Resumen Introducción: La informalidad laboral y la formalización del empleo han sido ya ampliamente discutidas. Sin embargo, el problema sigue vigente en las agendas públicas y de gobierno tanto a nivel nacional como subnacional. Objetivo: El objetivo es evaluar el diseño de los instrumentos de política pública que ha implementado el gobierno estatal (2015-2021) para la formalización del empleo en Nuevo León. La población objetivo de los instrumentos son las Micro, Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Mipymes) del estado de Nuevo León. Método y técnica: En una primera instancia, se llevó a cabo una investigación documental y de fuentes secundarias. Posteriormente, se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas con funcionarios a cargo de los instrumentos de política pública para la formalización del empleo. Se entrevistó al Director de Apoyo y Fomento a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador del Centro de Atención a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la titular de la Comisión Estatal de Mejora Regulatoria del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador de Promoción y Vinculación del Programa Impulsa Nuevo León de la Secretaría de Economía del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la Directora de Planeación y Políticas Públicas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; y al Director de la Comisión de Desarrollo Económico del Consejo Nuevo León. Para sistematizar las opiniones de los entrevistados se utilizó el programa de computadora ATLAS.ti y en su análisis se crearon las categorías que se presentan en la Tabla 2. Finalmente, se contrastó la ideología de los actores involucrados con tres preceptos clave del neoliberalismo que se identificaron. Resultados: 1. El Gobierno de Nuevo León no cuenta con información sobre el número de empleos que generan las empresas que reciben los apoyos. 2. La planeación de los instrumentos de política pública se lleva a cabo, principalmente, por el sector privado. 3. Las cámaras empresariales de las Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Pymes) son las que se encuentran principalmente involucradas. 4. Los apoyos se otorgan a partir de que las empresas acuden al gobierno a solicitarlos y no hay investigación y desarrollo. 5. Los apoyos se concentran principalmente en las Mipymes formales, pero no se cuenta con un padrón actualizado. 6. El seguimiento y monitoreo se realiza en la medida que las empresas continúan asistiendo a las oficinas del gobierno de Nuevo León. Conclusiones: Se concluye que se requiere rediseñar los instrumentos de política pública bajo el liderazgo del gobierno estatal y vincular, concretamente, a la población objetivo de los programas con las formas de intervención estatal.

Abstract Introduction: Labor informality and the formalization of employment have already been widely discussed. However, the problem remains on the public and government agendas at both the national and subnational levels. Objective: The objective is to assess the design of the public policy instruments that the government of Nuevo León has implemented (2015-2021) for the formalization of employment. The target population of the instruments are the Micro, Small and Medium enterprises of the state of Nuevo León. Method and technique: Firstly, a documentary research in secondary sources was carried out. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews were conducted with officials in charge of the public policy instruments for the formalization of employment. The people interviewed were: the Director of Support and Development for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator of the Service Center for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the head of the State Commission for Regulatory Improvement of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator for the Promotion of the Impulsa Nuevo León Program; the Director of Planning and Public Policies of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; and the Director of the Economic Development Commission of the Nuevo León Council. To systematize the opinions of the interviewees, the ATLAS.ti computer program was used and the categories created are presented in Table 2. Finally, the ideology of the actors involved was contrasted with three key precepts of neoliberalism that were identified. Results: 1. The Government of Nuevo León does not have information about the number of jobs generated by the companies that receive government financial support. 2. The planning of public policy instruments is carried out, mainly, by the private sector. 3. The business chambers of Small and Medium Enterprises are the ones that are mainly involved. 4. Financial support is granted after companies go to the government to request it and there is no research and development. 5. Financial support is mainly concentrated in the formal Micro, Small and Medium-sized enterprises, but there is no updated registry. 6. Monitoring is carried out as long as the companies continue to attend to the offices of the government of Nuevo León. Conclusions: It is concluded that it is necessary to redesign the public policy instruments under the leadership of the government of Nuevo León and to link, specifically, the target population of the programs with the forms of state intervention.

ABSTRACT This research article focuses its efforts on understanding the adverse effect of corruption within state procurement. This situation is becoming a nuisance for civil society because it has a negative impact on the progress of the nation. Legal and documentary hermeneutics is used as a tool to interpret with a critical basis the norms that regulate the conduct of free competition and the defense of collective rights promulgated in the Political Constitution of 1991, when reviewing the foundations of Law 80 of 1993 and the other regulations that delimit state contraction, sanctions for corruption and the SECOP disclosure system necessary to monitor it. Concluding in the need to maintain an assertive criterion among public officials when selecting a contractor, since the State has great difficulties monitoring each contract's progress in the country.

RESUMEN El presente artículo de investigación centra sus esfuerzos en comprender el efecto adverso de la corrupción dentro de la contratación estatal, situación que se está convirtiendo en una molestia para sociedad civil puesto que, repercute negativamente en el progreso de la nación. Se emplea la hermenéutica jurídica y documental como herramienta para interpretar con un sustento crítico las normas que regulan el proceder de la libre competencia y la defensa de los derechos colectivos promulgado en la Constitución Política de 1991, al revisar los fundamentos de la ley 80 de 1993 y las demás normas que delimitan la contracción estatal, las sanciones al corrupto y el sistema de divulgación SECOP necesario para darle seguimiento. Concluyendo en la necesidad de mantener un criterio asertivo entre los funcionarios públicos al momento de seleccionar un contratista, ya que el Estado posee grandes dificultades para estar vigilando el progreso de cada contrato en el país.

This paper explains the indignation against and stigmatization of return migrants and travelers when Zimbabwe first recorded cases of COVID-19 in 2020. While xenophobic hatred toward foreign migrants enjoyed much media and scholarly attention, the similar risk faced by the return migrants and travelers among "their own" during the pandemic was largely left on the back burner. The paper uses secondary analysis of information from social media, government reports, media briefings, and public utterances of government officials to provide an explanation for the negative attitudes of locals against migrants at the height of COVID-19. The findings revealed that in times of change and dealing with uncertainty, there is a tendency to redraw boundary lines between in-groups and out-groups with negative consequences for those labeled as the out-group. For some time, the returnees were stigmatized as harbingers of the COVID-19 virus and viewed as troublesome and acting in an unreasonable manner, thus courting the indignation of local Zimbabweans. This paper lends support to the view that pandemics create fear, which results in the rejection and exclusion of ordinary members of the in-group. Perceived resource competition, resource scarcity, anxiety, and fear heightened the stigmatization of return migrants and travelers. To build back better from the negative effects of the pandemic, there is a need to review COVID-19 preventive measures, avoid reckless public pronouncements that stigmatize and stoke hatred for return migrants, and invest in the healthcare system.

Abstract Literature has emphasized on food environments centrality in food choices and nutritional status. Objective: identify social perceptions of fathers, mothers and guardians, professionals from educational establishments, municipal officials, and stallholders belonging to the southern area of Santiago de Chile, regarding limitations of healthy diet implementation on school environments. Method: six focus groups were carried out grouping 50 key actors linked to educational establishments using a non-probabilistic sample. A content analysis was applied through thematic coding technique seeking to reveal emerging semantic universes. Results: Nine barriers, or semantics, were identified characterizing limitations to healthy eating habits in school environments: family, school kiosks, leaving school establishments, taste, socioeconomic determinants, public policy, lack of knowledge, publicity, and availability of products without seals. Conclusions: limitations associated with domestic food environment have a significantly high representation (47,9%) and contain an individualized responsibility feature. This explanatory culture is opposed to scientific and academic evidence regarding the functioning of eating behavior, and the centrality of food environments facilitating or hindering healthy food consumption.

Resumen La literatura ha hecho hincapié en la centralidad que cumplen los entornos alimentarios en las elecciones alimentarias y en el estado nutricional de la población. Objetivo: identificar las percepciones de padres, madres y apoderados, profesionales de establecimientos educacionales, funcionarios municipales, y feriantes pertenecientes a la zona sur de Santiago de Chile, respecto a las barreras y limitaciones de la puesta en práctica de una alimentación saludable en el ambiente alimentario escolar. Método: se realizaron seis grupos focales agrupando a 50 actores claves vinculados a los establecimientos educacionales de Ciudad Sur utilizando una muestra no probabilística. Se aplicó un análisis de contenido mediante la técnica de codificación temática buscando relevar los universos semánticos emergentes. Resultados: se identificaron nueve barreras, o semánticas, que caracterizan limitantes a la realización de la alimentación saludable en los entornos escolares desde la perspectiva de los participantes: la familia, kioscos escolares, la salida de los establecimientos escolares, gusto, determinantes socioeconómicos, política pública, falta de conocimiento, publicidad y disponibilidad de productos sin sellos. Conclusiones: las limitaciones asociadas al ambiente alimentario doméstico tienen una representación significativamente alta (47,9%) y contienen un carácter de responsabilización individual en su enunciación. Esta cultura explicativa es opuesta a la evidencia científica y académica respecto al funcionamiento de la conducta alimentaria, y a la centralidad de los ambientes alimentarios respecto a la facilitación u obstaculización del consumo de alimentos saludables o adecuados.

Abstract: In the context of the right to strike among members of the police force, two positions can be identified: on one side, there are those who predominantly argue that it is legitimate to limit or even suppress this right for this group of workers, and on the other side, there are those who contend that the right to strike is a labor right recognized in the Constitution without exceptions. This paper approaches this topic from a fresh perspective that, through an interpretation of Article 57 of the Constitution alongside other constitutional provisions and the principles of human rights protection, supports the thesis that public officials, including members of the police force, have a recognized right to strike

Resumen: En el derecho de huelga en el contexto de los miembros de las fuerzas policiales se pueden identificar dos posiciones: por un lado, quienes mayoritariamente sostienen que es legítimo limitar o incluso suprimir este derecho para este grupo de trabajadores, y, por el otro, quienes defienden que el derecho de huelga es un derecho gremial reconocido en la Constitución sin exclusiones. Este trabajo aborda este tema desde una nueva perspectiva que, a partir de una interpretación del artículo 57 de la Constitución en conjunto con otras disposiciones constitucionales y los principios de protección de los derechos humanos, respalda la tesis de que los funcionarios públicos, incluidos los miembros de las fuerzas policiales, tienen reconocido el derecho de huelga

Resumo: Quando falamos do direito à greve no âmbito dos membros das forças policiais, duas posições podem ser identificadas: por um lado, aqueles que em sua maioria defendem que é legítimo limitar ou mesmo suprimir esse direito para esse grupo de trabalhadores, e, por outro, aqueles que defendem que o direito à greve é um direito sindical reconhecido na Constituição sem exclusões. Este trabalho aborda esta questão apresentando uma nova perspectiva que, a partir de uma interpretação do artigo 57 da Constituição em conjunto com outros dispositivos constitucionais e os princípios de proteção dos direitos humanos, sustenta a tese de que os agentes públicos, incluindo os membros das forças policiais, têm reconhecido o direito à greve

BACKGROUND: In contemporary public governance, transparent, accountable, and citizen-centric practices are paramount. Citizen-based monitoring (CBM) of government projects is a promising avenue to uphold these principles. However, there is a pressing need for a more effective, structured, and technologically driven approach to CBM. OBJECTIVES: This research aims to present a tailored model for the South African government. Utilising social media, the model seeks to transform CBM practices, enhancing governance and ensuring project success. The limitations of current CBM tools necessitate such a model in South Africa. METHOD: Rooted in rigorous mixed-methodology research, the model's development and validation involve in-depth interviews with government officials, local media, and civic organisations, along with a citizen survey and literature review. International best practices in CBM and social media analytics inform its design. RESULTS: The study uncovers that current CBM tools have a dual nature, empowering citizens yet facing context-specific challenges like elite capture and inclusivity issues. Social media emerges as a preferred tool among citizens for monitoring government projects, showcasing its transformative potential in fostering transparency and citizen engagement. CONCLUSION: By leveraging social media's dynamic capabilities, this model can enhance transparency, accountability, and project success in South Africa's governance landscape, marking a significant advancement in the digital era. CONTRIBUTION: This research introduces a novel CBM model for South Africa, tailored to leverage social media's transformative potential. Addressing existing limitations in CBM tools provides insights into the challenges and opportunities of utilising social media for government project monitoring.

BACKGROUND: Zimbabwean undocumented migrants rely on the South African public health care system for treatment of non-communicable and communicable diseases, surgery and medical emergency services. A gap remains to understand undocumented migrant experiences at a time when accessing public healthcare has been topical in South Africa AIM: This article aimed to describe and understand the experiences, challenges and health-seeking alternatives of undocumented Zimbabwean migrants in accessing healthcare services in Nellmapius in Pretoria SETTING: The study was conducted at Nellmapius in Pretoria METHODS: A qualitative descriptive research design was used. Structured interviews with 13 undocumented migrants were conducted by applying purposive and snowballing sampling techniques. The data were thematically analysed RESULTS: Migrants reported that the attitudes by healthcare officials suggest unwillingness to provide services to undocumented migrants, aggravating their vulnerability and perennial illness. Migrants faced challenges of discrimination, a lack of professional service delivery, a lack of financial capacity to pay for services and a lack of documentation evoking health-seeking alternatives CONCLUSION: Migrants continue to face challenges while accessing subsidised health care. This study confirms that medical xenophobia is generally present in the public health care centres, at least for the sampled undocumented Zimbabwean migrants. The majority of undocumented migrants cannot afford to pay for private healthcare CONTRIBUTION: The findings of this study inform national, provincial and local healthcare facilities to be ethical and provide dignified quality healthcare to undocumented migrants in line with international practices

Resumen En el presente artículo se estudia cómo ha evolucionado la circulación entre las élites políticas y económicas, es decir, el fenómeno de puerta giratoria en México entre los años 2000 y 2015. El análisis se llevó a cabo a partir del estudio prosopográfico de las trayectorias profesionales de 276 funcionarios/as y de 486 altos ejecutivos/as empresariales que han ocupado posiciones de poder en 15 grupos económicos que forman parte del índice bursátil mexicano. Se demuestra que en este país existe un fenómeno de puerta giratoria de entrada de la empresa hacia el Estado y no viceversa, así como múltiples formas de inversión del campo de poder político-administrativo por empresarios/as del país, tomando en cuenta la diversidad estructural del campo de poder económico. Así, mientras en la actualidad la participación directa del empresariado en la contienda electoral en México tiende a ser obra de individuos con una influencia limitada en el campo económico (patrones-propietarios de grupos con dimensión regional), los grandes patrones-propietarios de las multinacionales del país buscan alinearse con las prácticas de influencia de los grandes grupos del Norte Global y privilegian estrategias de dominio más discretas sobre las políticas públicas.

Abstract By studying the professional trajectories of 276 senior and elected officials and of 486 business leaders within fifteen economic groups listed in the index of the Mexican Stock Exchange, this article studies the revolving door phenomenon in Mexico between 2000 and 2016. It shows that there is mainly a one-way revolving door in the country, from private companies to the State and not vice-versa and analyzes the multiple forms of investment in the political-administrative field of power by the business leaders in the country, taking into account the structural diversity of the economic field of power. Thus, while the direct participation of business leaders in the electoral contest in Mexico tends to refer to individuals who have relatively limited influence in the economic field (economic actors of regional reach), the large owners or shareholders of the country’s main multinationals seek to align themselves with the influence practices of the large groups of the global North and prefer more discreet strategies of influence on public policies.

ABSTRACT Mexican democracy is transitioning from a representative model to a participatory one. Distrust in traditional representative institutions (political parties, governments, government institutions), combined with President López Obrador's political agenda, has caused an increase in citizen interest in participating in elections that amplify their voice in public decisions. One of them is the recall of mandate held on April 10, 2022. However, behind it, there has been an institutional deployment by the National Electoral Institute (INE), which has faced significant budget cuts, as well as the direct affront of government officials in office, with the aim of confronting the electoral administrative authority. With both fronts open, the INE has tended to deploy an innovative technological device to optimize resources and ensure the celebration of the participatory day. The objective of this work is to analyze and explain the electoral innovation processes carried out during the organization and celebration of the first experience of a recall of mandate in Mexico.

RESUMEN La democracia mexicana está transitando de un modelo eminentemente representativo a uno mucho más participativo. La desconfianza en las instituciones tradicionales de representación (partidos políticos, gobiernos, instituciones gubernamentales), sumada con la agenda política del presidente López Obrador, ha provocado que aumente el interés de la ciudadanía en participar en comicios que amplifican su voz en las decisiones públicas. Uno de ellos es la revocación de mandato celebrada el 10 de abril de 2022. Sin embargo, detrás de ella, ha habido un despliegue institucional por parte del Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE), el cual se ha enfrentado a recortes presupuestales significativos, así como a la afrenta directa de personas integrantes del gobierno en turno, con el objetivo de confrontar a la autoridad administrativa electoral. Con ambos frentes abiertos, el INE ha tendido a desplegar un dispositivo tecnológico innovador para eficientar recursos y garantizar la celebración de la jornada participativa. El objetivo del presente trabajo es analizar y explicar los procesos de innovación electoral que se llevaron a cabo durante la organización y celebración de la primera experiencia de una revocación de mandato en México.

ABSTRACT The general objective of the research was to describe the practice of ethics and labor law of workers. It was developed from a quantitative approach. In addition, it was supported by documentary-bibliographic analysis, consisting of refereed articles, theses and standards, for their respective analysis and interpretation. The survey technique was used, which was applied to a sample of 164 servers and officials of the Local Educational Management Unit, Chepén, 2023. It is concluded that the practice of ethics in the labor law of the workers of the Chepén Local Educational Management Unit is directly related as evidenced in the results obtained. This leads to an efficient labor activity, related to the respect for individual and collective rights and values, which allows facing difficulties in the exercise of the public function.

RESUMEN El objetivo general de la investigación fue describir la práctica de la ética y el derecho laboral de los trabajadores. Se desarrolló desde el enfoque cuantitativo. Además, se apoyó en el análisis documental-bibliográfico, conformados por artículos arbitrados, tesis y normas, para su respectivo análisis e interpretación. Se utilizó la técnica de la encuesta, la cual fue aplicada a una muestra de 164 servidores y funcionarios de la Unidad de Gestión Educativa Local, Chepén, 2023. Se concluye que, la práctica de la ética en el derecho laboral de los trabajadores de la Unidad de gestión Educativa Local Chepén, guarda relación directa como se evidencia en los resultados obtenidos. Lo que conduce a una eficiente actividad laboral, guardando relación con el respeto de los derechos y valores individuales y colectivos, lo que permite enfrentar las dificultades en el ejercicio de la función pública.

Resumen: El trabajo presenta una defensa de la teoría del cohecho pasivo como deslealtad del funcionario público. Previamente, se examinan dos puntos de vista diferentes sobre el problema, desarrollados en el ámbito continental europeo; en comparación con estas propuestas, la teoría de la deslealtad no solo permite comprender acabadamente la razón por la cual el cohecho pasivo constituye un comportamiento especialmente desvalioso, sino también proporcionar parámetros para diferenciarlo de otros delitos que pueden cometer los funcionarios públicos. Por último, se analizan las consecuencias de la política criminal que se derivan de la teoría defendida, en particular los lineamientos que debería seguir la legislación penal sobre el cohecho.

Abstract: This work puts forth a defense of the theory that passive bribery constitutes a breach of loyalty by a public official. To begin with, we examine two distinct viewpoints on the issue, developed within the context of continental Europe. In comparison to these proposals, the theory of disloyalty not only comprehensively elucidates why passive bribery represents an especially reprehensible behavior but also provides parameters for distinguishing it from other offenses that public officials may commit. Finally, we delve into the implications of the criminal policy that stem from the advocated theory, particularly the guidelines that should guide penal legislation regarding passive bribery.

Resumo: Este trabalho apresenta uma defesa da teoria do suborno passivo como deslealdade do funcionário público. Previamente, são examinadas duas opiniões diferentes sobre o problema, desenvolvidas no continente europeu; em comparação com essas propostas, a teoria da deslealdade não só fornece uma compreensão completa da razão pela qual o suborno passivo é um comportamento particularmente repreensível, mas também fornece parâmetros para o diferenciar de outros crimes que os funcionários públicos possam cometer. Por último, são analisadas as consequências da política criminal que deriva da teoria defendida, em particular as diretrizes que a legislação criminal sobre suborno deve seguir.

Globally, refugee-hosting states are required to have a higher education (HE) policy that incorporates refugees, in order to raise refugees' HE access to 15% by 2030. This paper explores the influence of HE policy formulation and implementation on refugee access and resilience among South Sudanese from the Bidi Bidi settlement in Uganda. The study adopted a qualitative approach, an exploratory case study design, and an advocacy world view. The researcher collected data from 27 participants - 12 undergraduates from two private Ugandan universities, 13 government and non-governmental organization (NGO) officials, two officials from public and private universities - all involved in refugee education. Additionally, the researcher obtained data through a literature review, in-depth interviews with key informants and students, and a focus group discussion. The findings reveal that in principle, HE policy formulation in Uganda is incorporated in the development of the Education Response Plan (ERP) for refugees and host communities, through a multi-stakeholder approach. However, neither students nor higher education institutions (HEIs) were part of the ERP formulation process. The HE policy formulation process in Uganda traverses a value chain with intersecting complexities. These include: supra-state and national policy, refugee demographics, preferences for basic education and emergency interventions, negative perceptions of HE returns, hostility and refugee exclusion, and students' personal challenges. Relatedly, support for refugees is largely provided by HEIs and NGOs, using silo, independent guidelines. Ultimately, the findings indicate that the HE policy formulation and implementation do not address the intersecting complexities adequately, with implications for student access and resilience. This study identifies areas that could inform HE policy formulation and implementation, and enhance refugee access and resilience, especially in light of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR) 15by30 Roadmap.

Abstract The health emergency facing the world due to COVID-19 presents challenges and risks for organizations. This research explains the effect of organizational commitment, job stress, and work-family reconciliation on job satisfaction in employees of a Chilean municipality, before and during the pandemic. Through a survey, a sample of 264 participants was obtained. For the statistical study, a cluster analysis was used that allowed the identification of three segments of individuals, where for the year 2019 they declared a medium perception in the variables and a medium-low perception in the year 2020. On the other hand, the regression models confirm that the independent variables significantly affect job satisfaction, contributing 60% in 2019 and 70% in 2020 in explaining its variability. The results obtained confirm that there is a change in the perception of the variables under study, from one year to the next, revealing the impact of the pandemic on public officials.

Resumen La emergencia sanitaria que enfrenta el mundo por COVID-19, presenta desafíos y riesgos para las organizaciones. Esta investigación explica el efecto del compromiso organizacional, estrés laboral y conciliación trabajo-familia sobre la satisfacción laboral en funcionarios de una municipalidad chilena, antes y durante la pandemia. Por medio de una encuesta se obtuvo una muestra de 264 participantes. Para el estudio estadístico se utilizó un análisis de conglomerados que permitió identificar tres segmentos de individuos, donde para el año 2019 declaraban una percepción media en las variables y una percepción media-baja al año 2020. Por otro lado, los modelos de regresión confirman que las variables independientes afectan significativamente a la satisfacción laboral, contribuyendo en un 60% el año 2019 y 70% el año 2020 en explicar su variabilidad. Los resultados obtenidos confirman que existe un cambio en la percepción de las variables en estudio, entre un año y otro, quedando en manifiesto el impacto de la pandemia en los funcionarios públicos.

Abstract The United States Supreme Court ruled in Plyler v. Doe (1982) that all children regardless of their legal immigration status have a fundamental right to K-12 education. Despite education being a fundamental right, it remains fragile and contested for undocumented immigrants. Federal courts have had to reaffirm Plyler multiple times, including issuing a permanent injunction over California’s Proposition 187 (1994), which banned undocumented children from K-12 public schools and required officials and teachers to report anyone they suspected of being undocumented to federal immigration authorities. More recently, the courts blocked Alabama’s HB 56(2012) provision that required schools to check and report newly enrolled K-12 students’ immigration status. The entanglement between postsecondary education and immigration, which falls outside of Plyler’s protection, has grown more pronounced over the past two decades. Federal immigration law in 1996 opened the door for states to actively regulate undocumented immigrants’ right to postsecondary education, including banning admissions or creating discriminatory hardships by denying in-state tuition or financial aid. While a rich scholarship covers these policies and their effects, no systematic study exists on the news framing of the intersection between education and immigration. This article examines 40,469 news articles published from 1980 to 2022 in six national and state news sources in the United States to explore the (dis)connections between education (K-12 and postsecondary) and immigration. Combining machine learning techniques and social network analysis with qualitative coding, we show that reporters’ use of a range of experts creates a deep conflation of education with immigration enforcement and illegality framing. Despite quests for journalistic neutrality, we argue that the use of experts by reporters prevents immigrant education from being a topic on its own or a topic where immigrants are framed primarily in a positive and inclusive way.

Abstract Over the past two decades, the pattern of recruitment of top officials has undergone some changes. Today we have a greater presence of women in the administrative elite and an acceleration of the aging trend, a strengthening of skills in public management and even a greater diversity of geographic and university backgrounds. At the same time, there are certain legacies from the past that persist: the presence of lawyers and the Lisbon Faculty of Law; the difficult access of women to the top of Ministries of Foreign and Home Affairs, or Defence; as well as the presence of professors in the administrative elite; the relative importance of being born, studying or living in the capital.

Resumé Au cours des deux dernières décennies, le recrutement des hauts fonctionnaires a subi quelques changements. On assiste aujourd’hui à une plus grande présence des femmes dans l’élite administrative et à une accélération de la tendance au vieillissement, à un renforcement des compétences en gestion publique et même à une plus grande diversité des parcours géographiques et universitaires. En même temps, certains héritages du passé persistent: la présence de juristes et de la Faculté de Droit de Lisbonne; l’accès difficile des femmes au sommet des ministères des Affaires étrangères et intérieures ou de la Défense ; ainsi que la présence de professeurs dans l’élite administrative; l’importance relative d’être né, d’étudier ou de vivre à Lisbonne.

Resumen Durante las últimas dos décadas, el patrón de contratación de altos funcionarios ha sufrido algunos cambios. Hoy tenemos una mayor presencia de mujeres en la élite administrativa y una aceleración de la tendencia al envejecimiento, un fortalecimiento de las capacidades en la gestión pública e incluso una mayor diversidad de procedencias geográficas y universitarias. Al mismo tiempo, hay ciertos legados del pasado que persisten: la presencia de juristas y de la Facultad de Derecho de Lisboa; el difícil acceso de las mujeres a la cúspide de los Ministerios de Asuntos Exteriores y del Interior, o de Defensa; así como la presencia de profesores en la élite administrativa; la importancia relativa de nacer, estudiar o vivir en Lisboa.

Resumo Nas últimas duas décadas, o padrão de recrutamento dos dirigentes de topo da administração pública sofreu algumas mudanças. Temos hoje uma maior presença de mulheres na elite administrativa e uma aceleração da tendência para o envelhecimento, bem como um reforço das competências em gestão pública e até uma maior diversidade de origens geográficas e escolares. Ao mesmo tempo, há certos legados do passado que tardam a desaparecer: o peso do Direito e da Faculdade de Direito de Lisboa; a difícil entrada das mulheres no topo dos ministérios que tutelam a diplomacia, os militares e as polícias; a presença de professores universitários na elite administrativa; ou a importância relativa de nascer, estudar e residir em Lisboa.