The President's power to grant pardons, remit fines, penalties or forfeitures and the nature of the accountability for the exercise of such power remains unclear. The question of accountability relates to whether the President has a constitutional obligation to disclose the reasons for his decision. The nature of the power is broadly formulated and should undergo reform to enhance the attendant accountability. Over the years, there were debates on whether the granting of pardons constitutes administrative action in terms of the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act (PAJA). Because it is a power that potentially has an adverse effect on rights enshrined in the Bill of Rights, it is submitted that it should be construed in terms of PAJA. Similarly, the role of Parliament in exercising oversight over the process is unclear and inadequate. The article submits that the President should exercise the power together with the relevant Cabinet Minister, and subject to legislative endorsement.

Abstract On December 6, 2023, former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori was released: from prison by direct order of the Constitutional Court (TC). The Peruvian state defied the decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) by not implementing the sentence that restored the legal effects of the presidential pardon granted to Fujimori on December 24, 2017. This article aims to understand why Fujimori’s release, promoted by the TC, places the Peruvian justice system outside the realm of human rights. Using a qualitative methodology that includes a case study design and documentary analysis technique, it is argued that the primacy between international law and domestic law, with its instruments and jurisdictional bodies, should focus on the best defense of the human person and human rights. It is concluded that the TC’s decision overlooked these parameters, violating the victims’ right to access justice.

Resumen El 6 de diciembre de 2023, el expresidente peruano Alberto Fujimori fue liberado de prisión por orden directa del Tribunal Constitucional (TC). El Estado peruano desacató las decisiones de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (Corte IDH), de no ejecutar la sentencia que restituía los efectos jurídicos del indulto presidencial concedido a Fujimori el 24 de diciembre de 2017. En este artículo se busca entender por qué la liberación de Fujimori, promovida por el TC, sitúa a la justicia peruana al margen de los derechos humanos. Utilizando una metodología cualitativa, que incluye el diseño de estudio de caso y la técnica de análisis documental, se argumenta que la primacía entre el derecho internacional y el derecho interno, con sus instrumentos y organismos jurisdiccionales, debe centrarse en la mejor defensa de la persona humana y de los derechos humanos. Se concluye que la decisión del TC soslayó estos parámetros, violando el derecho de acceso a la justicia de las víctimas.

This paper proposes an analytical and empirical shift to identify the meanings that state actors mobilize regarding social participation. It innovates by focusing on the perceptions of bureaucrats about participatory institutions and by proposing the dialogue between two sets of literature: the approaches of Participatory Institutions (PI) and of the Sociology of Public Action (SPA). From the former, it takes up the debate on the meanings of participation, while from the latter it takes on an understanding of bureaucrats as actors who mediate between the state and society and of the role of interaction in defining state action. It carries out a case study in the middle-echelon bureaucracy of the National Secretariat for Social Assistance, covering the period of political-institutional changes after the presidential impeachment. The main technique is qualitative and content analysis of 44 semi-structured interviews with DAS 04 and 05 bureaucrats. It concludes that there are multiple meanings of social participation among bureaucrats, influenced by attributes such as professional and management links, subnational experiences in politics and PIs, and academic background. It identifies a gradual decrease in the relevance of non-state actors for decision-making and the redefinition of participation as listening, which becomes both formal and uninterested. literature PI (PI SPA. SPA . (SPA) former action middleechelon middle echelon Assistance politicalinstitutional political institutional impeachment 4 semistructured semi structured 0 links PIs background nonstate non decisionmaking decision making listening uninterested (SPA

As pesquisas de intenção de voto para presidente no primeiro turno de 2022 divergiram do resultado de domingo (2 de outubro), levando a críticas de que teriam sido cometidos erros. Este artigo examina uma explicação alternativa para o fato, segundo a qual mudanças de preferências ocorreriam entre as pesquisas e a votação. Embora impopular, a explicação tem respaldo na literatura com foco em dois processos: o voto estratégico e o alinhamento dos indecisos. Utilizando um experimento feito uma semana antes da eleição, mostramos que eleitores indecisos e de candidaturas menores apresentavam propensão a serem persuadidos por vídeos de campanha. Também utilizamos uma pesquisa feita às vésperas do pleito, para desenvolver modelos que identificam eleitores propensos a mudarem suas escolhas, de modo a ajustar a estimativa da votação. Os resultados sugerem que as mudanças tardias seriam um fenômeno mais do que plausível nas eleições brasileiras recentes. 202 2 ( outubro, outubro , outubro) erros fato votação impopular processos eleição campanha pleito escolhas recentes 20

Résumé Les résultats des sondages sur le premier tour de l'élection présidentielle brésilienne de 2022 ont divergé des résultats officiels, ce qui a conduit à des critiques selon lesquelles le sondage aurait commis des erreurs dans la collecte des données. Cet article examine une explication alternative qui est souvent traitée avec scepticisme par les analystes : les fluctuations réelles d'intentions de vote se sont produites entre la dernière collecte de données et le jour du scrutin. Bien qu'impopulaire, cette explication trouve un appui théorique dans la recherche basée sur deux processus principaux : le vote stratégique et la prise de décision différée. À l'aide d'une expérience menée une semaine avant l'élection, nous montrons comment les électeurs indécis et les électeurs des candidatures moins compétitives ont affiché une forte propension à changer d'avis après avoir vu les messages de campagne. Nous utilisons également les données d'enquête de l'un des derniers sondages menés avant les élections pour développer des modèles qui identifient les électeurs les plus enclins à des changements tardifs dans le choix du vote et réattribuent ces votes afin d'ajuster la répartition des votes. Les résultats suggèrent que les fluctuations tardives des intentions de vote peuvent être un phénomène plus que plausible lors des récentes élections brésiliennes. lélection l élection 202 officiels dintentions d scrutin quimpopulaire, quimpopulaire qu impopulaire, impopulaire qu'impopulaire différée laide aide dune lélection, élection, davis avis campagne denquête enquête lun dajuster ajuster brésiliennes 20 2

Abstract Polls in the first round of Brazil's 2022 presidential election diverged from the official results, leading to criticisms that they made mistakes. This paper examines an alternative explanation: that actual changes in vote intentions occurred between the polls and election day. Although unpopular, this explanation finds theoretical support in the scholarship based on two main processes: strategic voting and delayed decision-making. Using an experiment conducted a week before the election, we show how undecided voters and voters for less competitive candidacies displayed high propensity to change their minds after watching campaign videos. We also use data from one of the last polls conducted before the election to develop models that identify voters most prone to late swings in vote choice and reallocate such votes to adjust vote estimates. The results suggest that late swings in vote intentions can be a more than plausible phenomenon in recent Brazilian elections. Brazils Brazil s 202 mistakes day unpopular processes decisionmaking. decisionmaking decision making. making decision-making videos estimates elections 20 2

Resumen Los resultados de las encuestas acerca de la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Brasil de 2022 divergieron de los resultados oficiales, lo que generó críticas según las cuales las encuestas habrían cometido errores. Este documento examina una explicación alternativa que los analistas a menudo tratan con escepticismo: qué cambios reales de intención de voto ocurrieron entre la última recopilación de datos y el día de las elecciones. Aunque impopular, esta explicación encuentra apoyo teórico en la literatura basada en dos procesos principales: votación estratégica y toma de decisiones retrasada. Usando un experimento realizado una semana antes de las elecciones, mostramos cómo los votantes indecisos y los votantes de candidaturas menos competitivas mostraron una alta propensión a cambiar de opinión después de ver los mensajes de campaña. También utilizamos datos de encuestas de una de las últimas encuestas realizadas antes de las elecciones para desarrollar modelos que identifiquen a los votantes más propensos a cambios tardíos en la elección de votos y reasignar sus votos para ajustar las distribuciones de votos. Los resultados sugieren que los cambios tardíos en las intenciones de voto pueden ser un fenómeno más que plausible en las recientes elecciones brasileñas. 202 oficiales errores escepticismo impopular principales retrasada campaña brasileñas 20 2

Resumo: A prerrogativa do presidente de nomear os ocupantes dos cargos de direção do governo, entendida por alguns autores como a politização da burocracia, consiste em um recurso de poder estratégico que pode viabilizar o controle presidencial sobre a produção de políticas públicas, a estrutura administrativa, e formas de recompensa a apoiadores e aliados políticos. Considerando, então, estes diferentes interesses capazes de influenciar a composição de centenas de cargos desta natureza no Executivo, instiga-se investigar, em um primeiro passo, como o presidente controla as nomeações para os cargos centrais da burocracia. Com base em uma perspectiva de análise ainda pouco explorada nos estudos sobre o tema no Brasil, que ressalta o papel da estrutura de assessoramento presidencial no processo de provimento dos cargos de livre nomeação, este trabalho tem o objetivo exploratório de descrever e examinar, por meio de análise documental, as regras formais que regem o provimento da alta burocracia, detalhando as diferentes etapas deste processo, o escopo das atribuição delegadas aos órgãos da presidência e as formas de controle sobre as nomeações em diferentes governos. A conclusão aponta que os presidentes, ao longo do tempo, estruturaram uma capacidade de controle mais rigorosa, que favorece o escrutínio e a avaliação das indicações antes de proceder à nomeação. Ao mesmo tempo, essa capacidade é suscetível à ampla discricionariedade do presidente. Resumo governo burocracia públicas administrativa políticos Considerando então Executivo instigase instiga se investigar passo Brasil nomeação examinar documental governos presidentes tempo rigorosa

Abstract: The president’s prerogative to appoint top bureaucrats, understood by some authors as politicization, consists of a strategic power resource that can enable presidential control over policy production and over the government’s administrative structure, while rewarding political allies and supporters. Considering the multiple interests that influence appointments to hundreds of positions in the Executive, the first step is to investigate how the president controls bureaucratic appointments. Looking through an analytical lens that is still little explored in studies on political appointments in Brazil, which highlights the role of the presidential advisory structure in the appointment process, this paper aims to systematically analyze documents to describe and examine the process through which the Brazilian president nominates high-level federal appointees. In in the effort to understand how presidents can control nominations, we detail the scope of this decision-making attribution in different governments, exploring the formal rules and the different stages of this process. We conclude that presidents, over time, have established a greater ability to control the nomination process, favoring their capacity to scrutinize and assess them before proceeding with the appointment. At the same time, this capacity remains susceptible to presidential discretion. Abstract s bureaucrats politicization governments government supporters Executive Brazil highlevel high level appointees nominations decisionmaking decision making time discretion

RESUMO Introdução: O artigo investiga a relação entre o comportamento de uma Corte Suprema e a presença de coalizões políticas fortes no sistema político presidencialista. Analisamos como as decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) se relacionaram com as coalizões partidárias durante o governo Bolsonaro em ações de controle concentrado de constitucionalidade movidas por partidos políticos entre 2019 e 2022. Verificamos se o STF foi mais ativo e exerceu seus poderes contramajoritários no período em que o presidente não era apoiado por uma coalizão majoritária (2019-2021) e se se tornou mais contido após a formação de uma coalizão em 2021. Materiais e métodos: A partir de um modelo de regressão logística, aplicado sobre uma base de dados de 89 ações de controle concentrado de constitucionalidade, utilizamos o comportamento contramajoritário do STF como variável dependente e a força (tamanho e coalescência) da coalizão governamental de Bolsonaro como variável independente. Utilizamos também outras variáveis de controle, como a popularidade do governo, o posicionamento da Procuradoria Geral da República e a saliência da Covid-19 como tema que poderia ter influenciado o comportamento da Corte. Resultados: O STF foi menos deferente à legislação federal durante o período em que o governo Bolsonaro não tinha uma coalizão majoritária estruturada no Congresso Nacional e mais deferente quando a coalizão foi estruturada. Mais especificamente, a probabilidade de se ter uma decisão contramajoritária da Corte Suprema brasileira a partir da aliança de Bolsonaro com o “Centrão” em 2021 se reduziu em 86%. Discussão: Constata-se que, apesar de possuir amplas garantias institucionais que asseguram uma considerável independência, o STF exibe um comportamento influenciado pelas dinâmicas políticas inerentes ao presidencialismo de coalizão. Com isso, além de suprir uma lacuna na literatura sobre o comportamento político do STF no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro, o artigo fortalece empiricamente a hipótese de que cortes judiciais tendem a ter mais independência quando o sistema político é mais fragmentado e pluralista. Introdução presidencialista (STF 201 2022 20192021 (2019-2021 métodos logística 8 tamanho coalescência independente Covid19 Covid 19 Covid-1 Resultados especificamente Centrão “Centrão 202 86 86% Discussão Constatase Constata isso brasileiro pluralista 20 2019202 (2019-202 Covid1 1 Covid- 2 201920 (2019-20 20192 (2019-2 (2019- (2019 (201 (20 (2 (

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article explores the relationship between the behavior of the Supreme Court and the presence of strong political coalitions in a presidential system. We examine how Brazil's Supreme Federal Court (STF) made decisions in relation to party coalitions during Bolsonaro's administration, focusing on constitutional review cases brought by political parties between 2019 and 2022. Our analysis looks at whether the STF was more active and assertive in using its counter-majoritarian powers during the period when the president lacked majority coalition support (2019-2021), and whether it became more restrained after the formation of a coalition in 2021. Materials and methods: We applied a logistic regression model to a dataset of 89 concentrated constitutional review cases, using the STF's counter-majoritarian behavior as the dependent variable and the strength (size and cohesion) of Bolsonaro's governing coalition as the independent variable. We also factored in control variables, such as government popularity, the stance of the Attorney General's Office, and the prominence of the Covid-19 pandemic as a potential influence on the Court's decisions. Results: The STF was less deferential to federal legislation when Bolsonaro's administration lacked a structured majority coalition in Congress but became more deferential after the coalition was formed. Specifically, the likelihood of the Brazilian Supreme Court issuing a counter-majoritarian decision dropped by 86% following Bolsonaro's alliance with the Centrão in 2021. Discussion: Despite robust institutional guarantees that provide significant independence, the STF's behavior appears influenced by the political dynamics inherent in coalition-based presidentialism. This article not only addresses unexplored areas in the literature concerning the STF's political behavior within the context of Brazilian coalition presidentialism but also empirically supports the hypothesis that judicial courts tend to exercise greater independence in more fragmented and pluralistic political systems. Introduction system Brazils Brazil s (STF Bolsonaros Bolsonaro 201 2022 countermajoritarian counter majoritarian 20192021, 20192021 2021 , (2019-2021) methods 8 STFs size cohesion variables popularity Generals General Office Covid19 Covid 19 Covid-1 Courts Results formed Specifically 86 Discussion coalitionbased based systems 20 202 2019202 (2019-2021 Covid1 1 Covid- 2 201920 (2019-202 20192 (2019-20 (2019-2 (2019- (2019 (201 (20 (2 (

Resumen El establecimiento de los sistemas políticos suele estudiarse a partir de las relaciones entre los distintos poderes, dejando de lado el surgimiento y diversas condicionalidades de instrumentos como el veto, por lo que, en este ensayo se planteó como objetivo analizar los elementos que repercutieron en la supresión de dicha herramienta, en un periodo que sentó las bases jurídico normativas en futuras constituciones. Así, a lo largo del texto, se argumenta la supresión del veto como una herramienta de equilibrio de poder, dada la creciente alteridad en los procesos de toma de decisiones por parte del ejecutivo, así como el debilitamiento del sistema de contrapesos a partir de la supresión del Senado. En este orden, se hace uso de método descriptivo, así como de técnicas de análisis documental.

Résumé: La mise en place des systèmes politiques est souvent envisagée à partir des relations entre les différents pouvoirs, sans tenir compte de l’émergence et des diverses conditions d’instruments tels que le veto, Par conséquent, dans cet essai, l’objectif était d’analyser les éléments qui ont eu une incidence sur la suppression de cet outil, dans une période qui a jeté les bases juridiques normatives dans les futures constitutions. Ainsi, tout au long du texte, on argumente de la suppression du veto comme outil d’équilibre des pouvoirs, étant donné l’altérité croissante des processus décisionnels de l’exécutif, ainsi que l’affaiblissement du système de contrepoids depuis la suppression du Sénat. Dans cet ordre, on utilise une méthode descriptive ainsi que des techniques d’analyse documentaire.

Abstract The establishment of political systems is usually studied from the perspective of the relations among the different powers, leaving aside the emergence of instruments and diverse conditions such as the veto. Therefore, this work set out as its objective to analyze the elements that influenced the suppression of the veto instrument during a period in which the legal and normative bases of forthcoming constitutions were established. Moreover, this work contends that the suppression of veto was an instrument of power equilibrium, given the alterity in the decision making process of the executive power, as well as a way of weakening the counterbalance system from the suppression of the senate. Consequently, the descriptive method was used, as well as document analysis techniques.

Streszczenie: Ustanawianie systemów politycznych zwykle jest badane poprzez analizę relacji między różnymi gałęziami władzy, pomijając powstanie i różne uwarunkowania narzędzi takich jak prawo weta. W tym eseju celem było zbadanie elementów, które wpłynęły na zniesienie tego narzędzia w okresie, który położył podwaliny pod przyszłe konstytucje. W trakcie tekstu argumentuje się, że zniesienie prawa veta było narzędziem równowagi władzy, ze względu na rosnącą odmienność w procesach podejmowania decyzji przez władzę wykonawczą oraz osłabienie systemu równowagi przez zniesienie Senatu. W tym celu wykorzystuje się metodę opisową oraz techniki analizy dokumentów.

ABSTRACT This research examines the foundations of criminal prosecution and public oral trial by the Public Ministry against lawyer María Esther Roa based on non-compliance with obligations imposed by presidential decrees during the COVID-19 pandemic. Additionally, the study delves into the reasoning of the Penal Sentence Tribunal that definitively dismissed the accused, reaching the conclusion that the Prosecutor's Office violated rights, principles, and guarantees related primarily to the principle of legality protected not only by the Constitution of the Republic of Paraguay but also by international human rights law. The methodological design involves documentary research between 2021 and 2022, analyzing jurisprudence, with the unit of analysis being the resolutions of first and second instance regarding Case No. 358/21 "María Esther Roa de Espínola v/ Law No. 716 sanctioning crimes against the environment," in which lawyer María Esther Roa is acquitted and the decision is confirmed, respectively.

RESUMEN Esta investigación analiza los fundamentos del procesamiento penal y del juicio oral y público por parte del Ministerio Público en contra de la abogada María Esther Roa en base al incumplimiento de las obligaciones impuestas por decretos presidenciales durante la pandemia de la COVID-19. Así también, el trabajo profundiza la fundamentación del Tribunal Penal de Sentencia que sobreseyó definitivamente a la incoada llegando a la conclusión de que la Fiscalía conculcó derechos, principios y garantías relacionados, principalmente, con el principio de legalidad protegido no solo por la Constitución de la República del Paraguay sino por el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. El diseño metodológico consiste en una investigación documental entre el 2021 y el 2022 que realiza un análisis de jurisprudencia, estableciéndose como unidad de análisis a las resoluciones de primera y segunda instancia en relación con la Causa N° 358/21 “María Esther Roa de Espínola s/ Ley N° 716 que sanciona delitos contra el medio ambiente”, en las que, se absuelve y confirma, respectivamente, a la Abg. María Esther Roa.

Résumé Au Brésil, le parti du président, par rapport à ses pairs de la coalition, concentre les ministères, les bureaucraties et les initiatives législatives dans l'Exécutif, démontrant ainsi ses efforts pour mettre en oeuvre son agenda. Cependant, un projet de loi ne devient loi qu'après avoir été passe par le Législative, où il est fréquemment modifié dans les commissions. Pour cette raison, le parti présidentiel souhaite qu'une certaine centralisation aura également lieu dans ces organes. Le but de cet article est d'examiner si et comment le parti présidentiel centralise le travail dans la Chambre des Députés. Nous avons analysé, avec des statistiques descriptives et de régressions logistiques, des informations de la Base de Données Législatifs du Cebrap sur la présidence de la commission et de le rapporteur (1995-2014). Nous démontrons que les membres du parti présidentiel sont nommés rapporteurs en proportions supérieures à leur poids dans la Chambre, principalement en les projets gouvernementaux: leurs députés président les commissions qui répartissent le plus les fonctions de rapporteurs et priorisent leurs coreligionnaires en les nominations. L'article est original en examinant l'action du parti présidentiel dans la Chambre, apporte des contributions sur la relation Exécutif-Législatif, sur la gestion de la coalition et entérine la pertinence des commissions dans le processus décisionnel. Brésil ministères lExécutif, lExécutif l Exécutif, Exécutif l'Exécutif agenda Cependant quaprès qu après Législative raison quune une organes dexaminer d examiner Députés analysé logistiques 19952014. 19952014 1995 2014 . (1995-2014) gouvernementaux nominations Larticle L laction action ExécutifLégislatif, ExécutifLégislatif Législatif, Législatif Exécutif-Législatif décisionnel 1995201 199 201 (1995-2014 199520 19 20 (1995-201 19952 1 2 (1995-20 (1995-2 (1995- (1995 (199 (19 (1 (

Resumen En Brasil, el partido del presidente, en comparación con sus pares de coalición, concentra ministerios, burocracias e iniciativas legislativas en el poder ejecutivo, demostrando un compromiso con la implementación de su agenda. Sin embargo, un proyecto de ley sólo se convierte en ley después de que se procesa en la legislatura, donde a menudo se modifica en las comisiones, por lo tanto, el partido presidencial busca cierta centralización en estos órganos. El objetivo del artículo es investigar si y como el partido presidencial centraliza trabajo en la Cámara de Diputados. Analizamos con estadísticas descriptivas y regresiones logísticas informaciones de la Base de Datos Legislativos del Cebrap sobre presidencia de comisión y relatoría (1995-2014). Demostramos que los miembros del partido presidencial son nombrados relator en proporciones superiores a su peso en la Cámara, principalmente en proyectos gubernamentales: sus diputados presiden las comisiones que distribuyen la mayoría de las relatorías y priorizan a sus correligionarios en las indicaciones. El artículo es original al examinar la acción del partido presidencial en la Cámara, trae contribuciones sobre la interacción Ejecutiva-Legislativa y la gestión de la coalición y ratifica la relevancia de las comisiones en el proceso decisorio. Brasil presidente ministerios ejecutivo agenda embargo legislatura tanto órganos Diputados 19952014. 19952014 1995 2014 . (1995-2014) gubernamentales indicaciones EjecutivaLegislativa Ejecutiva Legislativa decisorio 1995201 199 201 (1995-2014 199520 19 20 (1995-201 19952 1 2 (1995-20 (1995-2 (1995- (1995 (199 (19 (1 (

No Brasil, o partido presidencial centraliza cargos e propostas legislativas no Executivo, demonstrando empenho em implementar sua agenda. Porém, um projeto só se torna lei após passar pelo Legislativo, o que frequentemente é alterado nas comissões. Assim o partido presidencial busca centralização também nesses órgãos. Este artigo analisa se e como isso ocorre. Analisamos descritivamente, e com regressão logística, dados da Câmara da presidência de comissão e relatoria (1995-2014). Apontamos que o partido presidencial recebe relatorias em proporção superior ao peso de sua bancada, sobretudo em projetos do governo: seus deputados presidem as comissões que mais designam relatores e priorizam seus correligionários nas indicações. O artigo traz contribuições sobre relação Executivo-Legislativo, gerenciamento de coalizão e ratifica a relevância das comissões no processo decisório. Brasil Executivo agenda Porém Legislativo órgãos ocorre descritivamente logística 19952014. 19952014 1995 2014 . (1995-2014) bancada governo indicações ExecutivoLegislativo, ExecutivoLegislativo Executivo-Legislativo decisório 1995201 199 201 (1995-2014 199520 19 20 (1995-201 19952 1 2 (1995-20 (1995-2 (1995- (1995 (199 (19 (1 (

Abstract In Brazil, the president's party commands job positions and legislative proposals in the executive branch, demonstrating the effort to implement its agenda. However, a bill only becomes law after being passed by the legislature, where it is frequently changed in committees. Thus, the presidential party also seeks to gain command of these bodies. This article analyzes if and how this occurs. We use a descriptive analysis, with logistic regressions, and data from the Cebrap Legislative Database on the presidents and rapporteurs of legislative commissions (1995-2014). We demonstrate that the presidential party has more rapporteurs than their weight in the House, mainly for bills proposed by government. Its deputies preside over the committees that distribute the most rapporteurships and benefit their co-members in the assignments. The article contributes to analysis of executive-legislative branch relationships, and the administration of coalitions and confirms the importance of committees in the decision-making process. Brazil president s agenda However legislature Thus bodies occurs regressions 19952014. 19952014 1995 2014 . (1995-2014) House government comembers co members assignments executivelegislative relationships decisionmaking decision making process 1995201 199 201 (1995-2014 199520 19 20 (1995-201 19952 1 2 (1995-20 (1995-2 (1995- (1995 (199 (19 (1 (

ABSTRACT The article describes and reflects on the Peruvian social outburst (2003), having the Puno region as place of reference. An historical setting of the Peruvian Andes where the cultural cradles of the indigenous Quechua and Aymara peoples merge. During the 2021 presidential elections, the citizens of Puno supported the candidacy of Pedro Castillo, finding once again the opportunity of a national government that would recognize and value their cultural space, as well as execute changes aimed at offering opportunities for the wellbeing of Andean populations. The presidential ousting of Castillo and president Boluarte subsequent decision of not calling for new elections lead to an outburst. The demonstrations in the south of the country were violently repressed by security forces. Puno became the region with the highest number of victims of the repression. As shown throughout national history, rejection to the protests of Andean citizen manifests in discriminatory actions by the State and other sectors of society.

RESUMEN El artículo describe y reflexiona sobre el estallido social en Perú (2023), tomando como lugar de referencia la región de Puno. Se trata de un espacio histórico en los Andes peruanos donde confluyen las matrices culturales de los pueblos indígenas quechuas y aymaras. Durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2021, los ciudadanos puneños respaldaron la candidatura de Pedro Castillo, pues encontraron una vez más la oportunidad de un Gobierno nacional que logre reconocer y valorar su espacio cultural, y ejecutar cambios orientados a ofrecer oportunidades para el bienestar de las poblaciones andinas. La vacancia presidencial de Castillo y la posterior decisión de la presidenta Boluarte de no convocar a nuevas elecciones, condujeron a un estallido. Las manifestaciones en el sur del país fueron reprimidas violentamente por las fuerzas de seguridad. Puno resultó siendo la región con el más alto número de víctimas de la represión. Como ha sucedió a lo largo de la historia nacional, el rechazo a las protestas de los ciudadanos andinos se ha manifestado con acciones de discriminación desde el Estado y otros sectores de la sociedad.

Studies on the environment, public opinion, and voting have shown that, despite widespread support for the environmental cause among the population, this support does not necessarily translate into votes. This article will look into concepts including agenda setting, framing, and media effects to provide a background of how the environment became a prominent issue in public opinion. It will also test hypotheses that argue for the significance of issue decision salience, in conjunction with the issue ownership theory, to explain how the environmental issue influences vote choice. Our research focuses on the 2022 Brazilian presidential election, employing mixed methods that include both quantitative and qualitative techniques. All tests conducted confirmed that emphasizing the environment as a relevant issue and identifying a candidate as its primary advocate increased voters’ inclination to support them. This effect persisted even when including controls for other extensively studied factors in voter behavior literature, including the economy, religion, and age. The key conclusion drawn from our study is that the environment holds relevance in the electoral context. Evidence suggests that a relevant factor to understand why the environment and the environmental policy seem to have affected voting intentions (when common knowledge would suggest otherwise) is how the mainstream media and social media have set this agenda. opinion population votes setting framing salience theory choice 202 election techniques voters them literature economy religion age context otherwise 20 2

Abstract Although we have a vast understanding of the causes and institutional impacts of impeachments, we know little about their policy outcomes. As such events occur during crises, new incumbents are expected to promote policy reforms. To identify how they influence foreign policy, I applied a most-different-system design to compare the cases of Lugo in Paraguay (2012) and Rousseff in Brazil (2016). Internally, impeachments politicize foreign policy, linking the external agenda to domestic politics. Externally, they may restrict foreign policy alternatives, depending on political actors’ perceptions of process legitimacy, ideological proximity, and state resources. I found that politicization after impeachments does not necessarily bring decision-making decentralization. Instead, actors capture the foreign policy agenda for political purposes. outcomes crises reforms mostdifferentsystem most different system 2012 (2012 2016. 2016 . (2016) Internally politics Externally alternatives legitimacy proximity resources decisionmaking decision making decentralization Instead purposes 201 (201 (2016 20 (20 2 (2 (

In this article is examined the now famous political slogan particularly in the South-Western region of Nigeria: àwa l'ókàn [it is our turn] as grounded on political injustice and not resonating with competence as claimed. This has become critical, because it has generated heated debate among Christians across denominational lines. I traced the popularity of the slogan to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who claimed that, in the 2023 elections, the office of the president of Nigeria should be zoned to the South-Western geo-political zone, and then to him personally; hence Emi l'ókàn [it is my turn]. The theoretical argument in this article is that, although Christians are saved to live differently from the world, they still have critical roles to play in political affairs in ways that are consistent with their faith. The article used both primary and secondary sources that consist of books, articles, personal interviews and the social media. It discovered that the South-Western region has had at least a 15-year stint in the Nigerian presidency since 1999, the South-Southern region, eight years and the South-Eastern region, zero years. In addition, the article found out that the slogan, Emi l'ókàn, has resulted in theological disagreements which are not healthy for Christian unity and purpose in a multi-religious society such as Nigeria. It concluded that 'àwa l'ókàn politics is based on ethnic solidarity rather than oneness in Christ. This position has implications for the Christian body, because preference for ethnicity over justice and fairness, which are Christian principles, challenges sound Christian theo-political theory. CONTRIBUTION: This article is interdisciplinary in nature. It brings together theology, ethnicity and politics, and argues that these disciplines are dynamic. But in a situation in which conflict of interest arises, it is argued that Christian ethics should guide in taking a moral decision to abide by the principle of oneness in Christ (Eph 2:11-22

Abstract In the Uruguayan national elections of 2019, the successful emergence of several politicians who are categorized as outsiders to come from outside the political system was confirmed. This rise and its determining role in the decision of the future president of the Republic is a warning for parties and politicians. The global and regional political context, the ideas that circulate and the current moment of the communication and the use of digital tools have been factors that contributed to the emergency and the role that this type of politicians played in the recent Uruguayan elections.

Resumen En las elecciones nacionales uruguayas de 2019 se constató la irrupción exitosa de varios políticos que se categorizan como outsiders por provenir desde fuera del sistema político. Este ascenso y su función determinante en la decisión del futuro presidente de la República es una advertencia para los partidos y los políticos. El contexto político, global y regional, las ideas que circulan y el momento actual de la comunicación y el uso de herramientas digitales han sido factores que coadyuvaron a la emergencia y al rol que tuvo este tipo de políticos en las recientes elecciones uruguayas.

Resumo Nas eleições nacionais uruguaias de 2019 foi confirmado o êxito de vários políticos categorizados como outsiders cuja origem está fora do sistema político. Esta ascensão e seu papel determinante na decisão do futuro presidente da República é um alerta para políticos e seus partidos. O contexto político, global e regional, as idéias que circulam, o momento atual da comunicação e o uso de ferramentas digitais foram fatores que contribuíram para a emergência e o papel que esse perfil de político desempenhou nas recentes eleições no Uruguai

Abstract Organized by the NGO Argentina Debate, the first Argentinian presidential debate was held on October the 4th, 2015. The incumbent, Daniel Scioli, had announced he would skip this debate the week before: an unexpected resolution. An empty chair was left where his place would have been. Exactly three years later, on October the 4th, 2018, the last debate prior to the first round of Brazil’s presidential elections was held, part of an already well-established tradition. Using his heath as an excuse, candidate Jair Bolsonaro skipped this televised meeting. The object of this article consists of this two “missings”. Its point of departure is that not going to a presidential debate is a costly decision for a presidential candidate. The article first explores hypothesis that can explain the decision to skip the debate in terms of its tactical implications. Second, the article turns to observe the absence as a cause, examining its discursive effects. The analysis is situated on two levels: strategic and discursive. The conclusions hang upon this twofold analysis, while taking advantage of a comparative approach.

Resumen El 4 de octubre de 2015 se celebró el primer debate presidencial en la Argentina, organizado por Argentina Debate. El candidato del oficialismo, Daniel Scioli, decidió ausentarse una semana antes de la fecha pautada para la realización del duelo, elección inesperada que motivó la puesta en escena de un atril vacío durante la transmisión. Exactamente tres años más tarde, el 4 de octubre de 2018, excusándose con referencia a su salud, el entonces candidato Jair Bolsonaro no asistió al encuentro previo a la primera ronda de los comicios presidenciales en Brasil, parte de una tradición de debates ya consolidada en el país. Partiendo de la base de que faltar a un debate presidencial televisado es una decisión costosa para un candidato en carrera, el presente artículo toma por objeto ambas ausencias. En primer lugar, explora hipótesis que expliquen la falta en términos de una opción estratégica. En segundo lugar, procede al examen de los efectos discursivos que la ausencia produce durante el desarrollo de las emisiones de debate. El análisis se sitúa en dos niveles: estratégico y discursivo. Las conclusiones conectan estas dos miradas y los hallazgos que ofrece el abordaje comparativo.

Resumo No dia 4 de outubro do 2015 ocorreu o primeiro debate presidencial na Argentina, organizado pela ONG Argentina Debate. O candidato oficialista, Daniel Scioli, decidiu se ausentar uma semana antes da data agendada para a realização do debate, uma escolha inesperada que teve como resultado a forte imagem de um lugar vazio durante a transmissão. Exatamente 3 anos depois, 4 de otubro de 2018 o então candidato Jair Bolsonaro não assistiu ao encontro prévio a primera ronda de comissões presidenciais no Brasil, parte de uma tradição de debates já consolidada no país. Partindo da base de que não assistir a um debate presidencial televisionado é uma decisão cara para um candidato na carreira presidencial, o presente artigo tem por objeto analisar ambas ausências. Em primeiro lugar, explora hipóteses que explicam a ausência em termos de uma opção estratégica. Ou seja, como conseqüência de um certo equilíbrio entre custos e benefícios dentro de uma série de condições. Isso está fundamentado em literatura pré-existente e em fontes secundárias. Em segundo lugar, examina os efeitos discursivos que a ausência produz durante o desenvolvimento das transmissões de debates. A análise está em dois níveis. Por um lado, se questiona brevemente como a falta apresentada pelos organizadores do debate, no nível da organização e no formato das trocas. Por outro, permite o exame do papel da ausência para a estruturação contraditória do campo político (Verón, 1987) nos argumentos dos debatedores. As conclusões conectam as duas perspectivas, estratégicas e discursivas, e os resultados oferecidos pela abordagem comparativa.