A growing body of literature suggests that the platformization of the public sphere is eroding the public debate, thus potentially leading to the fragmentation of the public sphere. While there exists mounting evidences supporting this perspective there also exists a substantial body of literature that suggests otherwise. Within this realm of mixed evidence, studies on climate change visibility play a prominent role, presenting findings that both weaken and reinforce the fragmentation hypothesis. To investigate this matter in a context conducive for a fragmented public sphere, we collected a longitudinal (2014-2022) and cross-platform (Instagram, Facebook and Twitter) dataset (n=794.281) and correlated it with a secondary database on the press coverage of climate change in Brazil (n=3.490). Our analysis reveals a robust positive correlation between these datasets, indicating that the Brazilian public sphere retains the capacity to interconnect various arenas of visibility. We argue that this finding is particularly significant, given that it emanates from a case characterized by circumstances favoring a high degree of public sphere fragmentation. Consequently, our discovery lends support to a less pessimistic assessment of the influence of platformization on political communication within the deliberative system. debate otherwise evidence role hypothesis 20142022 2014 2022 (2014-2022 crossplatform cross platform Instagram, Instagram (Instagram Twitter n=794.281 n794281 n 794 281 (n=794.281 n=3.490. n3490 n=3.490 . 3 490 (n=3.490) datasets significant Consequently system 2014202 201 202 (2014-202 n=794.28 n79428 79 28 (n=794.28 n349 n=3.49 49 (n=3.490 201420 20 (2014-20 n=794.2 n7942 7 2 (n=794.2 n34 n=3.4 4 (n=3.49 20142 (2014-2 n=794. n794 (n=794. n3 n=3. (n=3.4 (2014- n=794 n79 (n=794 n=3 (n=3. (2014 n=79 n7 (n=79 n= (n=3 (201 n=7 (n=7 (n= (20 (n (2 (

This study offers a comprehensive analysis of how governance capacities in developing countries respond to the challenges that COVID-19 posed. We established a theoretical framework to delve into the multifaceted nature of governance capacities, exploring two distinct aspects of governance: the Weberian one, which focuses on material and organizational capacities, and the Tocquevillian one, which focuses on coordination and associational capacities. We examined these four governance dimensions to illustrate how these distinct skills influence the effectiveness of governance. Our analysis quantifies the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic using such metrics as confirmed cases and deaths. We employ standard and dynamic panel data methodologies to mitigate potential omitted variable bias. Our research findings indicate that countries with robust governance capacities, as assessed by the Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Governance Index, are better equipped to respond effectively to pandemic crises. By applying several models and rigorous robustness tests, we demonstrate efficient resource utilization, the ability to guide and prioritize decision-making within the government, and commitment to cooperation and coordination with other nations and international organizations are the primary drivers of improved outcomes. Our findings remain robust even when controlling for relevant variables and employing estimation techniques that account for potential biases arising from unobservable confounding factors. COVID19 COVID 19 COVID-1 posed one deaths bias Stiftungs Stiftung s Index crises tests utilization decisionmaking decision making government outcomes factors COVID1 1 COVID-

The sixth IPCC report states that a proper conception of climate justice that can address the complexity of the phenomenon of anthropogenic climate change as a whole requires considering not only one but rather three dimensions of justice today: redistributive, procedural, and recognition dimensions. In this article, my focus is on exploring the latter dimension, drawing special attention to climate policies addressing cultural-identity issues. In the first section, I illustrate how climate policies can be connected to discriminatory practices against minority cultures and their identities. To do so, I take the struggles of Black movements against environmental racism and the struggles of Indigenous peoples against a colonialist cultural heritage as case studies. In the second section, I look into the most advanced normative model to address the dimension of recognition, its advantages, and how it addresses the so-called ‘institutionalization of cultural patterns’ in climate policies: the Nancy Fraser model. Finally, in the third section, I investigate an aspect that remains open. It concerns the matter of how to use institutional authority to ‘deinstitutionalize’ non-ecological cultural patterns, while respecting pluralism and avoiding falling into the risks of institutional paternalism. today redistributive procedural article culturalidentity identity issues section identities so studies advantages socalled called institutionalization patterns Finally open ‘deinstitutionalize deinstitutionalize nonecological non ecological paternalism

This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI. justice (UBI fronts First interconnected flawed imperative socialecological social ecological thinking nondomination non challenges postproductivist post productivist relations occupations Additionally Maricá Brazil

It is well known that during times of social unrest, replacing the constitution is one of the first proposals to emerge, at least in Latin America, as if this constitutional shift could resolve any problem. Constitutional substitution is not a new phenomenon in Latin America; it actually began after the region’s redemocratization. However, it is striking that, despite similar conditions of social unrest, many other countries in the region have not undergone such an encompassing constitutional reform. Our main focus here is to analyze the persistence of constitutions in Latin American countries. We thus ask: What conditions lead democratic countries to keep their constitutions? Using a configurational approach, our preliminary results are promising. Together, four pathways explain why some countries have not replaced their constitutions in democratic contexts, with special emphasis on the number of rights enshrined in these fundamental laws. unrest emerge America problem regions s redemocratization However reform ask approach promising Together contexts laws

What motivates voters to support candidates with backgrounds in public security for Brazil’s National Congress, the so-called Law & Order (L&O) politicians? The 2018 elections witnessed a surge in parliamentarians from police and military backgrounds and the election of a president closely aligned with this agenda. We explore whether this trend correlates with municipal-level violence indicators and the presence of municipal capacity in the security sector, employing various regression models that account for socioeconomic, demographic, political, and geographic factors. Our findings from the additive model reveal a negative association between the level of violence and votes for L&O candidates. This suggests a potential disconnection between fear, victimization, and support for repressive policies, while also indicating that local capacity in the security sector tend to enhance L&O candidates’ performance. However, our model incorporating the interaction between both variables uncovers that violence exacerbates the negative impact on L&O voting when the city has capacity in the security sector. This may reflect a municipal-level preference for preventive measures, particularly in more violent areas, which contrasts with the generally repressive stance of L&O candidates. Brazils Brazil s Congress socalled so called LO L O (L&O politicians 201 agenda municipallevel socioeconomic demographic political factors fear victimization policies performance However measures areas 20 2

Résumé Les progrès méthodologiques de la science politique au cours des trois dernières décennies ont généré d’importants changements épistémologiques, dont les effets affectent la portée des théories consolidées. Parmi ces changements, je soutiens que l’évaluation causale de l’impact des institutions sur le comportement politique se heurte à des défis qui ont été négligés lorsqu’on s’est concentré sur des cas singuliers. Cela résulte de l’incompatibilité des structures causales qui sous-tendent la formulation théorique utilisée et l’étude de cas. Pour mettre en évidence cette situation, je considère la dimension méthodologique présente dans l’émergence du concept de présidentialisme de coalition. Le débat actuel porte encore une conception épistémologique imprécise quant à l’usage théorique qui prédisait l’impasse institutionnelle provoquée par la Constitution de 1988. Cette analyse s’avère pertinente à la fois parce que ce constat est absent d’une partie des recherches actuelles, mais aussi pour mettre en évidence l’affinité entre production méthodologique et formulation théorique en Science Politique, mais aussi pour ses effets sur la conception des recherches. dimportants d importants épistémologiques consolidées lévaluation l évaluation limpact impact lorsquon lorsqu on sest s singuliers lincompatibilité incompatibilité soustendent sous tendent létude étude situation lémergence émergence coalition lusage usage limpasse impasse 1988 savère avère dune actuelles laffinité affinité Politique 198 19 1

Resumo O progresso metodológico da Ciência Política nas últimas três décadas gerou importantes alterações epistemológicas, cujos efeitos afetam o alcance de teorias consolidadas. Dentre estas mudanças, argumento que a avaliação causal do impacto de instituições sobre o comportamento político enfrenta desafios que têm sido desconsiderados quando se voltam a casos singulares. Isto decorre da incompatibilidade das estruturas causais subjacentes à formulação teórica utilizada e ao estudo de caso. Para evidenciar esta situação, considero a dimensão metodológica presente no surgimento do conceito de presidencialismo de coalizão. À luz dos avanços metodológicos contemporâneos, a discussão ainda carrega uma concepção epistemológica imprecisa, notada no uso teórico que previa o impasse institucional originado pela Constituição de 1988. Esta análise mostra-se relevante tanto porque esta constatação se ausenta em parte das pesquisas atuais, quanto por ressaltar a afinidade entre a produção metodológica e a formulação teórica na Ciência Política, como também por seus efeitos sobre desenhos de pesquisa. epistemológicas consolidadas mudanças singulares caso situação coalizão contemporâneos imprecisa 1988 mostrase mostra atuais pesquisa 198 19 1

Resumen El avance metodológico de la Ciencia Política en las últimas tres décadas ha generado importantes cambios epistemológicos, cuyos efectos afectan el alcance de las teorías consolidadas. Entre estos cambios, sostengo que la evaluación causal del impacto de las instituciones en el comportamiento político enfrenta desafíos que han sido ignorados al centrarse en casos singulares. Esto surge de la incompatibilidad de las estructuras causales que subyacen a la formulación teórica utilizada y el estudio de caso. Para resaltar esta situación, considero la dimensión metodológica presente en el surgimiento del concepto de presidencialismo de coalición. El debate actual aún conlleva una concepción epistemológica imprecisa sobre el uso teórico que predijo el impasse institucional provocado por la Constitución de 1988. Este análisis resulta relevante tanto porque este hallazgo está ausente en parte de las investigaciones actuales, como por resaltar la afinidad entre producción metodológica y formulación teórica en la Ciencia Política, y también por sus efectos en el diseño de la investigación. epistemológicos consolidadas singulares caso situación coalición 1988 actuales investigación 198 19 1

Abstract The methodological progress of Political Science in the last three decades has generated important epistemological changes, the effects of which affect the scope of consolidated theories. Among these changes, I argue that the causal assessment of the impact of institutions on political behavior faces challenges that have been disregarded when focusing on singular cases. This arises from the incompatibility of the causal structures underlying the theoretical formulation used and the case study. To highlight this situation, I consider the methodological dimension present in the emergence of the concept of coalition presidentialism. The present debate still carries an imprecise epistemological conception concerning the theoretical use that predicted the institutional impasse caused by the 1988 Constitution. This analysis proves to be relevant both because this finding is absent in part of current research, as well as for highlighting the affinity between methodological production and theoretical formulation in Political Science, and also for its effects on research designs. changes theories cases study situation presidentialism 198 Constitution designs 19 1

Abstract Through their public presentation, many religious groups, from different religious traditions, including Catholicism, have provided speeches that are presented as good, necessary and as a warning against any positioning that carries the ‘gender’ genitive. Many of these are associated with fundamentalist churches that have a world view opposed to the position of state institutions and their openness to human rights. The following essay approaches, from a critical gender perspective, a series of discourses considered as a simulation, which I call ‘disguise’, that is, it is not about identity discourses, but about alignment to political positions in order to remain in the public space. This reflection is based on stripping, a position taken from critical theologies, which is associated with deconstruction in the religious field, from this tool will be presented to love, care, science and democracy as disguises that cover up hatred, control, religion and theocracy.

Resumen A través de su presentación pública, muchos grupos religiosos, de distintas tradiciones religiosas, incluyendo la católica, han aparecido brindando discursos que se presentan como buenos, necesarios y alertando contra todo posicionamiento que lleve el genitivo ‘de género’. Muchos de estos están asociados a iglesias de corte fundamentalista que poseen una mirada del mundo que no coincide con las instituciones estatales y su apertura a los derechos humanos. El siguiente ensayo aborda desde una mirada crítica de género, una serie de discursos que considera simulación, las que nombro ‘disfraz’, es decir, no se trata de discursos identitarios, sino de alineación con posturas políticas para mantenerse en el espacio público. Esta reflexión parte del desnudamiento, postura tomada de teologías críticas, que se encuentra asociada a la deconstrucción en el campo religioso, a partir de esta herramienta se presentará al amor, al cuidado, a la ciencia y a la democracia como disfraces que encubren odio, control, religión y teocracia.

Los modelos de regresión convencionales tienen entre sus supuestos: 1) que la variable de respuesta es numérica y continua (en la jerga técnica, se dice que tiene una distribución de frecuencia "normal"); y 2) que las observaciones son independientes entre sí. Sin embargo, para la mayoría de los problemas de investigación en las investigaciones sociales este no es el caso. A menudo, la variable de respuesta es cualitativa, por ejemplo, en formato binario, nominal categórico u ordinal. Otra dificultad común se produce en relación con la independencia entre observaciones, ya que el resultado de una observación puede correlacionarse de varias maneras con el resultado de las demás. Los modelos generalizados de efectos mixtos, también llamados modelos jerárquicos generalizados, son una solución a estas limitaciones. Son una técnica apropiada para el estudio de casos en los que se cree que las características y comportamientos de una determinada observación están influenciados por el conglomerado o agrupación a la que pertenece. De esta manera, es posible que el investigador considere, en un mismo modelo, los datos de contexto, los datos de los individuos y la interacción entre los dos niveles. El presente trabajo pretende difundir el uso de la modelación jerárquica como herramienta para el análisis de datos organizados en niveles o agrupaciones cuando la variable de respuesta no es una variable numérica continua (es decir, no tiene una distribución normal). Para ello, se presenta la teoría estadística que subyace a la técnica, acompañada de un análisis aplicado a los resultados de las elecciones nacionales en Brasil.

Modelos de regressão convencionais têm entre seus pressupostos: 1) que a variável resposta é numérica e contínua (em jargão técnico, diz-se que tem distribuição de frequências ‘normal’); e 2) que as observações são independentes entre si. Contudo, para grande parte dos problemas de pesquisa em investigações sociais esse não é o caso. Frequentemente a variável resposta é qualitativa, por exemplo, em formato binário, categórico nominal ou ordinal. Outra dificuldade comum ocorre em relação à independência entre as observações, pois o resultado de uma observação pode estar correlacionado de diversas formas ao resultado das demais. Os modelos generalizados de efeito misto, também chamados de modelos hierárquicos generalizados, constituem uma solução para essas limitações. São uma técnica apropriada para o estudo de casos em que se acredita que as características e os comportamentos de uma determinada observação são influenciados pelo conglomerado ou agrupamento a que ela pertence. Desse modo, possibilita-se que o pesquisador considere, num mesmo modelo, dados de contexto e dados de indivíduos. O presente trabalho pretende difundir o uso da modelagem hierárquica como ferramenta de análise de dados organizados em níveis ou agrupamentos quando a variável resposta não é variável numérica contínua (isto é, não possui uma distribuição normal). Para tanto, apresenta-se a teoria estatística subjacente à técnica, acompanhada de uma análise aplicada aos resultados de eleições nacionais do Brasil. 

Traditional regression models typically rest on two key assumptions: 1) that the response variable is numerical and continuous (commonly assumed to follow a normal distribution), and 2) that the observations are independent of one another. However, in many social science research contexts, these assumptions often do not hold. Frequently, the response variable is qualitative—such as binary, nominal, or ordinal—and the independence of observations is often violated, as outcomes from one observation may be correlated with others. Generalized mixed-effects models, also known as hierarchical generalized models, address these limitations. These models are particularly well-suited for cases where the characteristics and behaviors of an observation are thought to be influenced by the cluster or group to which it belongs. This allows researchers to account for both individual-level and contextual-level data within a single model, as well as the interaction between these levels. This paper aims to promote the use of hierarchical modeling as a valuable tool for analyzing data that is structured in levels or clusters, particularly when the response variable is not continuous or normally distributed. To illustrate the technique, we present supporting statistical theory and apply it to analyze results of Brazilian national elections.  

Human health and well-being are directly and indirectly dependent on the life of river systems. Life in river systems is increasingly dependent on human actions that bring river health into being. Rather than describing river health as thing, problem or management challenge, this paper explores how river health is brought into being, through the citizen science practices of the Amanzi Ethu Nobuntu project in the upper uMngeni catchment in South Africa. The study draws on focal data produced by citizen science practitioners, as interpreted by them in collaboration with partners in the catchment, and their reflections on the meaning(s) of river health and how it came into being. Drawing on the concepts of citizen science as a co-learning process, integrative views of One Health, and commoning as activity the study offers a rich interpretation on how river health comes into being. The study shows the complex interrelated practices involved, including practices of resolving leaks and pollution challenges, social and community engagement, and the co-learning involved in citizen science practices itself. It offers insight into the social-ecological and ethical-political ontological dynamics of river health commoning activity thus offering alternatives to reductionist approaches to bringing river health into being, potentially also enriching tools for river health reporting. SIGNIFICANCE: The significance of the main findings of Sustainability Science Engagement and Engaged Sustainability Sciences includes how citizen science can be key for engaging local communities in sustainability research around sustainability challenges, such as river health, by linking to the health of the people and their everyday engagements with the river. Further contributions include conceptualising sustainability science engagement co-leaming processes of being in common around a shared matter of concern, such as bringing river health into being beyond technical specifications. Contributions are also made by highlighting how sustainability science engagement can result in richness in terms of knowing sustainability challenges.

Esta revisão de escopo buscou investigar se e como a história das facções criminais oriundas do estado do Rio de Janeiro tem sido abordada na literatura científica. A pergunta de pesquisa foi: “como a história, percursos e desdobramentos da atuação das facções criminais oriundas do estado do Rio de Janeiro são descritos pela literatura científica?”. Para respondê-la, buscou publicações nas bases da Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde (BVS), SciELO, Scopus e Web Of Science. Foi adotado o procedimento duplo-cego para a seleção de publicações e o Guia PRISMA-ScR para sumarização dos resultados. Verificou-se que a história destas facções não foi objeto principal dos estudos, sendo abordada por eles de maneira breve e pontual. As formas de conceituá-las variavam desde as que enfatizavam sua atuação no tráfico; que destacavam seu caráter cultural; seu caráter de governança; seu caráter de resistência política. Quanto à história das facções, alguns trabalhos trouxeram dados sobre sua origem; outros sobre sua trajetória no mercado do tráfico; sobre o surgimento de uma “cultura de facção”; sobre a relação entre facções e Estado. As diferentes formas de conceituá-las e o destaque de certos aspectos de sua história em detrimento de outros seguem a tendência da literatura mais abrangente sobre o tema.

This scoping review aimed to investigate whether and how the history of criminal factions originating from the state of Rio de Janeiro has been addressed in the scientific literature. The research question was: “How are the history, pathways, and developments of the activities of criminal factions from the state of Rio de Janeiro described in the scientific literature?” To answer this, publications were searched in the Virtual Health Library (BVS), SciELO, Scopus, and Web of Science databases. A double-blind procedure was adopted for the selection of publications, and the PRISMA-ScR guidelines were used to summarize the results. It was found that the history of these factions was not the main focus of the studies, being briefly and sporadically addressed. The ways of conceptualizing them varied, ranging from those that emphasized their involvement in drug trafficking, their cultural nature, their governance structure, or their role in political resistance. Regarding the history of the factions, some studies provided data on their origins, others on their trajectory in the drug market, the emergence of a “faction culture” or the relationship between factions and the state. The different ways of conceptualizing these factions and the emphasis on certain aspects of their history over others reflect trends in the broader literature on the subject.

Abstract Digital Welfare State in Ecuador: Citizen Datafication and Machine Learning in the Construction and Management of Poverty In the era of digital governance, the increasing use of Big Data and Artificial Intelligence (AI) in social protection systems has emerged as a prominent concern. The state's efforts to promote citizen datafication and the implementation of AI for managing and providing social services and benefits are guided by principles of neutrality, objectivity, and technological efficiency. Nevertheless, these technologies can not only improve the effectiveness of social benefits allocation, but also have the potential of controlling, monitoring, sanctioning, and excluding beneficiaries. In light of the prevailing techno-optimism evident in the design of contemporary social policy, particularly with regard to its allocation mechanisms, this study draws upon insights from Science, Technology, and Society Studies to shed light on how data systems and AI technologies transform the notion of poverty and impact the definition of beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries. This approach focuses on unraveling the political dimension of data systems and AI technologies that are emerging as mediators in the relationship between the state and citizens. Through the case study of Ecuador's Social Registry, the aim is to enrich the critical examination of digital welfare states in the Latin American region, analyzing their implications for society and their potential to produce or exacerbate inequality and exclusion; challenging deterministic views of technological change and public policy design.

Resumen En la era de la gobernanza digital, la utilización creciente de datos y tecnologías de Big Data e Inteligencia Artificial (IA) en los sistemas de protección social se ha convertido en un asunto relevante. Los esfuerzos del Estado por impulsar la datificación ciudadana y la implementación de la IA para la gestión y provisión de servicios y beneficios sociales están vehiculizados por las ideas de neutralidad, objetividad y eficiencia tecnológica. No obstante, estas tecnologías no solo pueden mejorar la efectividad en la asignación de beneficios sociales; sino que también tienen el potencial de controlar, monitorear, sancionar y excluir a los beneficiarios. Ante el tecno-optimismo que marca el diseño de la política social contemporánea, específicamente sus mecanismos de asignación, este trabajo apuesta por los Estudios de la Ciencia, Tecnología y Sociedad para dar luz sobre cómo los sistemas de datos y las técnicas de IA transforman la noción de pobreza e impactan en la definición de beneficiarios y no beneficiarios. Este enfoque se centra en desentrañar la dimensión política -de la politics- de los sistemas de datos y las tecnologías de la IA que comienzan a mediar la relación entre el Estado y los ciudadanos. A través del estudio del caso ecuatoriano del Registro Social, el objetivo recae en nutrir el examen crítico de los Estados de Bienestar Digital en la región latinoamericana, analizando sus implicaciones en la sociedad y su potencial para producir o amplificar desigualdad y exclusión; desafiando las visiones deterministas del cambio tecnológico y del diseño de políticas públicas.

Abstract This paper’s research focuses on a multidimensional racism suffered by Haitians migrants in the Dominican Republic, which appears to be social and political as well. The direct experience of the author in the Dominican Republic strengthens an empirical and theoretical analysis for questioning a possible correlation between Dominican politics, nationalism, and popular support for the general exclusion, within the Dominican national system, of Haitian migrants. Through an initial review of relevant literature, from the fields of Sociology and Migration, this article defines the concept of Agamben’s Homo Sacer. Agamben’s theoretical contribution is useful to identify the state’s will to exclude Haitian migrants. In addition, Sayad’s concept of State-thinking will also be used. Moreover, the historical focus on community’s search for national identity relies on Rappaport’s works and then related to the Dominican Republic. Exclusion and marginalization of Haitian migrants is also analyzed by outlining the lack of governmental data and updated information about immigrants, leading to hypothetical correlations between State-promoted illegalization of Haitian migrants, enforced by local politics, and a social dimension of racial nationalism. With a focus on International Relations on Political Science, the study describes that the current Dominican government, headed by President Luis Abinader, shows a trend influenced by a past heritage of political realism and nationalism in its bilateral relations with Haiti, since, it is worth noting, there seems to be relevant consensus in the Dominican society for such hardline policies.

Resumen Este trabajo analiza la presencia de un racismo multidimensional, de carácter social y político, padecido por los migrantes haitianos en República Dominicana. La experiencia directa del autor en República Dominicana motiva la búsqueda de un análisis empírico y teórico que pueda interrogarse sobre una posible correlación entre el nacionalismo en la política dominicana y el apoyo popular hacia la exclusión de los migrantes haitianos en el sistema nacional dominicano. A través de una inicial revisión de la literatura de referencia del campo sociológico y migratorio, se define el concepto de Homo Sacer expuesto por Agamben. El aporte teórico de Agamben es útil para identificar la voluntad estatal de excluir a los migrantes haitianos. Además, se tomará el concepto de pensamiento de Estado identificado por Sayad, mientras que el foco histórico en la cuestión identitaria dominicana cuenta con aportes procedentes de las obras de Rappaport. La marginalización y exclusión de los migrantes haitianos se estudia también cuestionando la ausencia de datos y registros actualizados por el Gobierno dominicano, queriendo proponer eventuales correlaciones entre la ilegalización estatal de los migrantes haitianos, con el aval de la política dominicana, y una forma social de nacionalismo racial. Utilizando también un enfoque propio de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Ciencia Política, se describe cómo el actual gobierno de República Dominicana, encabezado por el presidente Luis Abinader, muestra una tendencia hacia pasados elementos de realismo político y nacionalismo en las relaciones bilaterales con Haití, donde, cabe incluir, encuentra un efectivo consenso por parte de la sociedad dominicana.