Abstract Differences in skills among graduates form the key explanation of meritocratic approaches to the unequal results observed in the labor market. In this study, we use data from Enade (2009-2011) and Rais (2013-2015) to analyze to what extent qualitative dimensions of higher education, including training quality, can structure formal employment and wages four years after graduation. The main result indicates the significance of the skills measured for the occupational destination of graduates, but also that the dichotomy between formal-informal employment does not seem to apply to the upper strata of the workforce: graduates with a privileged social background and high professional qualification in technically intensive areas tend to remain out of formal employment after graduation, which seems to be aggravated by deteriorating employment conditions in occupations that require higher education. Although skills matter for the transition between higher education and the labor market, we found evidence of the persistence of processes of social reproduction and social closure by diploma. market study 20092011 2009 2011 (2009-2011 20132015 2013 2015 (2013-2015 quality graduation formalinformal informal workforce diploma 2009201 200 201 (2009-201 2013201 (2013-201 200920 20 (2009-20 201320 (2013-20 20092 2 (2009-2 20132 (2013-2 (2009- (2013- (2009 (2013 (200 (201 (20 (2 (

Résumé différences de compétences entre les diplômés constituent l’explication clé des approches méritocratiques aux résultats inégaux observés sur le marché du travail. Dans cette étude, nous utilisons les données d’Enade (2009-2011) et de Rais (2013-2015) pour analyser dans quelle mesure les dimensions qualitatives de l’enseignement supérieur, y compris la qualité de la formation, ont une capacité distinctes de structurer l’emploi formel et les salaires quatre ans après l’obtention du diplôme. Le principal résultat indique la pertinence des compétences mesurées pour la destination professionnelle des diplômés, mais aussi que la dichotomie entre l’emploi formel et informel ne s’applique pas aux couches supérieures de la population active : Les diplômés d’origine sociale privilégiée et de haute qualification professionnelle dans les domaines techniquement intensifs ont tendance à rester en dehors de l’emploi formel après l’obtention de leur diplôme, ce qui semble aggravé par des conditions de détérioration de l’emploi dans les professions de niveau supérieur. Bien que les compétences importent pour la transition entre l’enseignement supérieur et le marché du travail, nous avons trouvé des preuves de la persistance des processus de reproduction sociale et de fermeture sociale par diplôme. lexplication l explication travail étude dEnade d Enade 20092011 2009 2011 (2009-2011 20132015 2013 2015 (2013-2015 lenseignement enseignement formation lemploi emploi lobtention obtention diplôme sapplique s applique dorigine origine 2009201 200 201 (2009-201 2013201 (2013-201 200920 20 (2009-20 201320 (2013-20 20092 2 (2009-2 20132 (2013-2 (2009- (2013- (2009 (2013 (200 (201 (20 (2 (

Resumo As diferenças de habilidades entre graduados compõem a explicação chave das abordagens meritocráticas para os resultados desiguais observados no mercado de trabalho. Neste estudo, utilizamos dados do Enade (2009-2011) e da Rais (2013-2015) para analisar em que medida dimensões qualitativas da educação superior, incluindo a qualidade da formação, têm capacidades distintas de estruturar o emprego formal e os salários quatro anos após a graduação. O principal resultado indica a relevância das habilidades mensuradas para o destino ocupacional dos graduados, mas também que a dicotomia entre o emprego formal-informal não se aplica aos estratos superiores da força de trabalho: os graduados com origem social privilegiada e elevada qualificação profissional em áreas tecnicamente intensivas tendem a permanecer fora do emprego formal após a graduação, o que parece agravado por condições de deterioração do emprego em ocupações de nível superior. Embora as habilidades importem para a transição entre educação superior e mercado de trabalho, encontramos evidências de persistência de processos de reprodução social e fechamento social por diploma. trabalho estudo 20092011 2009 2011 (2009-2011 20132015 2013 2015 (2013-2015 formação graduação formalinformal informal diploma 2009201 200 201 (2009-201 2013201 (2013-201 200920 20 (2009-20 201320 (2013-20 20092 2 (2009-2 20132 (2013-2 (2009- (2013- (2009 (2013 (200 (201 (20 (2 (

Resumen Las diferencias de competencias entre los titulados constituyen la explicación clave de los enfoques meritocráticos para los resultados desiguales observados en el mercado laboral. En este estudio, utilizamos datos de Enade (2009-2011) y Rais (2013-2015) para analizar en qué medida las dimensiones cualitativas de la educación superior, incluida la calidad de la formación, tienen diferentes capacidades para estructurar el empleo formal y los salarios cuatro años después de la graduación. El principal resultado indica la pertinencia de las competencias medidas para el destino profesional de los titulados, pero también que la dicotomía entre empleo formal e informal no se aplica a los estratos superiores de la población activa: los titulados procedentes de medios sociales privilegiados con altas cualificaciones profesionales en ámbitos técnicamente intensivos tienden a permanecer fuera del empleo formal tras su titulación, lo que parece agravarse por las condiciones de deterioro del empleo en las ocupaciones de nivel superior. Aunque las competencias son importantes para la transición entre la enseñanza superior y el mercado laboral, encontramos pruebas de la persistencia de procesos de reproducción social y de cierre social a través de los diplomas. laboral estudio 20092011 2009 2011 (2009-2011 20132015 2013 2015 (2013-2015 formación graduación activa titulación diplomas 2009201 200 201 (2009-201 2013201 (2013-201 200920 20 (2009-20 201320 (2013-20 20092 2 (2009-2 20132 (2013-2 (2009- (2013- (2009 (2013 (200 (201 (20 (2 (

Abstract Purpose: To analyze the role of the community assembly as a determining instrument to exercise governance in local indigenous politics, because the various disputes between political factions erode the social fabric and increase the inequality gap. Methodological design: A qualitative, ethnographic study in the municipality of San Luis Amatlán, Oaxaca. Fifteen in-depth interviews were carried out with authorities throughout the municipality and with the adult population. The analysis was done with the analytical categories of governance in the Internal Regulatory Systems, in addition to the participants’ opinion on the performance of the municipal administrator. Results: It was found that the recovery of the municipal community assembly, as well as the assemblies in agencies and rancherías caused greater trust among the participants, together with an increase in the possibility of tracing a joint route to recover local governance through the election of the municipal council. Limitations of the study: Although the ethnographic approach sought to give voice to multiple community actors and social sectors, the research had a greater relationship with the authorities because they coexist more closely with the resource administration processes and their oversight. Findings: The community assembly is a fundamental element of the Internal Regulatory Systems which are consistent with the local customs and habits. The function of the assembly is not only to build consensus, it also acts as a means of control and administrative surveillance. Also, there is persistent conflict derived from the institutional design of indigenous municipalities, which have forms of resolution in their uses and customs such as the assembly, which is a space to address problems directly and without intermediaries.

Resumen Objetivo: Analizar el rol de la asamblea comunitaria como instrumento determinante para ejercer gobernanza en la política local indígena, ya que las diversas disputas entre facciones políticas erosionan el tejido social e incrementan la brecha de desigualdad. Diseño metodológico: Es de tipo cualitativo con una etnografía en el municipio de San Luis Amatlán, Oaxaca. Se realizaron 15 entrevistas a profundidad con autoridades en todo el municipio y con población adulta. El análisis se hizo con las categorías analíticas de gobernanza en los Sistemas Normativos Internos, además de la opinión sobre la figura de administrador municipal. Resultados: Se constató que la recuperación de la asamblea comunitaria municipal, así como las asambleas en agencias y rancherías, provocó mayor confianza entre las partes y la posibilidad de trazar una ruta conjunta para recobrar la gobernanza local a través de la elección del cabildo municipal. Limitaciones del estudio: Aunque la etnografía buscó dar voz a múltiples actores y sectores sociales comunitarios, la investigación tuvo mayor relación con las personas autoridades ya que éstas conviven con mayor cercanía con los procesos de administración de los recursos y su contraloría. Hallazgos: La asamblea comunitaria es un elemento fundamental en los Sistemas Normativos Internos, los cuales están insertos en los usos y costumbres indígenas y su función no sólo es construir consensos, sino que además actúa como medio de contraloría y vigilancia administrativa. También existe persistente conflictividad derivada del diseño institucional de los municipios indígenas, los cuales tienen formas de resolución en sus usos y costumbres como la asamblea, la cual es un espacio para abordar problemas de forma directa y sin intermediarios.

Abstract: The shape of cities has historically been the expression of complex processes of material and energy differentiation. Like any open and self-regulating system, it needs to evolve by exchanging flows of information and matter with its environment based on non-linear interactions made up of hierarchies and complementarities necessary for its adaptation. In order to establish causality with the phenomenon of socio-spatial fragmentation, structural inequality has been analyzed as a stratifying factor of spatialities in urban space. The dialectical hermeneutic method has allowed the modeling of concepts from information theory and thermodynamics to explain the interaction logic of the operating subsystems and their consequences in the hybrid structuring of urban space. The identification of cycles and morphogenetic causality in the production of spatialities forms a theoretical-conceptual contribution to the study of urban dynamics when spatial proximity coexists with social distance as a norm.

Resumen: La forma de las ciudades ha sido históricamente la expresión de complejos procesos de diferenciación material y energética. Como todo sistema abierto y autorregulador, necesita evolucionar intercambiando flujos de información y materia con su entorno a partir de interacciones no lineales conformadas por jerarquías y complementariedades necesarias para su adaptación. Con el fin de establecer una causalidad con el fenómeno de la fragmentación socio- espacial, se ha analizado la desigualdad estructural como factor estratificador de las espacialidades en el espacio urbano. El método hermenéutico dialéctico ha permitido modelar conceptos de la teoría de la información y la termodinámica para explicar las lógicas de interacción de los (sub)sistemas operantes y sus consecuencias en la estructuración híbrida del espacio urbano. La identificación de ciclos y patrones morfogenéticos repetidos de manera sistémica en la producción de espacialidades conforma un aporte teórico- conceptual para el estudio de las dinámicas urbanas cuando conviven como una norma, la proximidad espacial con la distancia social.

Abstract There are multiple approaches to examining 'gender in organisations,' each exhibiting diversity and originating from various fields and ideological frameworks. Mainstream literature on 'gender in organisations' focuses on gender-based differences within the organisation-emphasizing concepts like glass ceilings, sticky floors, and variations in management practices between men and women-to shed light on discriminatory practices against women. However, this perspective, which views organisations as gender-neutral spaces, overlooks concealed mechanisms that perpetuate patriarchal social structures. These mechanisms not only act as obstacles to equal job opportunities but also create environments marked by inequality, discrimination, and violence, mirroring societal-level issues. To address these shortcomings, the article adopts an approach from Feminist Action Research methods, highlighting its ability to challenge power dynamics and facilitate inclusive decision-making processes, revealing its influence on transformation at organisational, personal, and social levels. To illustrate the benefits from Feminist Action Research, this article explains the research process conducted at Alternative and Solidarity Economy Network of the Valencian Country (XEAS País Valencià, using its Valencian acronym) over 14 months. During this period a feminist organisational change process was implemented to reflect upon and transition towards a more liveable organisation. Various qualitative techniques, such as semi-structured interviews, participatory workshops, participant observation, and document review, were combined to conduct this study. The lessons learned from this study can inspire future similar studies in the Management field, with an aspiration to address gender discrimination issues more in-depth.

Resumen Existen múltiples enfoques para examinar el "género en las organizaciones", cada uno mostrando diversidad y originándose en diversos campos y marcos ideológicos. La literatura convencional sobre "género en las organizaciones" se centra en las diferencias basadas en el género dentro de la organización, destacando conceptos como techos de cristal, suelos pegajosos y variaciones en las prácticas de gestión entre hombres y mujeres, para arrojar luz sobre las prácticas discriminatorias contra las mujeres. Sin embargo, esta perspectiva, que considera a las organizaciones como espacios neutrales en cuanto al género, pasa por alto mecanismos ocultos que perpetúan estructuras sociales patriarcales. Estos mecanismos no solo actúan como obstáculos para la igualdad de oportunidades laborales, sino que también crean entornos marcados por la desigualdad, la discriminación y la violencia, reflejando problemas a nivel social. Para abordar estas deficiencias, el artículo adopta un enfoque basado en métodos de Investigación Acción Feminista, destacando su capacidad para desafiar las dinámicas de poder y facilitar procesos de toma de decisiones inclusivos, revelando su influencia en la transformación a nivel organizacional, personal y social. Para ilustrar los beneficios de la Investigación Acción Feminista, este artículo explica el proceso de investigación llevado a cabo en la Red de Economía Alternativa y Solidaria del País Valenciano (XEAS País Valencià, usando su acrónimo en valenciano) durante 14 meses. Durante este período, se implementó un proceso de cambio organizacional feminista para reflexionar y transitar hacia una organización más habitable. Se combinaron diversas técnicas cualitativas, como entrevistas semiestructuradas, talleres participativos, observación participante y revisión de documentos, para llevar a cabo este estudio. Las lecciones aprendidas de este estudio pueden inspirar futuros estudios similares en el campo de la Gestión, con la aspiración de abordar más a fondo los problemas de discriminación de género.

ABSTRACT "We are the trash, but the most important thing." The expression of a chambermaid sums up the fundamental tension of the so-called "care crisis", between the subordination of its protagonists due to the intersection of gender, class and foreign inequalities and the essential nature of this work for the sustain-ability of social life. This research adopts this perspective to offer proposals for improving the socio-legal methodology for analysing care-related rights. It does so based on the sector of chambermaids in tourist establishments in Spain and in particular through the experience of the Seville Union of Chambermaids (Kellys). Their experience allows us to reformulate the legal approach to their social rights. To this end, we present (1) the main violations of rights they identify; (2) the political-legal analysis these workers carry out on the inequalities that underlie these discriminations, as well as some reform proposals; and (3) the strategies for protection and self-protection of rights that they implement, both individually and collectively.

RESUMEN "Somos la basurilla, pero lo más importante." La expresión de una camarera de piso resume la tensión fundamental de la llamada "crisis de los cuidados", entre la subordinación de sus protagonistas por la intersección de las desigualdades de género, clase y extranjería y el carácter esencial de esa labor para la sostenibilidad de la vida social. Esta investigación adopta dicha perspectiva para ofrecer propuestas para mejorar la metodología socio-jurídica de análisis de los derechos relacionados con el cuidado. Lo hace a partir del sector de camareras de piso de establecimientos turísticos en España y en particular a través de la experiencia del Sindicato de Camareras de Piso (Kellys) de Sevilla. Su experiencia permite reformular el abordaje jurídico de sus derechos sociales. Para ello se exponen (1) las principales vulneraciones de derechos que identifican; (2) el análisis político-jurídico que las trabajadoras realizan sobre las desigualdades que subyacen a esas discriminaciones, así como algunas propuestas de reforma; y (3) las estrategias de tutela y autotutela de derechos que implementan, tanto individuales como colectivas.

Abstract Neoliberalism goes beyond a simple economic program or political ideology; it is a global civilizing project of a practical normative logic that defines the norms of life and social relations. But perhaps the greatest novelty offered by neoliberalism with respect to classical liberalism is the general principle of generalized competition that forces the rejection of cooperation as a basic principle of coexistence, equality and social development. This principle of generalized competition has been incorporated in all social organizations, including academia, as a reference of scientific knowledge. In the last 20 years, Higher Education Institutions have undergone a change of model under the protection of a deep economic and ethical crisis in Spain and the influence of globalization. In this sense, this paper focuses mainly on two issues: generalized competition and changes in higher education institutions in Spain. On the one hand, generalized competition has replaced cooperation as a basic principle in coexistence and social development and, on the other hand, higher education institutions in Spain have undergone changes that have increased inequality and the gender gap, leading to the consolidation of an elitist and patriarchal university.

Resumen El neoliberalismo va más allá de un simple programa económico o una ideología política, se trata de un proyecto civilizatorio global de una lógica normativa práctica que define las normas de vida y las relaciones sociales. Pero quizás, la mayor novedad que ofrece el neoliberalismo con respecto al liberalismo clásico es el principio general de la competencia generalizada que obliga a rechazar la cooperación como principio básico de la convivencia, la igualdad y el desarrollo social. Ese principio de la competencia generalizada se ha incorporado en todas las organizaciones sociales, incluida la Academia como referente del conocimiento científico. Y es que, en estos últimos 20 años, las Instituciones de Educación Superior, han sufrido un cambio de modelo al amparo de una profunda crisis económica y ética en España y la influencia de la globalización. En este sentido desde este trabajo se centran principalmente dos temas: la competencia generalizada y los cambios en las instituciones de educación superior en España. Por un lado, que la competencia generalizada ha reemplazado a la cooperación como principio básico en la convivencia y desarrollo social y, por otro, que las instituciones de educación superior en España han experimentado cambios que han incrementado la desigualdad y la brecha de género, llevando a la consolidación de una universidad elitista y patriarcal.

ABSTRACT The necessary - and under-stimulated - encounter between Geography and Health in contemporary academic production, reveals that science is also ailing. However, when it becomes possible to generate approximations, intersections, and dialogues between, for instance, the territorial interpretation of health-disease and the interpretation of health-disease from territorial determinations, conditions are created to, in a single act, establish a critique of science and the monopoly of health. As a result, this paper proposes the reflection of worker’s health as a link between territory and health. Field research, guidance of dissertations and doctorates, and participation in the Inter-Trade Union Forum on Health-labor-law/Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (FIOCRUZ-RJ), nourish the reflections elaborated in this article. The theoretical assumption is based on the following principle: worker’s health, as a field and a social issue, in defending public health, health as a right and justice, and, in criticizing all regimes of labor exploitation, under a territorial reading, gains strength in its praxis, as it clarifies that illness is implicated in the relationship between the spheres of power that, in capitalist society, are concerned with preserving and constituting social inequality, the monopoly of wealth, poverty, and violence. The fight for health, a fundamental good, becomes a struggle for territorial emancipation.

RESUMO O encontro necessário - e pouco estimulado - entre geografia e saúde, na produção acadêmica contemporânea, revela que a ciência está, também, enferma. Todavia, quando se torna possível gerar aproximações, intersecções e diálogos entre, por exemplo, interpretação territorial da saúde-doença e interpretação da saúde-doença a partir das determinações territoriais, criam-se condições para estabelecer uma crítica à ciência e ao monopólio da saúde. Em decorrência disso, propõe-se a reflexão da saúde do trabalhador como elo entre território e saúde. Pesquisas de campo, orientações de dissertações e doutoramentos e participação do Fórum Intersindical Saúde-trabalho-direito/Fundação Osvaldo Cruz (Fiocruz-RJ) nutrem as reflexões elaboradas no presente artigo. O pressuposto teórico inscreve-se pelo seguinte princípio: a saúde do trabalhador, como um campo e uma questão social, ao defender a saúde pública, a saúde como direito e justiça, e, ao criticar todos os regimes de exploração do trabalho, sob uma leitura territorial, ganha um reforço na sua práxis, pois esclarece que o adoecimento está implicado na relação entre as esferas de poder que, na sociedade capitalista, ocupam-se em preservar e constituir a desigualdade social, o monopólio da riqueza, a pobreza e a violência. A luta pela saúde, um bem primordial, faz-se na luta pela emancipação territorial.

Abstract: This article analyzes the sale of the National Medical Center (CMN) by the Medical and Healthcare Secretariat (SSA) to the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) as part of a broader fragmentation process in healthcare and hospital services that began in the forties, when access to healthcare was divided between workers in the formal economy, who were covered by IMSS, and the healthcare offered by SSA to those without access to it. Analyzing documents from both institutions, it can be seen that the sale of the CMN was a product of the major inequalities between an IMSS that was in its golden age and an underfunded and oversaturated SSA. This article argues that these inequalities only deepened with the sale of the CMN from one institution to another.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza la venta del Centro Médico Nacional (CMN) por parte de la Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia (SSA) al Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (IMSS) en 1961 como parte de un proceso más amplio de fragmentación de la atención médica y hospitalaria que comenzó desde la década de los cuarenta, cuando se dividió el acceso a la asistencia médica entre la seguridad social para trabajadores del sector formal, encabezada por el IMSS, y la asistencia social ofrecida por la SSA para la población sin acceso a ella. Analizando documentos de ambas instituciones, se muestra que la venta del CMN fue producto de las grandes desigualdades que para entonces regían entre un IMSS que pasaba por una época de oro, y una SSA subfinanciada y saturada. Asimismo, se argumenta que estas desigualdades no hicieron más que profundizarse con el traspaso del CMN de una institución a otra.

Abstract The objective of the work is to analyze the situation of social well-being in the Southeast of Mexico during the period 2000-2020. The functional region considers the states of Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco and Yucatán. The hypothesis is that the trade liberalization implemented by neoliberal governments in the context of asymmetric economic development expanded territorial inequalities and reduced levels of social well-being in this region. To do this, we use the Average Index Value (VIM) methodology with which we build an index at the municipal scale. The results obtained show that a high percentage of the municipalities that make up each of the entities present lags in their social well-being conditions that place them below the national average. The originality lies in analyzing the conditions of social well-being in the region with a multivariate methodology, supported by representative indicators at the territorial level. The main conclusion is that, to reverse this deteriorating situation, an economic policy must be deployed aimed at impleme nting high-impact projects in the region through public and private investments, which allow the improvement of income and employment among the population, in addition of a redistributive social policy aimed at reversing the high levels of poverty and inequality.

Resumen El objetivo del trabajo es analizar la situación del bienestar social en el sureste de México durante el periodo 2000-2020. La región funcional considera los estados de Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco y Yucatán. La hipótesis es que la apertura comercial implementada por los gobiernos neoliberales, en el contexto de un desarrollo económico asimétrico, amplió las desigualdades territoriales y redujo los niveles de bienestar social en esta región. Para ello empleamos la metodología de Valor Índice Medio (VIM) con la que construimos un índice a escala municipal. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que un alto porcentaje de los municipios que conforman a cada una de las entidades, presentan rezagos en sus condiciones de bienestar social que las ubica por debajo del promedio nacional. La originalidad radica en analizar las condiciones de bienestar social en la región con una metodología multivariada, sustentada en indicadores representativos a nivel territorial. La conclusión principal es que, para revertir esta situación de deterioro, se debe desplegar una política económica orientada a implementar proyectos de alto impacto en la región a través de inversiones públicas y privadas, que permitan el mejoramiento del ingreso y empleo entre la población, además de una política social redistributiva encaminada a revertir los altos niveles de pobreza y desigualdad.

Abstract This research analyzes how individual characteristics (area of origin, skin color, economic status of origin and education) and structural factors (economic growth and trade openness) influence in Mexico the opportunities to obtain a high level of economic well-being. Using a IV-probit model estimated in two stages with instrumental variables in a context of complex samples, it is identified that people born in homes with low economic status, originating from rural localities and with brown skin have lower probabilities of economic success compared to people of non-low economic status, from urban areas and light skin. The findings also reveal that economic growth and educational achievement increase the probabilities of obtaining a high economic status, but the increase in probabilities is bigger for people of non-low economic origin, coming from urban areas and light skin. Finally, through the different rates of growth and school achievement, the differences in economic well-being widen, which indicates an increase in inequality between privileged and non-privileged groups. This research is innovative since it not only analyzes the effect of economic growth and academic achievement on social mobility, but also provides an empirical method that investigates the effect of growth and academic achievement on inequality of opportunities for socioeconomic advancement. The results indicate the existence of irrational mobility barriers based on criteria over which the individual has no control.

Resumen La presente investigación analiza cómo influyen en México las características del individuo (ámbito de origen, color de piel, estatus económico de origen y educación) y los factores estructurales (crecimiento económico y apertura comercial) en las oportunidades de obtener un nivel de bienestar económico alto. Por medio de un modelo probit, estimado en dos etapas con variables instrumentales en un contexto de muestras complejas, se identifica que las personas nacidas en hogares con estatus económico bajo, originarias de localidades rurales y de piel morena, tienen menores probabilidades de éxito económico con respecto a las personas de estatus de origen económico no-bajo, provenientes del ámbito urbano y piel clara. Los hallazgos también revelan que el crecimiento económico y el logro escolar aumentan las probabilidades de obtener un estatus económico alto, pero el incremento de probabilidades no es homogéneo, sino que favorece en mayor medida a personas de origen económico no-bajo, provenientes del ámbito urbano y piel clara. Finalmente, se identifica que, a través de las distintas tasas de crecimiento y logro escolar, las diferencias en el bienestar económico se amplían, lo que indica aumento de la desigualdad entre grupos privilegiados y no-privilegiados. La ruta de investigación es innovadora ya que no solo analiza el efecto del crecimiento económico y el logro académico en la movilidad social, sino que también aporta un método empírico que indaga el efecto del crecimiento y el logro académico en la desigualdad de oportunidades de ascenso socioeconómico. Los resultados indican la existencia de barreras de movilidad irracionales basadas en criterios sobre los que el individuo no tiene control.

Abstract. Drawing on testimonies about migratory labor, kinship, and organization experiences of Kichwa women from Cotacachi, Ecuador, I examine the social processes that facilitated the expulsion of girls for domestic work and the establishment of support networks. I rely on the childhood memories of these women, who were between 8 and 14 years old during the agrarian reforms of 1964 and 1973. The findings demonstrate how these women’s migration experiences to Quito were organized, marked not only by the domination and inequality of child domestic labor but also by horizontal care networks centered on work and friendship. The value of this text lies in its approach to the migratory experience from various realities of working childhood, in contexts of domination marked by racial, generational, and class inequalities, but also in situations of alliances and care.

Resumen. A partir de testimonios sobre experiencias laborales migratorias, de parentesco y de organización de mujeres kichwas de Cotacachi, Ecuador, examino los procesos sociales que facilitaron la expulsión de niñas para el trabajo doméstico y el establecimiento de redes de contención. Me baso en las memorias infantiles de estas mujeres, que durante las reformas agrarias de 1964 y 1973 tenían entre 8 y 14 años. Los hallazgos demuestran cómo se organizaron las experiencias de migración de estas mujeres hacia Quito, marcadas no sólo por la dominación y desigualdad del trabajo infantil doméstico, sino también por redes horizontales de cuidado centradas en el trabajo y la amistad. El valor de este texto radica en que nos acerca a la experiencia migratoria desde diversas realidades de la infancia trabajadora, en contextos de dominación caracterizados por desigualdades de raza, generación y clase, pero también en situaciones de alianzas y cuidados.

A crescente ênfase nos direitos sociais na litigância climática da América Latina é frequentemente vista como um reflexo da interação entre a crise climática e os desafios socioeconômicos da região. Diante dessa convergência urgente, este artigo examina se e como os resultados pretendidos dessa litigância realmente abordam as realidades complexas dos mais vulneráveis. Adotando uma compreensão matizada das vulnerabilidades climáticas exacerbadas pelas acentuadas desigualdades da América Latina, questiona a suposição predominante de que garantir um clima saudável e seguro é de facto e suficientemente benéfico para as populações que vivem em pobreza e exclusão social. Mais especificamente, explora o potencial dos remédios constitucionais, predominantes na litigância climática da região, para enfrentar integralmente os desafios socioecológicos enfrentados por tais grupos, que suportam desproporcionalmente as consequências das mudanças climáticas. Utilizando o Equador e o México como estudos de caso comparativos, o artigo oferece uma visão geral das oportunidades e restrições legais da arquitetura de remediação dentro dos mecanismos de proteção constitucional de cada país na realização desta visão. A análise defende uma abordagem reimaginada para a constitucionalização — e, consequentemente, litigação — da crise climática. Propõe adicionar uma perspectiva multidimensional sobre o alcance coletivo dos remédios em consonância com os deveres específicos dos direitos humanos que estão sendo abordados — seja o dever de respeitar, proteger e cumprir. Por meio desta exploração, o artigo visa ampliar os horizontes legais em curso em direção a remédios mais fortes, levando a respostas judiciais mais equitativas e abrangentes para a crise climática.

El creciente énfasis en los derechos sociales en los litigios climáticos de América Latina suele ser visto como un reflejo de la interacción entre la crisis climática y los desafíos socioeconómicos de la región. Ante esta convergencia apremiante, este artículo examina si y cómo las sentencias de dichos litigios abarcan las complejas realidades de los sectores más vulnerables. Adoptando una comprensión matizada de las vulnerabilidades climáticas sintomáticas de las pronunciadas desigualdades de América Latina, el análisis cuestiona la suposición predominante de que garantizar un clima saludable y seguro es de facto y suficientemente beneficioso para las poblaciones que experimentan pobreza y exclusión social. Más específicamente, explora el potencial de los remedios constitucionales, predominantes en los litigios climáticos de la región, para abordar de manera integral los desafíos socio-ecológicos que dichos grupos enfrentan, en quienes recaen desproporcionadamente las consecuencias del cambio climático. Utilizando a Ecuador y México como estudios de caso comparativos, el trabajo ofrece una visión general de las oportunidades y restricciones legales de la arquitectura remedial de los mecanismos de protección constitucional de cada país para concretar esta visión. El análisis aboga por un enfoque re-imaginado de la constitucionalización —y, por ende, del litigio— de la crisis climática. Propone añadir una perspectiva multidimensional sobre el alcance colectivo de los remedios en consonancia con las obligaciones específicas de derechos humanos en juego—ya sea el deber de respetar, proteger y cumplir. A través de esta exploración, el trabajo aspira a ampliar los horizontes legales en curso hacia remedios más robustos, conduciendo a respuestas judiciales más equitativas e integrales ante la crisis climática.

The increasing reliance on social rights in Latin America's climate litigation is often seen as reflecting the interplay between the climate crisis and the region's socioeconomic challenges. In light of this pressing convergence, this paper examines whether and how the intended outcomes of such litigation actually address the complex realities of the most vulnerable. Taking a nuanced understanding of the climate vulnerabilities exacerbated by Latin America's steep inequalities, it challenges the prevailing assumption that ensuring a healthy and safe climate is de facto and sufficiently beneficial for populations living in poverty and social exclusion. More specifically, it explores the potential of constitutional remedies, predominant in the region's climate litigation, to comprehensively redress the socio-ecological challenges faced by such groups, who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change. Using Ecuador and Mexico as comparative case studies, the paper provides an overview of the legal opportunities and constraints of the remedial architecture within each country's constitutional protection mechanisms in realizing this vision. The analysis calls for a reimagined approach to constitutionalizing—and thus litigating—the climate crisis. It proposes adding a multidimensional perspective on the collective scope of remedies in line with the specific human rights duties being addressed—be it the duty to respect, protect, and fulfill. Through this exploration, the paper aims to broaden the ongoing legal horizons toward stronger remedies, leading to more equitable and comprehensive judicial responses to the climate crisis.

The National Development Plan (NDP) advocates for the elimination of poverty, and the reduction of inequality by 2030. These goals can only be achieved if we harness the energies of the people, build an inclusive economy, develop skills, improve the capacity of the state and promote leadership and partnerships across society. This is to be achieved through transforming society more equitably and at the same time making the country more competitive in the global economic system. The article seeks to explore how institutions of higher learning can be transformed through the production of future professors with a developmental agenda. Therefore, the NDP advocates continuous professional development, lifelong learning and knowledge production, and innovation as a focus for building the capacity of individuals and society. The article employed the modernisation theory as a vehicle to drive social change and transformation in higher education. The article employed a systematic review of the literature on transformation and social change in higher education as advocated in the NDP. The findings of the article show that universal human development can be achieved by respecting human rights, promoting equality and empowering people to exercise the opportunities and choices they value in higher education. The article recommends that a structured interaction between lecturers and students within the context of transformative change and social justice should be prioritised in higher education. This can only be achieved through preparing the future professor with a developmental agenda to assist in shaping higher education by designing a curriculum that responds to the needs of the current cohort of students.

In 2023, we had a 110 million people living as forcibly displaced persons in the world (United Nations Refugee Agency, 2023). Of these, 43.3 million were children under the age of 18 years. Migration (both forced and other) has resulted in an influx of "foreign" children into school classrooms across the globe, presenting many educators with a new task-that of teaching the Other. Now, more than ever before, there is a need to assist people to cultivate an understanding of the self in relation to the Other in a manner that upholds the values of dignity, equality, and freedom for all people (Republic of South Africa, 1996; United Nations, 1973). This article presents a living theory for educators. It constructs a new lens through which educators can view the world, analyse their own teaching practice, and take individual action towards dismantling the canon of inequality that exists within their classrooms. The new lens beckons a deep and meaningful engagement with the question: "How can I create experiences of dignity for the Other in my classroom?"

The proposed study conducts a comparative analysis of the results from two empirical research projects investigating the activities of artistic and cultural collectives in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Considering the political and social events, as well as the changes that have occurred in the artistic landscape of the city over the past few decades, the research highlights how art institutions have become an integral part of these transformations. This results in unique dynamics that favor the emergence and expansion of collective actions in different areas of the city. Although the investigations indicate that this combination of factors has had a widespread impact throughout the city, the motivations for forming artistic collectives vary significantly between central and peripheral areas. Furthermore, the institutionalization or lack thereof of these collectives presents distinct justifications and social contexts, reflecting the particularities of each location. Nevertheless, the politicization of art and the claim for urban space emerge as common points among these collectives, illustrating the intersection between art and social activism.

A proposta apresentada realiza uma análise comparativa dos resultados de duas pesquisas empíricas que investigam as atividades de coletivos artísticos e culturais na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. Considerando os eventos políticos e sociais, bem como as mudanças ocorridas no cenário artístico da cidade nas últimas décadas, a pesquisa destaca como as instituições de arte se tornaram parte integrante dessas transformações. Isso resulta em dinâmicas únicas que favorecem o surgimento e a expansão de ações coletivas em diferentes áreas da cidade. Embora as investigações indiquem que essa combinação de fatores teve um impacto abrangente em toda a cidade, as motivações para a formação de grupos artísticos coletivos variam significativamente entre as áreas centrais e periféricas. Além disso, a institucionalização ou não desses coletivos apresenta justificativas e contextos sociais distintos, refletindo as particularidades de cada local. Contudo, a politização da arte e a reivindicação do espaço urbano emergem como pontos comuns entre esses coletivos, evidenciando a intersecção entre arte e ativismo social.