Abstract In this technical note, we present one of the main empirical legacies of the research on the electoral campaign of candidates for Federal Deputy in the state of Rio de Janeiro during the free time granted by the government for electoral propaganda (Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral − HGPE) from 1998 to 2018. The aim is to introduce and describe the process of data collection for this database, the procedures used over time for the systematization of information, and the potential uses of two databases linked to the research: the first analyzes the electoral programs recorded during the period and the second the unit of analysis is the individual candidates, coding the time (in seconds) of appearance in the HGPE, the electoral performance of the candidates (votes and final result), campaign financing, and other political, social, and demographic characteristics. The database includes 9,433 electoral programs broadcasted in the evening, in which 1,774 candidates participated. note Horário HGPE 199 2018 information seconds votes result, result , result) financing political social characteristics 9433 9 433 9,43 evening 1774 1 774 1,77 participated 19 201 943 43 9,4 177 77 1,7 20 94 4 9, 17 7 1, 2

Résumé Dans cette note technique, nous présentons l’un des principaux legs empiriques de la recherche sur la publicité télévisée des candidats à la députation fédérale de l’État de Rio de Janeiro dans le cadre de la période de 1998 à 2018. Il s’agit d’introduire et de décrire le processus de collecte de cette base de données, les procédures utilisées au fil du temps pour la systématisation des informations et les utilisations possibles de deux bases de données liées à la recherche : la première ayant pour unité d’analyse les programmes électoraux enregistrés pendant la période ; et la seconde ayant pour unité d’analyse les candidats , comptabilisant le temps (en secondes) d’apparition dans le HGPE ; la performance électorale de chaque candidat (votes et résultat final) ; le financement de la campagne et d’autres caractéristiques politiques, sociales et démographiques. La base de données présentée couvre pas moins de 9 433 programmes électoraux enregistrés pendant la période nocturne, auxquels ont participé 1 774 candidatures. technique lun l un lÉtat État 199 2018 sagit s agit dintroduire d introduire danalyse analyse en secondes dapparition apparition votes final dautres autres politiques démographiques 43 nocturne 77 candidatures 19 201 4 7 20 2

Resumo Nesta nota técnica apresentamos um dos principais legados empíricos da pesquisa sobre propaganda das candidatas/dos candidatos a Deputado Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) no período de 1998 a 2018. Trata-se de introduzir e descrever o processo de coleta dessa base de dados, os procedimentos utilizados ao longo do tempo para a sistematização das informações e os possíveis usos de dois bancos de dados vinculados à pesquisa: o primeiro possui como unidade de análise os programas eleitorais gravados no período; e, o segundo, possui como unidade de análise os/as candidatos/candidatas, contabilizando o tempo (em segundos) de aparição no HGPE; desempenho eleitoral de cada candidata/candidato (votos e resultado final); financiamento de campanha e outras características políticas, sociais e demográficas. O banco apresentado abarca nada menos do que 9.433 programas eleitorais gravados à noite, dos quais participaram 1.774 candidatos/candidatas. candidatasdos candidatas HGPE (HGPE 199 2018 Tratase Trata se segundo osas as candidatoscandidatas candidatos/candidatas em segundos candidatacandidato candidata candidato votos final final) políticas demográficas 9433 9 433 9.43 noite 1774 1 774 1.77 19 201 943 43 9.4 177 77 1.7 20 94 4 9. 17 7 1. 2

Resumen En esta nota técnica, presentamos uno de los principales legados empíricos de la investigación sobre la publicidad televisiva de las candidatas/de los candidatos a diputado federal en el Estado de Río de Janeiro en los Horarios Gratuitos de Publicidad Electoral (HGPE) en el periodo de 1998 a 2018. El objetivo es presentar y describir el proceso de recopilación de esta base de datos, los procedimientos utilizados a lo largo del tiempo para sistematizar la información y los posibles usos de dos bases de datos vinculadas a la investigación: la primera tiene como unidad de análisis los programas electorales registrados durante el periodo; y la segunda tiene como unidad de análisis las candidatas/los candidatos, contabilizando el tiempo (en segundos) que aparecieron en el HGPE; el rendimiento electoral de cada candidato/candidata (votos y resultado final); la financiación de la campaña y otras características políticas, sociales y demográficas. La base de datos presentada incluye no menos de 9.433 programas electorales grabados por la noche, en los que participaron 1.774 candidatas/candidatos. técnica candidatasde candidatas HGPE (HGPE 199 2018 candidataslos segundos candidatocandidata candidato candidata votos final final) políticas demográficas 9433 9 433 9.43 noche 1774 1 774 1.77 candidatascandidatos candidatas/candidatos 19 201 943 43 9.4 177 77 1.7 20 94 4 9. 17 7 1. 2

Abstract The objective of the work is to analyze: 1) the unified discourse that the JCR intended to build among its militants and Latin American society, from its internal and public documentation, and thus describe an imaginary of the regional armed left during the '70s. 2) the unified discourse that the intelligence organizations of the region and the United States of the JCR tried to build, in order to overestimate their danger and create a general alarm for the military governments. The hypothesis to be demonstrated is that the intention of Latin American unity on the part of the JCR and against it on the part of the adversary organizations described above, was not expressed only through joint actions aimed at it, but also through a homogenizing discourse that made propaganda a channel for the transmission of fundamental thought for the objective of the revolution or the counterrevolution, as the case may be. The work intends to contribute to the study of a joint organization that from an academic field has not been studied extensively, beyond the contribution of some particular cases. In this way, we will obtain the characteristics of this coordinator both from an internal point of view and also from an external one. The speech will thus be shown as an angle of understanding of the repressive dynamics of the region. It is in this sense that we will try to make a contribution.

Resumen El objetivo del trabajo es analizar: 1) el discurso unificado que pretendía construir la JCR entre sus militantes y la sociedad latinoamericana, desde su documentación interna y pública, y así describir un imaginario de la izquierda armada regional durante los años 70; 2) aquel que querían elaborar los organismos de inteligencia de la región y Estados Unidos de la JCR, en orden de sobredimensionar su peligro y crear una alarma general para los gobiernos militares. La hipótesis a demostrar es que la intención de unidad latinoamericana por parte de la JCR y contra ella por parte de las organizaciones adversarias antes descritas, no se expresó solo mediante acciones conjuntas encaminadas a ello, sino también a través de un discurso homogeneizador que hacía de la propaganda un canal de transmisión de pensamiento fundamental para el objetivo de la revolución o la contrarrevolución, según sea el caso. El trabajo se propone contribuir al estudio de una organización conjunta que desde un ámbito académico no se ha estudiado profusamente, más allá del aporte de algunos casos particulares. De este modo, obtendremos las características de esta coordinadora, tanto desde un punto de vista interno, como también de uno externo. El discurso se mostrará así como ángulo de comprensión de la dinámica represiva de la región.

Abstract The study exposes the strategies and tactics of radical Islamism in Europe and Spain, to attract and radicalize young Muslims with a religious, media and propagandistic content; from Al Qaeda, Daesh or other related organizations that share the culture of jihad; chain of subjects, actions, messages and propaganda to participate in a process of ideologization, to make use of violence in the jihad against the West, way of life, social and political; and interfere in the democratic, liberal and legal process in Europe. This qualitative research, achieves approximations of individual characteristics and family, social, familiar and economic conditioning factors of the vulnerable groups to the jihadist message; highlighting ignorance or dissolution of their cultural, religious and ritual traditions; absence or weak individual, family or community identity, experience of social, educational, labor or political discrimination and economic inequality; facilitating the process of radicalization until their participation in acts of indiscriminate violence. This research was carried out in the city councils of Fuenlabrada and Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid and Reus and L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Province of Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, Spain; through specialized bibliography, interviews to academic, police and intelligence experts, public attention and social services workers, the contribution of Muslim community representatives; who make emerge these elements and the need to improve strategies and preventive actions in Europe, reducing its impact on the vulnerable population.

Resumen El estudio expone las estrategias y tácticas del islamismo radical en Europa y España, para captar y radicalizar a jóvenes musulmanes de un contenido religioso, mediático, propagandístico; desde Al Qaeda, Daesh u otras organizaciones afines que comparten la cultura de la yihad; cadena de sujetos, actuaciones, mensajes y propaganda para participar en un proceso de ideologización, para hacer uso de la violencia en la yihad contra Occidente, forma de vida, social y política; e interferir en el proceso democrático, liberal y de derecho en Europa. Esta investigación cualitativa logra aproximaciones de características individuales y condicionantes familiares, sociales, familiares y económicas de los grupos vulnerables al mensaje yihadista; destacándose ignorancia o disolución de sus tradiciones culturales, religiosas y ritualidad; ausencia o débil identidad individual, familiar o comunitario, experiencia de discriminación social, educativa, laboral o política e inequidad económica; facilitando el proceso de radicalización hasta su participación en actos de violencia indiscriminada. Esta investigación se realizó en los ayuntamientos de Fuenlabrada y Leganés, Comunidad de Madrid y Reus y L’ Hospitalet de Llobregat, Provincia de Tarragona, Comunidad de Cataluña, España; a través de bibliografía especializada, entrevistas a expertos académicos, policiales e inteligencia, trabajadores en atención pública y servicios sociales, el aporte de representantes comunitarios musulmanes; quienes hacen emerger estos elementos y necesidad de mejorar estrategias y actuaciones preventivas en Europa, reduciendo su impacto en la población vulnerable.

Resumen Esta investigación planteó como objetivo identificar recomendaciones para reducir la contaminación visual en entornos urbanos mediante la comparación de la "Ley Ciudad Limpia" de Londrina, Brasil y la "Ordenanza que Regula la Instalación de Medios Publicitarios y Propaganda Electoral en el Espacio Público y Privado" de Portoviejo, Ecuador. Se llevó a cabo un análisis detallado y comparativo, destacando similitudes y diferencias entre ambas regulaciones, subrayando la necesidad de una adecuada gestión para proteger el paisaje urbano y a los ciudadanos que lo habitan. Se sugirió la implementación de medidas derivadas de la "Ley Ciudad Limpia" en Portoviejo para lograr un mejor manejo y control sobre aspectos técnicos de la rotulación comercial y de igual manera reducir el impacto ambiental causado en los espacios públicos de la urbe.

Abstract This research aimed to identify recommendations to reduce visual pollution in urban environments by comparing the "Clean City Law" of Londrina, Brazil and the "Ordinance Regulating the Installation of Advertising Media and Electoral Propaganda in Public and Private Space" from Portoviejo, Ecuador. A detailed and comparative analysis was carried out, highlighting similarities and differences between both regulations, underlining the need for adequate management to protect the urban landscape and the citizens who inhabit it. The implementation of measures derived from the "Clean City Law" in Portoviejo was suggested to achieve better management and control over technical aspects of commercial signage and likewise reduce the environmental impact caused in the city's public spaces.

Abstract The work examines a series of media operations that took place between 1981 and 1982, which aimed to counteract the impact of the complaints carried out abroad by one of the victims of the dictatorship, the renowned media businessman Jacobo Timerman. The research investigates these operations, placing them within the framework of the so-called “psychological actions” and reconstructs the role played in these practices by General Ramón Camps, former chief of the Police of the Province of Buenos Aires, who had been in charge of the arrest. and the clandestine captivity of Timerman. Along these lines, the article studies the main topics, strategies and supports used, and also the plots and actors that were part of these actions, highlighting the participation of media entrepreneurs, journalists, politicians, members of the Catholic Church, leaders of the Jewish community, military and police.

Resumen En el trabajo se examina una serie de operaciones mediáticas transcurridas entre 1981 y 1982, que tuvieron por objetivo contrarrestar el impacto de las denuncias que llevaba a cabo en el exterior una de las víctimas de la dictadura, el reconocido empresario de medios Jacobo Timerman. La investigación indaga esas operaciones situándolas en el marco de las denominadas “acciones psicológicas” y reconstruye el rol que cumplió en estas prácticas el general Ramón Camps, ex jefe de la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, quien había estado a cargo de la detención y el cautiverio clandestino de Timerman. En esta línea, el artículo estudia los principales tópicos, estrategias y soportes utilizados, y también las tramas y los actores que formaron parte de esas acciones, destacando la participación de empresarios de medios de comunicación, periodistas, políticos, miembros de la Iglesia católica, referentes de la comunidad judía, militares y policías.

Resumo O artigo examina uma série de operações de mídia entre 1981 e 1982, cujo objetivo era neutralizar o impacto das denúncias realizadas no exterior por uma das vítimas da ditadura, o renomado empresário de mídia Jacobo Timerman. A investigação apura essas operações, enquadrando-as nas chamadas "ações psicológicas", e reconstrói o papel desempenhado nessas práticas pelo General Ramón Camps, ex-chefe de Polícia da Província de Buenos Aires, responsável pela detenção clandestina e pelo cativeiro de Timerman. Nessa linha, o artigo estuda os principais temas, estratégias e mídias utilizadas, bem como os enredos e atores que participaram dessas ações, destacando a participação de empresários da mídia, jornalistas, políticos, membros da Igreja Católica, membros da comunidade judaica, militares e policiais.

Abstract This work examines the foreign communication and propaganda strategy of the last Argentine dictatorship developed by the General Directorate of Press and Diffusion established in 1977 in the Foreign Ministry. Its operation is investigated based on the discovery of a series of folders produced by this agency. We reflect on the drift of this documentation to subsequently analyze its content. This allows us to identify the invitation program for foreign journalists selected to visit Argentina. Those chosen were not only identified figures and defenders of the regime, but also those who expressed more critical positions and those who were capable of producing “non-political” tourist chronicles. His journalistic writings, in turn, allow us to point out invariants (common features) that lead to identifying guidelines of the communication project of the dictatorship. Finally, this work focuses on the peculiar functioning of this Directorate: the presence, among its employees and officials, of women who were prisoners in one of the main clandestine detention centers – the Navy Mechanics School – and who were transferred to the Chancellery to work. Their inscriptions in the documents lead us to reflect on the work with bureaucratic-administrative documentation produced by the terrorist State.

Resumen En este trabajo se examina la estrategia comunicacional y propagandística exterior de la última dictadura argentina elaborada por la Dirección General de Prensa y Difusión, establecida en 1977 en Cancillería. Se investiga su funcionamiento a partir del hallazgo de una serie de carpetas producidas por esta dependencia. Se reflexiona sobre la deriva de esta documentación para, posteriormente, analizar su contenido. Ello permite identificar el programa de invitación a periodistas extranjeros seleccionados para visitar Argentina. Los elegidos no eran solo figuras identificadas y defensoras del régimen, también participaron quienes manifestaban posiciones más críticas y quienes eran capaces de producir crónicas turísticas “no políticas”. Sus escritos periodísticos, a la vez, permiten señalar invariantes (rasgos comunes) que llevan a identificar lineamientos del proyecto comunicacional de la dictadura. Finalmente, este trabajo se detiene en el particular funcionamiento de esta Dirección: la presencia, entre sus empleados y funcionarios, de mujeres que estaban detenidas en uno de los principales centro

Resumo Este trabalho examina a estratégia de comunicação e propaganda externa da última ditadura argentina, desenvolvida pela Direção Geral de Imprensa e Divulgação, criada em 1977 no Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Investigamos seu funcionamento com base na descoberta de uma série de pastas produzidas por essa unidade. Refletiremos sobre o desvio dessa documentação e, em seguida, analisaremos seu conteúdo. Isso torna possível identificar o programa de convites para jornalistas estrangeiros selecionados para visitar a Argentina. Os escolhidos não eram apenas figuras identificadas e defensores do regime, mas também aqueles que expressavam posições mais críticas e que eram capazes de produzir crônicas turísticas “não políticas”. Seus textos jornalísticos, por sua vez, nos permitem apontar invariantes (características comuns) que nos levam a identificar diretrizes do projeto de comunicação da ditadura. Por fim, este documento se concentra no funcionamento específico dessa Diretoria: a presença, entre seus funcionários e oficiais, de mulheres que foram detidas em um dos principais centros de detenção clandestinos –a Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada– e que foram transferidas para a Chancelaria para trabalhar. Suas inscrições nos documentos nos levam a refletir sobre o trabalho com a documentação burocrático-administrativa produzida pelo Estado terrorista.

Abstract Recent historiographical research has posed the question about the “productive dimension of power” and the construction of consensus among the population during the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976-1983). This article extends that question to the Malvinas war, fought between Argentina and Great Britain in 1982. Based on the study of documents declassified in 2015 and kept in the Department of Naval Historical Studies, the article analyzes the social communication and the psychological campaign that the Argentine Navy projected during those days to model celebratory attitudes and feelings towards the Army and to underpin the military operations of the dictatorship in the South Atlantic, and the consequently expected (and frustrated) diplomatic negotiations.

Resumen En los últimos años, un conjunto de investigaciones historiográficas inauguró la pregunta por “la dimensión productiva del poder” y por la construcción de consenso entre la población durante la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). En este artículo se extienden esas preguntas a la guerra de Malvinas, librada entre Argentina y Gran Bretaña en 1982, con un inmenso apoyo de la sociedad civil. A partir del estudio de documentos desclasificados en 2015 y resguardados en el Departamento de Estudios Históricos Navales, el trabajo analiza las pautas de comunicación social y la campaña de acción psicológica que la Armada Argentina proyectó en esos días para modelar actitudes y movilizar sentimientos que, además de celebrar la razón de ser de la Marina entre distintos públicos nacionales y extranjeros, apuntalaran las operaciones militares de la dictadura en el Atlántico Sur y la consecuentemente esperada (y frustrada) negociación diplomática.

Resumo Nos últimos anos, um conjunto de pesquisas historiográficas abriu a questão da "dimensão produtiva do poder" e da construção de consenso entre a população durante a última ditadura civil-militar da Argentina (1976-1983). Este artigo estende essas questões à Guerra das Malvinas, travada entre a Argentina e a Grã-Bretanha em 1982, com imenso apoio da sociedade civil. Com base no estudo de documentos desclassificados em 2015 e mantidos no Departamento de Estudos Históricos Navais, o artigo analisa os padrões de comunicação social e a campanha de ação psicológica que a Marinha Argentina planejou naqueles dias para moldar atitudes e mobilizar sentimentos que, além de celebrar a razão de ser da Marinha entre diferentes públicos nacionais e estrangeiros, apoiariam as operações militares da ditadura no Atlântico Sul e a negociação diplomática consequentemente esperada (e frustrada).

Resumen El presente artículo reconstruye el nacimiento y funcionamiento del proyecto de divulgación higiénica organizado por las autoridades de Yucatán entre 1915 y 1930, y reflexiona sobre si la educación y la propaganda higiénica cobraron importancia en las estrategias seguidas por las autoridades revolucionarias para salvaguardar la salud de los habitantes del estado. También describe el proceso de transformación de las instituciones de salubridad que desembocó en la creación de organismos como las delegaciones sanitarias en diversas áreas de Yucatán.

Abstract This article reconstructs the creation and functionality of the hygienic dissemination project, organized by the Yucatan authorities between 1915 and 1930, and ponders on whether hygienic education and propaganda became important for revolutionary authorities in their quest to safeguard the state’s citizens’ health. This paper also describes the transformation process of health institutions that led to the creation of organizations such as health delegations in various areas of Yucatán.

Abstract The paper analyzes seven legal cases from the 1980s brought by the Public Justice of the district of Belém de São Francisco against Cannabis farmers, probably the first cases of this kind. Based on theories of the Flow of the Justice System, the analysis indicates that the slowness in the execution of procedural acts made the conviction of the defendants unfeasible. The cases seem to reveal that the objective of the legal actions was not focused on dismantling criminal groups or agents who acted to structure illicit activity or to punish incriminated individuals more vehemently. Finally, the article explores the inherent contradictions in the priorities of drug policies established by the civil-military dictatorship through law 6368/76, in conjunction with the actions of the judiciary in the analyzed jurisdiction. The type of legal action performed more of a political propaganda function to combat these crops than an action to exterminate said activities. s farmers kind System unfeasible vehemently Finally civilmilitary civil military 636876 6368 76 6368/76 jurisdiction activities 63687 636 7 6368/7 63 6368/ 6

Resumo O trabalho analisa sete processos-crime da década de 1980 instaurados pela Justiça Pública da comarca de Belém de São Francisco contra agricultores de maconha, provavelmente os primeiros processos desse tipo. Baseada em teorias de Fluxo de Processos, a análise sugere que a morosidade no cumprimento dos atos processuais inviabilizou a condenação dos réus. Os processos parecem revelar que o objetivo das ações judiciais não se concentrava no desmantelamento de grupos ou agentes criminosos que atuavam no sentido de estruturar a atividade ilícita, nem em punir mais veementemente os indivíduos incriminados. Por fim, o artigo explora as contradições inerentes às prioridades das políticas de drogas estabelecida pelo ditadura civil-militar, por meio da lei 6368/76, com a ação do judiciário da referida comarca. O tipo de ação desempenhava mais uma função política de propaganda de combate a esses cultivos do que propriamente uma ação de extermínio das referidas atividades. processoscrime crime 198 maconha Processos réus ilícita incriminados fim civilmilitar, civilmilitar civil militar, militar civil-militar 636876 6368 76 6368/76 atividades 19 63687 636 7 6368/7 1 63 6368/ 6

Abstract: The country that after its independence focuses its efforts on a territorial and identity delimitation is the same that drives the occupation of the south during the 19th Century. For that, it creates a procedure under the law of colonization and institutions that facilitate and justify the migration from European countries toward the south of Chile. In this paper it assembles the emigrational movement from Germany toward the provinces of Valdivia and Llanquihue, as well as the plurinational migration within the context of the occupation of the Araucanía, presenting them as actions of the same plan of strengthening of the incipient Chilean national-State. Through the analysis of the contemporary sources and later (chronic, reports, contracts, travel stories, among others), it makes visible the representation that used to move both before, during and after the occupation, where foreign colonization is presented as a foundational landmark for the cities of the south.

Resumen: El país que tras su independencia concentra sus esfuerzos en una delimitación territorial e identitaria es el mismo que impulsa la ocupación del sur durante el siglo XIX. Para ello es que crea un mecanismo amparado en la Ley de Colonización e instituciones que faciliten y justifiquen la migración desde países europeos hacia el sur de Chile. En este artículo se agrupa el movimiento migratorio desde Alemania hacia las provincias de Valdivia y Llanquihue, así como la migración plurinacional dentro del contexto de la ocupación de la Araucanía, presentándolas como acciones del mismo plan de fortalecimiento del incipiente estado-nación chileno. A través del análisis de fuentes de la época y posteriores (crónicas, contratos, relatos de viaje, entre otras), se visibiliza la representación que circulaba tanto antes, como durante y después de la ocupación, en que la colonización extranjera es presentada como hito fundacional para las ciudades del sur.

Abstract Since 1976, the Argentine dictatorship created sophisticated foreign communication plans in order to counteract the multiplication of denunciations of human rights violations in international forums. This paper analyzes the guidelines of the main two plans, specifically examining the implementation of one of their shared tactics: the visit of foreign journalists to Argentina. We study the experiences of the Spanish writer Fernando Vizcaíno Casas and the French journalist Irène Jarry, both invited to write positive articles for the military regime in the press of their respective countries. While the former was ideologically close to the Junta, the latter was less aligned, but allowed to articulate an attractive public-private alliance. Exploring various sources, some still practically unexplored, we will shed light on the implementation of an axis of these programs and propose that they were built in close monitoring of the communicative actions of their opponents.

Resumen: Desde 1976, la dictadura argentina elaboró sofisticados planes de comunicación exterior para contrarrestar la multiplicación de denuncias por violaciones de derechos humanos que se presentaban en los foros internacionales. El presente artículo analiza los lineamientos de sus dos principales planes, examinando puntualmente la puesta en práctica de una de sus tácticas compartidas: la visita de periodistas extranjeros a la Argentina. Aquí se estudian las experiencias contrastantes del español Fernando Vizcaíno Casas y de la francesa Irène Jarry, ambos invitados con el fin de que escribieran artículos positivos para el régimen militar en la prensa de sus respectivos países. Mientras el primero era afín ideológicamente a la Junta, la segunda se mostraba menos alineada, pero permitía articular una atractiva alianza público-privada. Cruzando diversas fuentes, algunas aun prácticamente inexploradas, echaremos luz sobre la implementación de uno de los ejes de esos programas, proponiendo que se constituyeron en estrecho seguimiento del accionar comunicativo de sus opositores.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

RESUMEN La educación en valores patrióticos y morales es fundamental para el desarrollo integral de las personas y la sostenibilidad de las sociedades democráticas. Si bien la educación patriótica ha enfrentado críticas por su uso potencial como herramienta de propaganda nacionalista, una concepción contemporánea apunta a promover una conciencia cívica crítica que valore la propia cultura y al mismo tiempo respete otras tradiciones en un mundo globalizado. Mientras tanto, la educación moral busca formar individuos capaces de discernir entre el bien y el mal, guiados por la justicia y contribuyendo activamente al bien común y los derechos humanos. A la luz de esto, esta investigación examina el papel del sistema educativo de Azerbaiyán en la configuración de los valores morales y cívicos de las generaciones futuras. El autor aboga por la educación patriótica como un medio para inculcar responsabilidad no sólo como ciudadanos de Azerbaiyán sino también como miembros de una comunidad global interconectada. La investigación destaca la necesidad de adoptar métodos de enseñanza personalizados, interactivos y contextualizados, en lugar de un enfoque único para todos, considerando los antecedentes, las necesidades y los intereses específicos de los estudiantes para su desarrollo de valores. También se destaca el papel fundamental de los docentes en este proceso formativo. Sin embargo, a pesar de los avances en este campo, la educación de calidad en patriotismo y moralidad sigue siendo un desafío contemporáneo y está ganando cada vez más prioridad.

ABSTRACT The education in patriotic and moral values is essential for the comprehensive development of individuals and the sustainability of democratic societies. While patriotic education has faced criticism for its potential use as a tool for nationalist propaganda, a contemporary conception aims to promote critical civic awareness that values one's own culture while respecting other traditions in a globalized world. Meanwhile, moral education seeks to shape individuals capable of discerning between right and wrong, guided by justice, and actively contributing to the common good and human rights. In light of this, this research examines the role of Azerbaijan's educational system in shaping the moral and civic values of future generations. The author advocates for patriotic education as a means to instill responsibility not only as citizens of Azerbaijan but also as members of an interconnected global community. The research highlights the need to adopt personalized, interactive, and contextualized teaching methods, instead of a one-size-fits-all approach, considering the backgrounds, needs, and specific interests of students for their value development. It is also underscored the fundamental role of teachers in this formative process. However, despite advancements in this field, quality education in patriotism and morality remains a contemporary challenge and is increasingly gaining priority.

This essay consists of a thorough critical analysis of the dogmatic premises behind Brazilian electoral legislation and the official rhetoric of authorities, conveyed by Electoral Justice through propaganda and legal coercion. Adopting public choice theory as the main methodological paradigm, pragmatic and impartial, the argumentation is developed around the paradox identified by economist Anthony Downs, a corollary of the discrepancy between individual utility of a vote and probability of a vote and its public utility, tethered to the probability of a vote being decisive in an election, a paradox examined in the context of Brazilian democracy. The arguments presented are based on objective data, information theory, statistics and probabilistic calculus, presented in an accessible form, primarily descriptive, regarding the functioning of the electoral system and government communication, concluding with normative considerations.

O presente ensaio consiste de uma minuciosa análise crítica das premissas dogmáticas por trás da legislação eleitoral brasileira a retórica oficial das autoridades, veiculada pela Justiça Eleitoral por meio de propaganda e coerção legal. Valendo-se como principal paradigma metodológico a teoria da escolha pública (public choice theory), pragmática e imparcial, é desenvolvida a argumentação ao redor do paradoxo identificado pelo economista Anthony Downs, corolário da discrepância entre a utilidade individual do voto e utilidade pública, atrelada à probabilidade de um voto decidir uma eleição; paradoxo examinado no contexto da democracia brasileira. Os argumentos apresentados têm por base dados objetivos, princípios da teoria da informação, estatística e cálculo probabilístico, apresentados de forma acessível, primariamente expositiva, acerca do funcionamento do sistema eleitoral e da comunicação governamental, concluindo com considerações normativas.

RESUMEN Se estimaron las tendencias en la prevalencia de la obesidad y el sobrepeso en estudiantes chilenos de educación primaria y secundaria, antes y después de las regulaciones introducidas en Chile en el 2016 sobre la comercialización y disponibilidad de productos hipercalóricos, con un alto contenido de azúcares, sodio o grasas saturadas. Se utilizaron datos del Mapa Nutricional de Chile, una encuesta en la que se midió el índice de masa corporal (IMC) de la población estudiantil de las escuelas públicas. Tomando los umbrales de IMC definidos por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, se calculó la prevalencia del sobrepeso y la obesidad para cada año entre el 2013 y el 2019 en estudiantes de jardín de infancia (4 años), preescolar (5 años), primer grado (6 años) y noveno grado (14 años). En los estudiantes de noveno grado, la prevalencia del sobrepeso y la obesidad aumentó en 2 puntos porcentuales durante los 3 años posteriores a la introducción de las regulaciones del 2016. En el caso de los grupos de jardín de infancia, preescolar y primer grado, el sobrepeso y la obesidad disminuyeron entre 1 y 3 puntos porcentuales un año después de la introducción de las regulaciones, pero al año siguiente volvieron a los niveles anteriores. La introducción de las regulaciones alimentarias de Chile no estuvo seguida de una disminución continua de la obesidad en la población estudiantil de primaria y secundaria. En las investigaciones futuras se deberá examinar si la población infantil de Chile y otros países mantiene niveles altos de sobrepeso y obesidad a pesar de las regulaciones alimentarias diseñadas para reducir el consumo de productos y bebidas obesogénicos, así como las características específicas que adopta este problema de salud.

ABSTRACT We estimated trends in the prevalence of obesity and overweight among Chilean primary and secondary students before and after Chile’s 2016 regulations on the marketing and availability of foods high in energy, total sugars, sodium, or saturated fat. We used data from Chile’s Survey of Nutrition, which measured the body mass index (BMI) of students in government-funded schools. Using BMI thresholds defined by the World Health Organization, we calculated the prevalence of overweight and obesity for each year from 2013 to 2019 among students attending pre-kindergarten (age 4 years), kindergarten (age 5 years), first grade (6 years), and ninth grade (14 years). In ninth grade students, overweight and obesity prevalence rose by 2 percentage points over the 3 years after introduction of the 2016 regulations. In pre-kindergarten, kindergarten, and first grade, overweight and obesity fell 1 to 3 percentage points 1 year after the regulations were introduced, but rebounded to previous levels the next year. Chile’s food regulations were not followed by a sustained decline in obesity in primary- and secondary-school students. Future research should examine whether and how children in Chile and other countries maintain high levels of overweight and obesity despite food regulations designed to reduce consumption of obesogenic foods and beverages.

RESUMO Foram estimadas tendências de prevalência da obesidade e do sobrepeso em alunos chilenos do ensino fundamental e médio antes e depois da regulamentação de 2016 da propaganda e disponibilidade de alimentos com alto teor calórico ou ricos em açúcares totais, sódio ou gorduras saturadas no Chile. Foram utilizados dados obtidos da Pesquisa em Nutrição do Chile, que aferiu o índice de massa corporal (IMC) de escolares da rede pública. Com base nos limiares de IMC definidos pela Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS), calculou-se a prevalência anual de sobrepeso e obesidade em crianças na pré-escola (4 anos), no jardim da infância (5 anos), no primeiro ano (6 anos) e no nono ano (14 anos) em cada ano no período entre 2013 e 2019. Entre os alunos do nono ano, a prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade aumentou 2 pontos percentuais nos 3 anos que se seguiram à introdução da regulamentação de 2016. Entre os alunos da pré-escola, do jardim de infância e do primeiro ano, ocorreu uma redução de 1 a 3 pontos percentuais na prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade um ano após a introdução da regulamentação, mas os níveis voltaram a subir no ano seguinte. A regulamentação de alimentos não resultou em um declínio sustentado da obesidade nos alunos do ensino fundamental e médio do Chile. Pesquisas futuras devem ser realizadas para avaliar se, e como, a prevalência de sobrepeso e obesidade nas crianças chilenas e de outros países se mantém alta a despeito da regulamentação de alimentos visando à redução do consumo de alimentos e bebidas obesogênicos.