Abstract: Introduction One of the most striking consequences of the social outbreak in Chile in 2019, from the perspective of communication studies, was the change in the perception and assessment of the media by the citizens. In this context, it is interesting to understand how the media represented that political and social phenomenon. Objective To describe how the Chilean national and metropolitan press (El Mercurio, La Tercera, La Segunda, Las Últimas Noticias, La Cuarta, HoyxHoy, and Publimetro) reported on the social outbreak of 2019 on their covers from the perspective of their generic news frames. Methodology A multimodal content analysis was conducted, simultaneously interpreting verbal and iconic messages related to the outbreak. Results The most relevant frame in the coverage was conflict, followed by frames of human interest and attribution of responsibility. The economic consequences frame was much less important, while the morality frame only had a marginal contribution. Discussion: Given the interpretative nature of this analysis, we also evaluated the presence of two potential new generic frames: neutrality, which had low presence, and orientation, which turned out to be very important in one of the newspapers, and we believe it has potential for the study of the popular press. Conclusions The orientation frame seems to be highly representative of the popular press, and therefore, it has the potential to become a generic frame applicable to other studies.

Resumen: Introducción Una de las consecuencias más llamativas del estallido social de 2019 en Chile, desde el punto de vista de los estudios en comunicación, fue el cambio en la percepción y valoración de los medios, por parte de la ciudadanía. En dicho contexto, es interesante saber cómo los medios representaron aquel fenómeno político-social. Objetivo Describir cómo la prensa chilena de cobertura nacional y metropolitana (El Mercurio, La Tercera, La Segunda, Las Últimas Noticias, La Cuarta, HoyxHoy y Publimetro) informó sobre el estallido social de 2019 en sus portadas, desde la perspectiva de sus encuadres noticiosos genéricos. Metodología Se realizó un análisis de contenido multimodal, es decir, que interpretara simultáneamente los mensajes verbales e icónicos alusivos al estallido. Resultados El marco más relevante en la cobertura fue el de conflicto, seguido por los de interés humano y atribución de responsabilidad. Mucho menos importante fue el frame de consecuencias económicas, mientras que el de moralidad solo tuvo un aporte marginal. Discusión Dado el carácter interpretativo de este análisis, evaluamos también la presencia de dos eventuales nuevos marcos genéricos: la neutralidad, que tuvo una baja presencia, y la orientación, que resultó ser muy importante en uno de los diarios, y creemos que tiene potencial para el estudio de la prensa popular. Conclusiones El marco de orientación parece ser muy representativo de la prensa popular, y por ello tiene el potencial para convertirse en un frame genérico aplicable a otros estudios.

Abstract This article discusses the performance of the Popular Front of Women Against Femicide in relation to the femicide of Renata Costa, a black woman from Piauí who was a victim of misogynistic violence. The case gained great regional and national repercussion due to the demonstrations carried out by the aforementioned collective. From the methodological point of view, this is a case study carried out through a semi-structured interview with a militant member of the collective who was present at the political act Cadê a Renata? The theory of intersectionality was used as a theoretical concept to critically analyze social reality, enabling us to view oppressions as a "magnifying glass". The results point out that the black feminism resistance has relevance for the visibility and confrontation of the expression of the social issue, femicide, violence that is more present among black women.

Resumo Este artigo traz uma discussão sobre a atuação da Frente Popular de Mulheres Contra o Feminicídio em relação ao feminicídio de Renata Costa, uma mulher negra e piauiense que foi vítima de violência misógina. O caso ganhou grande repercussão regional e nacional devido às manifestações realizadas pelo coletivo em questão. No aspecto metodológico, trata-se de um estudo de caso realizado por meio de entrevista semiestruturada feita com uma militante do coletivo que esteve presente no ato político Cadê a Renata? Foi utilizada a teoria da interseccionalidade como um conceito teórico para analisar criticamente a realidade social, permitindo visualizar como uma “lupa” as opressões. Os resultados apontam que a resistência do feminismo negro possui relevância para a visibilidade e enfrentamento à expressão da questão social, feminicídio, violência que se encontra mais presente entre mulheres negras.

According to several documents preserved in the Fondo Pablo Garrido –Research and Documentation Center, University of Chile–, we herein present a contextual analysis of the critique and research texts on folklore by Chilean musician and musicologist Pablo Garrido Vargas, and of the respective approaches and actions that he undertook in the cultural policies field, from the year 1928 –the beginning of his career as a journalist– to 1944 –when he joined the Dirección General de Información y Cultura, at the Chilean Ministry of Interior. This article tracks down the notion of “social function” that Garrido applied to musical folklore, for which we have approached his initial career as a music critic and cultural journalist, researcher and scholar, musician –composer and performer–, agent, union leader, and sympathizer for the Frente Popular. It is of particular interest, in this sense, his conflicted relation with the musical establishment embodied by the Universidad de Chile –regarding which we propose a hypothesis about the upbringing of folklore under its wing–; a general outline of his political, social and aesthetic positions, and a brief exposition of the Afrocentrist thesis he devised on the origins of the Chilean cueca.

Sobre la base de diversos documentos resguardados por el Fondo Pablo Garrido –Centro de Documentación e Investigación Musical, Universidad de Chile–, ofrecemos un análisis contextual de los textos críticos e investigativos acerca de folclor del músico y musicólogo chileno Pablo Garrido Vargas y de sus respectivos planteamientos y acciones, en el plano político-cultural, entre 1928 –el comienzo de su carrera periodística– y 1944 –cuando ingresó a la Dirección General de Información y Cultura, Ministerio del Interior de Chile–. Este artículo rastrea la noción de “función social” que Garrido aplicó al folclor musical, para ello abordamos su trayectoria inicial como crítico musical y periodista cultural, investigador y académico, músico –compositor e intérprete–, gestor, dirigente sindical y simpatizante del Frente Popular. Particularmente relevante nos parece una lectura de su conflictiva relación con la oficialidad musical de la Universidad de Chile –a cuyo propósito planteamos una hipótesis acerca del desarrollo del folclor a su alero–; una reseña general de sus posiciones política, social y estética y la exposición somera de la tesis afrocéntrica que elaboró en torno al origen de la cueca chilena.

Resumen: El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar una serie de programas de turismo social promovidos durante el Frente Popular chileno (1938-1946) que permitieron que un número creciente de trabajadores pudieran acceder a la experiencia de las vacaciones y el tiempo libre. Un aspecto a destacar es el papel que desempeñó el Estado, así como los municipios y empresarios, en la formulación de iniciativas como las colonias de verano para obreros. Se finaliza con la Dirección General de Informaciones y Cultura (1942) como punto de inflexión en la formulación de programas de turismo social. Se concluye que estas acciones promovidas por los gobiernos del Frente Popular fueron un avance en las políticas sociales de inclusión para los trabajadores y sirvieron de modelo para futuros programas de turismo social en Chile.

Abstract: The objective of this article is to analyze a series of social tourism programs promoted during the Chilean Popular Front (1938-1946), that allowed a growing number of workers to have access to the experience of vacations and free time. An aspect to highlight is the role that the State, as well as the municipalities and entrepreneurs, played in the formulation of initiatives such as summer camps for workers. It ends with the General Direction of Information and Culture (1942) as a turning point in the formulation of social tourism programs. It is concluded that these actions promoted by the Popular Front governments were a step forward related to social inclusion policies for workers and served as a model for future social tourism programs in Chile.

ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the 1970 presidential election, the Movimiento Cívico Patria y Libertad (MCPL) emerged in the country with the support of the anti-communist right to legally promote the idea of a new presidential election. This group, calling itself civic and clearly anti-Marxist, sought to prevent the full Congress from electing Allende as president of the Republic; although this objective was not achieved, those who formed the aforementioned movement, after dissolving it, promoted in a second stage the formation of the Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad (FNPL). This other entity was different from that one in its actions. It was a nationalist, anti-communist and anti-liberal extreme right-wing political movement that also acted violently against the Allende government, even going so far as to promote its overthrow by force. This article is aimed to examine their extreme and violent political performances in Greater Concepción: What were his activities and their political relevance? How was his work financed? These are some of the questions intended to be answered.

RESUMEN En las postrimerías de la elección presidencial de 1970 surgió en el país con apoyo de la derecha anticomunista el Movimiento Cívico Patria Libertad (MCPL) para promover legalmente la idea de una nueva elección presidencial. Esta agrupación, autodenominada cívica y de claro anti marxismo, pretendía que el Congreso Pleno no eligiera a Allende como presidente de la República; si bien este objetivo no se alcanzó, quienes configuraron el citado movimiento, tras disolverlo, impulsaron la formación del Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad (FNPL). Esta otra entidad fue distinta de aquella en su accionar. Fue un movimiento político de extrema derecha nacionalista, anti comunista y antiliberal que también actuó en forma violenta en contra del gobierno de Allende, llegando inclusive a propiciar su derrocamiento por la fuerza. El presente trabajo pretende examinar sus actuaciones políticas extremas y violentas en el Gran Concepción: ¿Cuáles fueron sus actividades y su relevancia política? ¿Cómo financiaba su quehacer? Son algunas de las preguntas que pretendemos responder.

Abstract: The refuge of German Jews in America and Chile in particular, responded to a traumatic process experienced with the establishment of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism between the second and third decades of the 20th century and the end of World War II. In Chile, it has been an issue addressed from the social, political and cultural dynamics of its arrival, without delving into the institutional factors that surround it. The present work addresses the dynamics of reception of the Jews who escaped from Europe between 1938 and 1940, from a political-institutional perspective. Through Historical Institutionalism and the analysis of documentary sources, it is shown that the open doors policy of the Popular Front came to an abrupt halt and ended up reinforcing the restriction on Jewish immigration, as had happened during the government of Arturo Alessandri Palma.

Resumen: El refugio de judíos alemanes en América, y Chile en particular, respondió a un proceso traumático experimentado con la instauración del nacionalsocialismo alemán y del fascismo italiano, entre la segunda y tercera década del siglo XX y el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En Chile, ha sido un tema abordado desde las dinámicas sociales, políticas y culturales propias de su arribo, sin ahondar en los factores institucionales que la rodean. El presente trabajo aborda las dinámicas de acogida de los judíos que escapaban de Europa entre 1938 y 1940, desde una perspectiva político institucional. A través del Institucionalismo Histórico y el análisis de fuentes documentales, se demuestra que la política puertas abiertas del Frente Popular tuvo un abrupto freno y terminó reforzando la restricción a la inmigración judía, tal como había sucedido durante el gobierno de Arturo Alessandri Palma.

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza la naturaleza jurídica, política e histórica del plebiscito y su relación con los derechos fundamentales. El estudio tiene un enfoque comparativo, de reflexión teórica, conceptual y crítica sobre el plebiscito como mecanismo de legitimación del poder político y, en el ámbito local, sobre su conexión con la búsqueda de la paz. Y concluye que la comparación entre los plebiscitos de 1957 y de 2016 es útil para mostrar, de una parte, que en Colombia se han revelado también los rasgos característicos de este mecanismo en la historia universal del siglo XX. Esto es, a pesar de su fundamento en la democracia directa, debido al empleo que se le puede dar para manipular la voluntad popular, el plebiscito puede resultar útil a sistemas bonapartistas u orleanistas y presidencialistas, así como a intereses contrarios al republicanismo y a teorías del derecho democráticas como las de Luigi Ferrajoli. De otra parte, en este país, con el señuelo del fin de la violencia como trasfondo en ambos casos, mientras en 1957 el plebiscito fue todo un éxito para sus organizadores (partidos políticos tradicionales y junta militar) quienes lograron una aprobación popular contundente (con amplia participación) del sistema político excluyente denominado Frente Nacional, uno de los factores decisivos del conflicto armado en el siglo pasado; en 2016, el auténtico conductor del plebiscito fue el entonces senador Álvaro Uribe, expresidente y jefe de la oposición al gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos, promotor de la paz. Uribe obtuvo así, con un débil triunfo del No a los "Acuerdos de La Habana" y una abstención de más del 60%, una victoria manifiesta de su política autoritaria y guerrista, planteamiento clave de la campaña electoral que llevaría a su partido político al triunfo en las elecciones presidenciales de 2018 y al estancamiento consecuente de los objetivos de paz.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the legal, political and historical nature of the plebiscite and its relationship with fundamental rights. The study has a comparative approach, of theoretical, conceptual and critical reflection on the plebiscite as a mechanism for legitimizing political power and, at the local level, on its connection with the search for peace. And he concludes that the comparison between the plebiscites of 1957 and 2016 is useful to show, on the one hand, that in Colombia the characteristic features of this mechanism in the universal history of the 20th century have also been revealed. That is, despite its foundation in direct democracy, due to the use that can be given to manipulate the popular will, the plebiscite can be useful for Bonapartist or Orléanist and presidential systems, as well as for interests contrary to republicanism and theories of democratic rights like those of Luigi Ferrajoli. On the other hand, in this country, with the lure of the end of violence as a background in both cases, while in 1957 the plebiscite was a complete success for its organizers (traditional political parties and military junta) who achieved overwhelming popular approval (with wide participation) of the exclusive political system called the National Front and one of the decisive factors of the armed conflict in the last century; In 2016, the real leader of the plebiscite was the then senator Álvaro Uribe, former president and head of the opposition to the government of Juan Manuel Santos, promoter of peace. Uribe thus obtained, with a weak victory of the No to the «Havana Agreements* and an abstention rate of more than 60%, a clear victory for his authoritarian and warmongering policy, a key approach to the electoral campaign that would lead his political party to the victory in the 2018 presidential elections and the consequent stagnation of peace objectives.

Resumo Em abril de 2022, Marine Le Pen apurou-se pela segunda vez consecutiva para a segunda volta das eleições presidenciais contra o Presidente incumbente Emmanuel Macron. Vinte anos antes, o seu pai, Jean-Marie Le Pen, tinha provocado um terramoto político com repercussões ao nível europeu depois de ter alcançado a segunda volta da eleição presidencial de 2002. Em comparação com os 17,8% dos votos obtidos pelo seu pai em 2002, Marine, em 2022, teve mais do dobro dos votos: 41,45% na segunda ronda eleitoral. Esta diferença expressa o crescimento impressionante da extrema-direita francesa, que se apresentou como a família partidária mais votada na primeira volta das eleições presidenciais. Este artigo aborda o desenvolvimento do Front National sob a liderança de Le Pen, a ascensão eleitoral e o programa político de Marine que motivou a refundação do nome do partido para Rassemblement National.

Abstract In April 2022, Marine Le Pen passed for the second consecutive time to the second round of the presidential elections against the incumbent president Emmanuel Macron. Twenty years early on, her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, caused a political earthquake at the European level after attaining a similar presence in the second round of the presidential ballot. In comparison to the 17.8 per cent of the vote obtained by Le Pen in the second round, Marine’s electoral support in 2022 more than doubled this figure, as she collected 41.45 per cent of the popular vote in 2022. This trend demonstrated an impressive growth of electoral support of the French far right, which was the party family with most electoral support at the presidential ballot. This research will review the Front National development under Le Pen’s leadership, as well the electoral ascension and political programme of Marine that led to the rebranding of the party into Rassemblement National.

Abstract installment of the analysis of the conjuncture social explosion 2021. It should be recalled that the first focused on the triggers of the outbreak. The second article will address some of the most prominent actors-subjects of the mobilizations: National Strike Committee, university student body, university faculty, peasantry, indigenous communities, Afro-descendant organizations, front lines and government. The aim is to dissect this group of actors, by deploying the dialectical materialist method in the perspective of the analysis of the political-economic situation. Prior to the dissection, a brief dissertation is elaborated on the notion of actor in sociological perspective, with the aim of showing that, from this scientific discipline, the action of the subject is intertwined with the structure. This principle applies to the actors of the social outburst and, therefore, it is understood that, even when dissected, the structural traverses and subsumes them. In the analytical reconstruction of each actor, a critical reading predominates, which recognizes the prowess and strengths of their struggles and, at the same time, weighs their political and theoretical limitations and delimitations.

Resumen El texto que se presenta a continuación es la segunda entrega del análisis de la coyuntura estallido social 2021. Recuérdese que el primero se centró en los detonantes del estallido. El segundo artículo abordará algunos de los actores-sujetos más destacados de las movilizaciones: Comité Nacional de Paro, estudiantado universitario, profesorado universitario, campesinado, comunidades indígenas, organizaciones afrodescendientes, primeras líneas y gobierno. Se trata de diseccionar este conjunto de actores desplegando el método dialéctico materialista en perspectiva del análisis de coyuntura político-económico. Previo a la disección, se elabora una breve disertación acerca de la noción actor en perspectiva sociológica, con el ánimo de mostrar que, desde esta disciplina científica, la acción del sujeto está imbricada a la estructura. Este principio aplica para los actores del estallido social y, por tanto, se entiende que aun cuando diseccionados, lo estructural les atraviesa y subsume. En la reconstrucción analítica de cada actor predomina una lectura crítica que reconoce las proezas y fuerzas de sus luchas y, al tiempo, pondera sus limitantes y delimitaciones políticas y teóricas.

Resumo: A experiência de representação coletiva dos/as trabalhadores/as da economia popular é nova na Argentina, na medida que reordena as tramas organizacionais e os desafios identitários do campo popular. Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a construção da subjetividade coletiva do setor no discurso pedagógico na fase de gênese da Confederação dos Trabalhadores da Economia Popular. Foi realizada uma estratégia metodológica qualitativa baseada na coleta e análise de materiais de formação. A construção da subjetividade coletiva no discurso pedagógico é examinada a partir de quatro dimensões: a identificação de figuras e contrafiguras do nós, o resgate da memória coletiva, a construção do projeto e o reconhecimento da historicidade da ordem social. Os resultados sugerem que, nesse contexto específico de produção de sentido, os materiais de formação enfocam principalmente a apropriação na frente interna desse nome coletivo que conjuga a identidade movimentista com aquela do movimento operário organizado.

Abstract: The experience of collective representation of workers in the popular economy is felt differently and novel, in Argentina, as it reorders the organizational networks and identity interpellations of the popular field. This article aims to analyze the construction of the collective subjectivity of the sector, within the pedagogical discourse, during the genesis of the Confederación de Trabajadores de la Economía Popular. A qualitative research method, based on the collection and analysis of the training materials, was carried out. Additionally, the construction of collective subjectivity in the pedagogical discourse is examined from the following four dimensions: the identification of figures and counterfigures of ourselves, the recovery of the collective memory, the construction of the project, and the recognition of the historicity of the social order. The results of this study suggest that, in the context of production of meaning, the training materials focus especially on the appropriation on the internal front of this collective name which brings together both identities, the movementist, and the organized-labor movement.

Resumen: La experiencia de representación colectiva de los/as trabajadores/as de la economía popular resulta novedosa en la Argentina en tanto reordena las tramas organizativas y las interpelaciones identitarias del campo popular. Este artículo se propone analizar la construcción de la subjetividad colectiva del sector en el discurso pedagógico de la etapa de génesis de la Confederación de Trabajadores de la Economía Popular. Se llevó adelante una estrategia metodológica cualitativa basada en la recopilación y análisis de materiales de formación. La construcción de la subjetividad colectiva en el discurso pedagógico se examina a partir de cuatro dimensiones: la identificación de figuras y contrafiguras del nosotros/as, la recuperación de la memoria colectiva, la construcción del proyecto y el reconocimiento de la historicidad del orden social. Los resultados apuntan a que, en ese contexto específico de producción de sentido, los materiales de formación se focalizan especialmente en la apropiación en el frente interno de este nombre colectivo que reúne la identidad movimentista con aquella del movimiento obrero organizado.

RESUMO Neste artigo argumento que o sentido que o trabalho tem para os jovens de setores populares se constrói em tensão com outras dimensões de suas experi ências de vida. Argumento que os jovens atribuem um valor ao trabalho na medida em que este constitui uma possibilidade de “resgate”, possiblitando-lhes se diferenciar de outros circuitos disponíveis no territorio que lhes refor çan a una posiçao de estigma social. Para os jovens, a identificação com a figura do trabalhador significa trascender as fronteiras do bairro e construir uma posição de validação social. Neste sentido, o trabalho opera para os joven como um valor moral a partir do qual eles criam posições de honra e respeito que lhes permiten disputar um lugar em termos de prestígio, tanto no seu propio territorio quanto fora dele. A partir dessa premisa, recupero duas dimensões na configuração do trabalho como “resgate”: o uso do tempo “produtivo” e a transmissão intergeracional como um saber fazer no qual transmite-se ese valor-trabalho. Assim, para os jovens, o trabalho torna-se uma chave para a possibiildade de salvaguardar o amor próprio como tambén de legitimar suas praticas frente dos outros.

ABSTRACT In this article I propose that the meaning that work has for young people from popular sectors is built in tension with other dimensions of their life experiences. Thus, I argue that young people assign a value to work, as it constitutes a rescue possibility, allowing them to differentiate themselves from other available circuits in the territory, which reinforce them in a position of social stigma. The identification with the figure of being a worker means, for young people, to transcend neighborhood boundaries and build a position of social validation, and in this sense, work operates for young people as a moral value from which they build positions of honor and respect, that allow them to dispute a place in terms of prestige, both in their own territory and outside it. Starting from this premise, I recover two dimensions in the configuration of work as a rescue: the use of "productive" time and the intergenerational transmission of know-how in which that work-value is transmitted. Thus, for young people, work becomes an access key to the possibility of safeguarding self-love, but also of legitimizing their own practices in front of others.

RESUMEN En este artículo planteo que el sentido que el trabajo tiene para los jóvenes de sectores populares se construye en tensión con otras dimensiones de sus experiencias vitales. Así, sostengo que los jóvenes le asignan un valor al trabajo en tanto se constituye en una posibilidad de rescate, permitiéndoles diferenciarse de otros circuitos disponibles en el territorio que los refuerzan en una posición de estigma social. Identificarse con la figura de ser trabajador significa, para los jóvenes, trascender las fronteras barriales y construir una posición de validación social, y en ese sentido, el trabajo opera para los jóvenes como un valor moral a partir del cual construyen posiciones de honra y respeto que les permiten disputar un lugar en términos de prestigio, tanto en el propio territorio como afuera de él. Partiendo de esa premisa, recupero dos dimensiones en la configuración del trabajo como rescate: el uso del tiempo “productivo” y la transmisión intergeneracional un saber hacer en donde se transmite ese valor- trabajo. Así, para los jóvenes, el trabajo se erige como una llave de acceso a la posibilidad de salvaguardar el amor propio, pero también, de legitimar sus prácticas frente a los demás.

Abstract: This investigation is framed within the scholarship that examines Latin American politics during WWII. We aim to reassess the Chilean experience departing from an analysis of those who supported neutrality and the activities of the Japanese legation in the country. From a methodological pint of view, we shed light on less studied actors and reveal important elements for the understanding of the Chilean situation during the War. This paper concludes that the argument for neutrality lay on a specific idea of the “national interest” which was supported by various politician, some of those were also supportive to the pro Japanese networks. This is an original study that uses archival information from the U.S., Chile and Japan in order to reveal the ideas and interests behind the support for neutrality among some conservatives and popular front members.

Resumen: Esta investigación se enmarca en el cuerpo de estudios que examinan la política latinoamericana durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial desde un prisma transnacional. Se propone reevaluar la experiencia chilena, a nivel político y social, a partir de un análisis de grupos favorables a la neutralidad en el conflicto y a las actividades de la misión japonesa en el país. Desde un punto de vista metodológico, proponemos que centrar el análisis en el discurso pro neutralidad y las actividades japonesas en el país permite valorar actores menos considerados y dar cuenta de cruces significativos para comprender y valorar la situación de Chile durante la Guerra. Este trabajo concluye que el argumento neutralista en Chile, descansó en una idea específica de “interés nacional”, apoyado por un grupo transversal de políticos algunos de los cuales participaron de una red a favor de la causa japonesa en Chile orquestada y financiada desde la misión diplomática de ese país. Su originalidad radica en develar los intereses e ideas detrás del apoyo a la causa neutral en sectores conservadores y del Frente Popular a partir de información de archivo de inteligencia norteamericano, diplomática japonesa y chilena.

If the number of events alone is considered, endurance riding is the fastest growing and the second-most popular Federation Equestre Internationale (FEI) discipline. Lameness is the most common cause of elimination from endurance races worldwide. To the authors' knowledge, no studies have been published investigating the prevalence of radiographic changes in the forelimb digits and metacarpophalangeal joints (MCP) of endurance racehorses in South Africa. The study aimed to investigate the prevalence of radiographic changes in the forelimb digits and MCP joints of South African endurance racehorses. One hundred endurance racehorses registered with ERASA were volunteered by their owners to partake in the current study. Radiographs were obtained from horses competing in endurance races during the 2018-2019 endurance racing season. Radiographs included seven standard views of each distal forelimb. Radiographic images were independently evaluated by three observers, point prevalence and inter-rater reliability (IRR) was calculated. Data analysis of the forelimb digits revealed a large proportion of horses with bilateral signs of dorsopalmar hoof imbalance (95%); a diversion from a straight digital axis (91%), with an extended (broken back) proximal interphalangeal joint (67%) being the most common abnormality. Osteoarthritis of the proximal (16%) and distal (7%) interphalangeal joints was only observed in a low percentage of horses. Interestingly, the hoof-distal-phalanx-ratio of the majority (86%) of horses was more than 25% but none of these horses showed any other signs of chronic laminitis, indicating that hoof-distal-phalanx-ratio might not be a reliable indicator of chronic laminitis in this population of horses. Ossification of the ungular cartilages was observed in the majority (69%) of horses, either affecting one or both distal phalanges. Descriptive data analysis of the MCP joints showed that a large proportion of horses displayed radiological signs of MCP joint osteoarthritis (28%), with 10% being bilateral. The current study provides insight into radiographic changes and their prevalence in the distal front limbs of South African endurance racehorses. Knowledge about the prevalence of specific radiographic changes would enable equine practitioners to better evaluate and manage horses that are affected. Although no correlations were made with age, speed or number of competitive kilometres competed, the current study may serve as a basis for future research.

ORIENTATION: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has impacted all job sectors. Arguably, the hardest hit were healthcare institutions. Nurses are at the front line, and it is known that the pandemic added pressure to the way nurses performed their duties. Their working schedules became more complex, including longer hours, as nurses dealt with high rates of COVID-19 cases while still dealing with other healthcare issues RESEARCH PURPOSE: The study aimed to establish the relationship between idiosyncratic deals (i-deals) and work engagement of nurses. The study focused on these three types of i-deals - task, flexibility and career. It investigated which i-deals best predict work engagement among nurses MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY: There is a need to understand the work arrangements of nurses during the pandemic through i-deals. Although research on idiosyncratic deals has become popular in international research, there is scant research within the South African context. RESEARCH APPROACH/DESIGN AND METHOD: The sample consisted of 220 nurses working in three private hospitals in Gauteng, South Africa. Inferential statistics and regression analysis were used to achieve the research objectives. MAIN FINDINGS: The study's findings revealed a correlation between the three types of i-deals and work engagement. However, only task and flexibility i-deals predicted work engagement. The COVID-19 pandemic added pressure to the healthcare industry and to nurses' challenges. The pandemic highlighted the importance of having an engaged nursing workforce. Thus, recommendations and suggestions for nurses, nursing managers and human resource managers are provided PRACTICAL/MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS: The concept of i-deals is a reasonably new phenomenon within HR practices, and there is no empirical research within the South African context. CONTRIBUTION/VALUE-ADD: The study adds value by providing insight into customised work arrangements, from an i-deal perspective, during a much appropriate time and urgently needed for nurses.

Abstract: This article analyzes the role played by the Investigations Service (Part of the General Directorate of Investigations, Identification and Passports) as political police, from the arrival of the Popular Front to the government until the enactment of the Law for the Permanent Defense of Democracy. Special attention will be paid to the units within this police force that were in charge of monitoring and neutralizing critical situations for internal security. The priorities and developments given by each government to improve this function will be recognized, as well as the conflicts behind these modifications. We suggest that, although these years are considered for their progress in social reforms, they also witnessed important advances for the political police, which continued to shape a repressive apparatus that was key to the existence and integrity of the State and internal order.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el rol del Servicio de Investigaciones (parte de la Dirección General de Investigaciones, Identificación y Pasaportes) como policía política desde la llegada del Frente Popular al poder hasta la promulgación de la Ley de Defensa Permanente de la Democracia. Se pondrá atención a las unidades responsables dentro de esta policía de llevar a cabo labores de vigilancia y neutralización de situaciones críticas para la seguridad interior, reconociendo las principales prioridades y avances en cada gobierno para fortalecer y hacer más eficaz la labor político policial así como los conflictos que originaron estas modificaciones. Se sugiere que, durante estos años, tenidos como referente de avances en materia social, también se dieron importantes pasos en materia policial, dándole forma a un aparato represivo que ya contaba con décadas de funcionamiento y que se había logrado posicionar como un engranaje fundamental para el funcionamiento e integridad del Estado y del orden interno.