this community is connected. The institutional aspect of local government is likely a universal feature. The nature and scope of the institutional structure of local governments are often also the result of standardised external authorising measures or decisions by other jurisdictions. Consequently, the structures may not necessarily resonate with the needs and resources of the sometimes diverse society that constitutes the inhabitants of such an area. In the case of Orania, the institutional structure of local government (the OVR and the Town Council) is directly determined by the community, as represented by various land entities, based on the community's specific needs and available resources. The performance of a limited range of local functions can also be considered a universal feature of local government. In this particular case, the functions of the relevant local government are determined by its decision-making bodies, such as the Town Council, in consultation with the community as represented by the various land entities. Consequently, typical local government functions are performed according to the community's needs and available resources. Non-typical local government functions, such as residence rights, are performed within the general scope of the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and other national legislation. The analysis confirmed that Orania meets the characteristics consistent with the concept of "local government" as outlined in the conceptual framework. Additionally, viewing Orania through the theoretical lens of social ontology of care highlights that it is a human construct, making objective observation and description challenging. Orania is a network of interconnected individuals and social institutions situated within overlapping human, spiritual, natural, territorial, and political worlds. The authenticity of this existence lies in its concern for the affairs of the world in which it is situated and the conscientiousness with which it carries out its functions in conjunction with others. The case study shows that an authentic local government is one that forms an integral part of its local community and surrounding worlds, continually experiencing discomfort (anxiety) with the present, and responding to that anxiety with care, concern, and nurturing for society and its things.

Abstract This article proposes a critical approach to qualitative comparative methodologies in the study of social policies, based on the analysis of the case study presented by Mishra (1995) in his book ‘The Welfare State in Capitalist Society’. The aim is to answer the research question of this article: how, in qualitative research, do the choices of comparison units facilitate or limit the understanding of social policies? The methodology adopted involves theoretical, documentary, and case study analysis, examining common frames of reference in comparative approaches, such as causality, empirical variations, application limits, theorization, and comparison units. The study shows that the methodological path to understanding different realities is increasingly linked to the formation of comparative units and the definition of the nature of the cases, often classified as successful, unsuccessful, or hybrid experiences. These categories can result from a logical construct defined by the researcher. The conclusion is that one of the most relevant aspects of the research lies in the poor or non-existent grasp of the meanings and explanatory senses that each unit of analysis and comparative cases (political regimes) attribute to their choices in the face of the crises of capitalism. Ramesh Mishra's work reinforces our suspicion: in qualitative research, comparing cases can improve the understanding of social policies and limit their interpretation and explanation. Taking the conscious risk of comparing social policies as national agreements, with a high degree of territorial variation, is a practice that can ignore the specific logic and dynamics of each context. This review therefore emphasises the importance of a critical understanding of methodological choices and theoretical approaches in comparative qualitative studies. As well as recognizing that not everything is comparable and that replication can reinforce the coloniality of knowledge, it stresses the need to pay attention to the ‘hierarchy of credibility’ when analyzing comparative models.

Resumo Este artigo propõe uma abordagem crítica às metodologias comparativas qualitativas no estudo das políticas sociais, ancorando-se na análise do estudo de caso apresentado por Mishra (1995) no livro "O Estado-Providência na sociedade capitalista". O objetivo é responder à questão de investigação deste artigo: de que forma, nas pesquisas qualitativas, as escolhas das unidades de comparação facilitam ou limitam a compreensão das políticas sociais? A metodologia adotada envolve a análise teórica, documental e de estudo de caso, examinando quadros de referência comuns em abordagens comparativas, como a causalidade, variações empíricas, limites de aplicação, teorização e unidades de comparação. O estudo evidencia que a trajetória metodológica para compreender realidades distintas está cada vez mais vinculada à formação de unidades comparativas e à definição da natureza dos casos, frequentemente classificados como experiências de sucesso, fracasso ou híbridas, categorias que podem resultar de um constructo lógico definido pelo investigador. Conclui-se que um dos aspetos mais relevantes da investigação reside na fraca ou nula apreensão dos significados e sentidos explicativos que cada unidade de análise e/ou casos comparados (regimes políticos) atribui às suas escolhas face às crises do capitalismo. Assumir conscientemente o risco de comparar políticas sociais, com elevado grau de variação territorial, é uma prática que pode ignorar as lógicas e dinâmicas específicas de cada contexto. Por conseguinte, esta recensão destaca a importância de uma compreensão crítica das escolhas metodológicas e das abordagens teóricas em estudos qualitativos comparativos. Para além de reconhecer que nem tudo é comparável e que a replicação pode reforçar a colonialidade do conhecimento, sublinha-se a necessidade de atenção à "hierarquia da credibilidade" ao analisar modelos comparativos.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the criticisms leveled by El Defensor de la Religión (a newspaper published in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico) against certain actors from 1827 to 1833. It accused them of being “enemies of God,” since they questioned the ecclesiastical discipline of the time, which, within the framework of a confessional state, was regarded as beyond question by the priesthood. It also explains why the Guadalajara diocesan clergy used the press to refute their enemies rather than the system of religious censorship in force from 1821 to 1855. Through an examination of El Defensor de la Religión, the author shows that the Guadalajara clergy were reluctant to join a liberal political system with regalian pretensions, with deep roots in Bourbon Spain, even though this system guaranteed the Church a central role as the spiritual guide of Mexican society. Ecclesiastical autonomy from civil power was central to the Catholic republic project defended by the Guadalajara clerics. This study is relevant because it argues that, despite the abolition of the Inquisition in 1820, ecclesiastical censorship continued to function in independent life. In addition, it underwent substantial changes about the colonial period, such as using the press as a complement to the differentiated system for freedom of the press.

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las impugnaciones que, entre 1827 y 1833, realizó El Defensor de la Religión (periódico de Guadalajara, Jalisco, México) contra ciertos actores a los que acusó de “enemigos de Dios”, toda vez que cuestionaron la disciplina eclesiástica de la época, la cual, en el marco de un Estado confesional, fue considerada como incuestionable por el sacerdocio. Asimismo, se esclarece por qué el clero diocesano tapatío utilizó la prensa para rebatir a sus enemigos, en lugar de valerse del régimen de censura religiosa vigente entre 1821 y 1855. A través del examen de El Defensor de la Religión se demuestra que el clero de Guadalajara fue reacio a incorporarse a un sistema político liberal con pretensiones regalistas, con profundas raíces en la España borbónica, aunque dicho sistema garantizara a la Iglesia un lugar central como guía espiritual de la sociedad mexicana. La autonomía eclesiástica frente al poder civil resultó central en el proyecto de república católica defendido por los clérigos tapatíos. Este estudio resulta relevante porque logra argumentar que, a pesar de la desaparición de la Inquisición en 1820, la censura eclesiástica continuó funcionando en la vida independiente, además de que experimentó cambios sustanciales en relación con el periodo colonial, entre ellos, el uso de la prensa como complemento del sistema diferenciado en materia de libertad de imprenta.

Abstract This article investigates the processes of reconfiguration and perception of childhood vaccination against COVID-19 in Brazil and childcare in the post-pandemic context. Through ethnography in digital environments, we analyze the arguments used to question the vaccine across four platforms (Telegram, Twitter, YouTube, and Instagram). Thus, we seek to understand individuals’ perceptions of the safety and risks of the vaccine, how the reconfiguration of childhood vaccination culture occurs in Brazil, and how this resonates in other instances of social life. We observe that arguments used to reject the vaccine have been employed in previous health emergencies (such as HPV and H1N1), emphasizing a strong appeal for freedom, the preservation of individual rights, and positioning the child as the family’s responsibility, excluding the State from this role. COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 postpandemic post pandemic context environments Telegram, Telegram (Telegram Twitter YouTube Instagram. Instagram . Instagram) Thus individuals life such H1N1, H1N1 HN , H N H1N1) freedom rights familys family s responsibility role COVID1 1 COVID- H1N

Resumo Este artigo investiga os processos de reconfiguração e percepção da vacinação infantil contra Covid-19 no Brasil e o cuidado da criança no pós-pandemia. Por meio da etnografia em ambientes digitais, analisamos os argumentos utilizados para questionar a vacina a partir de quatro campos (Telegram, Twitter, YouTube e Instagram). Com isso, buscamos compreender qual é a percepção dos indivíduos em relação à segurança e os riscos do imunizante, como se dá a reconfiguração da cultura da vacinação infantil no Brasil e como isso acaba reverberando em outras instâncias da vida social. Observamos que os argumentos apresentados pelos indivíduos para negar a vacina já foram utilizados em emergências sanitárias anteriores (como o HPV e a H1N1) e possuem um forte apelo por liberdade e pela manutenção dos direitos individuais, além de colocar a criança como responsabilidade da família, não cabendo esse papel ao Estado. Covid19 Covid 19 Covid-1 póspandemia. póspandemia pós pandemia. pandemia pós-pandemia digitais Telegram, Telegram (Telegram Twitter Instagram. Instagram . Instagram) imunizante social H1N1 HN H N individuais família Estado Covid1 1 Covid- H1N

ABSTRACT Starting from the decline in intentional homicide in Mexico during 2023, this article analyzes the roots of the violence crisis that has plagued the country for more than fifteen years. In particular, it seeks to answer the question of the factors, events, or conditions that triggered homicidal violence in Mexico starting in 2007. The article collects the main hypotheses proposed on this issue and reviews their explanatory scope. These hypotheses are divided into three groups. The first consists of government actions that had unintended effects. These include the deployment of military operations in various regions of the country starting in December 2006, the implementation of the kingpin strategy, which involves targeting and arresting high-level drug cartel leaders, and the tightening of drug interdiction mechanisms for drugs coming from South America. The second group consists of specific events related to the proximity to the United States. These include the increase in ex-convicts deported from the United States, the rise in the number of firearms coming from the United States, and the increase in the price of cocaine. Finally, references are made to more structural conditions that preceded 2007. Specifically, political alternation and the crisis of local order manifested by the poor state of local police forces and long-term socio-economic explanations. To bring the discussion to the present moment, specifically to the year 2023, the last part of the text offers a reflection on the persistence of these factors and the future challenges that Mexico faces. This section focuses on two issues that are added to the topics reviewed in the first part of the article: the wave of migration that spread throughout 2023 and the incursion of fentanyl into the national drug market, which was exacerbated in the years following the COVID-19 epidemic.

RESUMEN Tomando como punto de partida el descenso del homicidio doloso en México durante el año 2023, este artículo analiza las raíces de la crisis de violencia que acontece en el país desde hace más de quince años. En particular, busca responder a la pregunta sobre los factores, eventos o condiciones que detonaron la violencia homicida en México a partir del año 2007. El artículo recolecta las principales hipótesis planteadas al respecto y revisa su alcance explicativo. Grosso modo éstas se dividen en tres grupos. El primero está constituido por acciones gubernamentales que tuvieron efectos no deseados. Estos son el despliegue de operativos militares en distintas regiones del país a partir de diciembre de 2006; la ejecución de la estrategia de detención de capos conocida como Kingpin Strategy y el endurecimiento de los mecanismos de interdicción de drogas provenientes de América del Sur. El segundo grupo lo forman eventos específicos relacionados a la colindancia con Estados Unidos. Éstos son aumento de ex convictos deportados de Estados Unidos, crecimiento en el número de armas provenientes de Estados Unidos y alza en el precio de la cocaína. Por último, se hace referencia a condiciones más estructurales que anteceden al 2007. En específico la alternancia política y crisis del orden local manifestado por el pobre estado de las policías locales, así como explicaciones socioeconómicas de largo alcance. Con la finalidad de llevar la discusión al momento actual, en específico al año 2023, la última parte del texto ofrece una reflexión sobre la persistencia de estos factores y los retos hacia el futuro que enfrenta México. Esta sección se centra en dos temas que se agregan a las temáticas revisadas en la primera parte del artículo: la ola migratoria que se extendió a lo largo de todo el 2023 y la incursión del fentanilo en el mercado nacional de drogas potenciada en los años que siguieron a la epidemia de COVID-19.

Abstract: The struggle for a dignified life is an extensive path that includes different dimensions of living, inhabiting and building, of disputing space and property. Frequently, it begins with the search for access to housing, but it is fed by struggles for access to health, education, work. In response to these demands, in the last decade, in Ecuador, the production of social interest housing has increased while the sense of struggle of the population has been limited. Through an ethnographic approach to the beneficiaries of the “Casa para Todos” project in the Ecuadorian Amazon, and a detailed analysis of the form of government and housing policies, the question is answered, in what ways has the Ecuadorian State generated oppression, and subordination to, through the production of social interest housing and its parallel public policies? The results show that the way of acting of the State and its strategy, consciously or unconsciously to create a subordination of the poor, is successful. The action of the State through agreements with the beneficiaries is aimed at generating powerless people, who remain in a constant state of uncertainty and arbitrariness.

Resumen: La lucha por la vida digna es un extenso camino que incluye distintas dimensiones de vivir, de habitar, de construir y de disputar el espacio y la propiedad. Frecuentemente inicia con la búsqueda del acceso a la vivienda, pero se alimenta de luchas por acceso a la salud, la educación, el trabajo. En atención a esas demandas, en la última década, en el Ecuador se ha incrementado la producción de vivienda de interés social, a la vez que se ha limitado el sentido de lucha de la población. Mediante un acercamiento etnográfico a los beneficiarios del proyecto Casa para Todos en la Amazonía ecuatoriana y un análisis detallado de la forma de gobierno y las políticas de vivienda se responde a la pregunta: ¿de qué manera el Estado ecuatoriano ha generado opresión y subordinación a través de la producción de vivienda de interés social y sus políticas públicas paralelas? Los resultados muestran que la forma de actuar del Estado y su estrategia, consciente o inconsciente, de crear una subordinación de los pobres, es exitosa. El accionar del Estado mediante acuerdos con los beneficiarios se orienta a generar personas impotentes, que permanezcan en un constante estado de incertidumbre y arbitrariedad.