Abstract The objective of the work is to analyze the situation of social well-being in the Southeast of Mexico during the period 2000-2020. The functional region considers the states of Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco and Yucatán. The hypothesis is that the trade liberalization implemented by neoliberal governments in the context of asymmetric economic development expanded territorial inequalities and reduced levels of social well-being in this region. To do this, we use the Average Index Value (VIM) methodology with which we build an index at the municipal scale. The results obtained show that a high percentage of the municipalities that make up each of the entities present lags in their social well-being conditions that place them below the national average. The originality lies in analyzing the conditions of social well-being in the region with a multivariate methodology, supported by representative indicators at the territorial level. The main conclusion is that, to reverse this deteriorating situation, an economic policy must be deployed aimed at impleme nting high-impact projects in the region through public and private investments, which allow the improvement of income and employment among the population, in addition of a redistributive social policy aimed at reversing the high levels of poverty and inequality.

Resumen El objetivo del trabajo es analizar la situación del bienestar social en el sureste de México durante el periodo 2000-2020. La región funcional considera los estados de Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco y Yucatán. La hipótesis es que la apertura comercial implementada por los gobiernos neoliberales, en el contexto de un desarrollo económico asimétrico, amplió las desigualdades territoriales y redujo los niveles de bienestar social en esta región. Para ello empleamos la metodología de Valor Índice Medio (VIM) con la que construimos un índice a escala municipal. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que un alto porcentaje de los municipios que conforman a cada una de las entidades, presentan rezagos en sus condiciones de bienestar social que las ubica por debajo del promedio nacional. La originalidad radica en analizar las condiciones de bienestar social en la región con una metodología multivariada, sustentada en indicadores representativos a nivel territorial. La conclusión principal es que, para revertir esta situación de deterioro, se debe desplegar una política económica orientada a implementar proyectos de alto impacto en la región a través de inversiones públicas y privadas, que permitan el mejoramiento del ingreso y empleo entre la población, además de una política social redistributiva encaminada a revertir los altos niveles de pobreza y desigualdad.

Abstract This work aims to analyze the level of access to public credit of small corn producers in the lake regions of Chapala, Pátzcuaro, and Cuitzeo in the state of Michoacán, within the framework of the neoliberal financial policy adopted in the years 1981-2022 compared to the post-revolutionary period. This productive sector is mainly characterized by having low economic income, little land area, and lack of equipment and machinery, and not being subject to credit, therefore, the members of this sector share the condition of exclusion from financing for production. The methodology used consisted of collecting historical information regarding the operation of public rural financial institutions created in the post-revolutionary period and the neoliberal transition that they experienced in the eighties. Also in obtaining data through the application of 611 surveys to identify some elements that explain the current exclusion from public credit of small corn producers in the lake regions of Michoacán. The results reveal that this productive sector has a low level of access due to the changes in public credit policy promoted by federal governments since the 1990s. These caused radical institutional modifications in the way agricultural credit operates and contributed to the current limited availability of public credit aimed at small corn producers.

Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el nivel de acceso al crédito público de los pequeños productores de maíz en las regiones lacustres de Chapala, Pátzcuaro y Cuitzeo en el estado de Michoacán, en el marco de la política financiera de corte neoliberal adoptada en los años 1981-2022 en comparación con el periodo posrevolucionario. Este sector productivo se caracteriza principalmente por tener bajos ingresos económicos, disponer de poca superficie de tierra y carencia de equipo y maquinaria y no ser sujeto de crédito, por lo que los integrantes de dicho sector comparten la condición de exclusión al financiamiento para la producción. La metodología empleada consistió en recabar información histórica respecto a la operación de las instituciones financieras rurales públicas creadas en el periodo posrevolucionario y la transición neoliberal que experimentaron en los años ochenta. También en la obtención de datos mediante la aplicación de 611 encuestas para identificar algunos elementos que expliquen la actual exclusión al crédito púbico de los pequeños productores de maíz en las regiones lacustres de Michoacán. Los resultados revelan que este sector productivo tiene un bajo nivel de acceso, condición que obedece a los cambios de la política pública crediticia impulsados por los gobiernos federales desde la década de los noventa. Estos provocaron modificaciones institucionales radicales en la forma de operar el crédito agrícola y contribuyeron a que actualmente se presente una escasa disposición de crédito público dirigido a los pequeños productores de maíz.

Resumo Este artigo baseado em uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, tem por objeto de estudo a análise crítica da reestruturação modernizante do Instituto Nacional de Seguro Social (INSS), autarquia federal que operacionaliza a política previdenciária e cuja modernização, a partir de 2017, impactou o acesso aos direitos previdenciários da população atendida. A análise, numa perspectiva de totalidade, tem como categorias: o conceito de tecnologia na sociedade, a constituição estrutural do Estado brasileiro e sua modernização, o INSS-Digital e o impacto das mudanças tecnológicas para a população atendida. Contextualizado a partir da década de 1990, quando se iniciam as contrarreformas neoliberais, é particularizado no período de 2016 a 2019, no acirramento das contrarreformas e ajustes de austeridades, orientados pelo ultraneoliberalismo. Deduz-se que o INSS-Digital, em substituição ao atendimento presencial, tem restringido o acesso aos direitos previdenciários e assistenciais da população, que com baixo nível de renda e escolaridade não dispõe de recursos para aquisição dos equipamentos tecnológicos e compreensão da linguagem informatizada, constatado pelos altos índices de indeferimentos dos pedidos de benefícios e a judicialização dos processos. Conclui-se que o INSS-Digital, ao concretizar-se no estreitamento ao acesso dos direitos previdenciários e assistenciais, configura-se como estratégia “competente” na redução da política previdenciária, materializada em suas contrarreformas. Espera-se contribuir para reflexão crítica dos direitos sociais brasileiros e instrumentalizar os movimentos sociais e sindicais na luta e resistência em prol de uma previdência pública, igualitária e universal.

Abstract This article, based on bibliographical and documentary research, has as its object of study the critical analysis of the modernizing restructuring of the National Social Security Institute (INSS, for its Spanish acronym), a federal agency that operates social security policy and whose modernization, as of 2017, impacted the access to social security rights of the population it serves. The analysis, from a totality perspective, has the following categories: the concept of technology in society, the structural constitution of the Brazilian State and its modernization, the INSS-Digital, and the impact of technological changes on the population served. The analysis is contextualized from the 1990s, when neoliberal counter-reforms began, and is particularized to the period between 2016 and 2019, during which time there was an intensification of counter-reforms and austerity adjustments, guided by ultra-neoliberalism. It is deduced that the INSS-Digital, replacing face-to-face service, has restricted access to social security rights for the population, which, with a low level of income and education, does not have the resources to acquire technological equipment and understand computerized language, as confirmed by senior rates of rejection of benefit requests and the judicialization of processes. It can be concluded that the INSS-Digital, when implemented in the narrowing of access to social security rights, is configured as a "competent" strategy in the reduction of social security policy, as evidenced by its counter-reforms. It is expected to contribute to critical reflection on Brazilian social security rights and to equip social and trade union movements in the struggle and resistance in favor of a public, egalitarian, and universal pension.

Resumen: Este artículo, basado en una investigación bibliográfica y documental, tiene como objeto de estudio el análisis crítico de la reestructuración modernizadora del Instituto Nacional de Seguridad Social (INSS), agencia federal que opera la política de seguridad social y cuya modernización, a partir de 2017, impactó el acceso a los derechos de seguridad social de la población atendida. El análisis, desde una perspectiva de totalidad, tiene las siguientes categorías: el concepto de tecnología en la sociedad, la constitución estructural del Estado brasileño y su modernización, el INSS-Digital y el impacto de los cambios tecnológicos en la población atendida. Contextualizado a partir de los años 1990, cuando comenzaron las contrarreformas neoliberales, se particulariza en el período desde 2016 hasta 2019, en la intensificación de las contrarreformas y de los ajustes de austeridad, guiados por el ultraneoliberalismo. Se deduce que el INSS-Digital, en sustitución del servicio presencial, ha restringido el acceso a los derechos de seguridad social de la población, que, con un bajo nivel de ingresos y educación, no cuenta con recursos para adquirir equipos tecnológicos y comprender lenguaje informatizado, como lo confirman los altos índices de rechazo de solicitudes de beneficios y de judicialización de procesos. Se concluye que el INSS-Digital, cuando se implementa en la reducción del acceso a los derechos de seguridad social, se configura como una estrategia “competente” en la reducción de la política de seguridad social, materializada en sus contrarreformas. Se espera que contribuya a la reflexión crítica sobre los derechos de seguridad social brasileños y prepare a los movimientos sociales y sindicales en la lucha y la resistencia a favor de una pensión pública, igualitaria y universal.

Abstract The article analyzes the socio-genesis of the information systems related to social policy in Argentina, going back to previous processes that made their institutionalization technically possible and politically feasible, as part of a broader process of state reform and social assistance. The historicization of the emergence of these systems that have acquired a growing centrality in the architecture of current public policies, allows us to understand the specificity of the national case, shedding light on the disputes of meaning regarding the imperative of modernization of social policy, marked by the neoliberal ideology attributed to them.

Resumen El artículo analiza la socio-génesis de los sistemas de información asociados a la política social en Argentina, retrotrayéndose a procesos previos que hicieron técnicamente posible y políticamente pensable su institucionalización, como parte de un proceso más amplio de reforma del estado y la asistencia social. La historización de la emergencia de estos sistemas, que han adquirido una creciente centralidad en la arquitectura de las políticas públicas actuales, permite comprender la especificidad del caso nacional, alumbrando las disputas de sentido respecto del imperativo de modernización de la política social signado por la ideología neoliberal que les ha sido atribuido.

Abstract Neoliberal reforms arising from Spain’s entrance into the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) have had major consequences for academic practice and unleashed heated debate in the university community and society. This article explores the main transformations and basis of the political-economic model of public universities in Spain. It focuses on two dimensions of the institutional framework that have had a significant impact on teaching and research practice in universities: the strategic focus of research policy and labor regulations and employment conditions. To address both dimensions, the analysis centers on the implications each has for the reproduction of a specific discipline, social anthropology, in the context of the University of Seville. The article describes some of the main factors conditioning and limiting these two dimensions, in particular how business logic and neocolonialism are driving new research policy and how a combination of neoliberal organization of labor, meritocracy and clientelist networks are impact hiring practices and intensifying labor precarization.

Abstract During the neoliberal regime, food policy in Mexico focused on the paradigm of ensuring physical and economic access to safe and cheap food; However, the measures to meet this objective caused, among other things, a trade deficit in basic foods such as corn, orientation of production towards export crops, environmental and people’s health deterioration. In response to this problem, in the mid-1990s, the concept of food sovereignty gained strength. This paradigm contributed to making visible the problems faced by small family productive units and the importance of including in public policy actions that respect the diversity of cultivated seeds, traditional agricultural practices, the care of resources and the reproduction of culturally accepted foods. In this context, the objective of this work is to characterize corn production in three lake regions of Michoacán (Mexico) from the perspective of food sovereignty and, based on this, raise considerations for its strengthening. A comparative analysis was carried out on the approaches of the food sovereignty paradigm based on own information obtained through a survey applied to corn producers from three lake regions of the state of Michoacán. The results show the coexistence of diverse production systems ranging from traditional to intensive production in each region, with manifest experiences of food sovereignty in the Pátzcuaro region and silent in the Cuitzeo region.

Resumen Durante el régimen neoliberal, la política alimentaria en México se centró en el paradigma de asegurar el acceso físico y económico a alimentos inocuos y baratos; sin embargo, las medidas para atender este objetivo provocaron, entre otras consecuencias, un creciente déficit en la balanza comercial de alimentos básicos como el maíz, la orientación de la producción hacia cultivos de exportación, y el paulatino deterioro de la calidad ambiental y de la salud de las personas. Frente a esta compleja problemática, a mediados de la década de los años noventa, surge con fuerza el paradigma de soberanía alimentaria, cuyo concepto contribuyó a visibilizar los problemas que enfrentan las pequeñas unidades productivas familiares y la importancia de incluir en la política pública acciones que respeten la diversidad de las semillas cultivadas, las prácticas agrícolas tradicionales, el cuidado de los recursos y la reproducción de alimentos culturalmente aceptados. En este contexto, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la producción de maíz de tres regiones lacustres de Michoacán desde la perspectiva de la soberanía alimentaria y, a partir de ello, delinear algunas consideraciones de política pública para su fortalecimiento. Para ello, se realizó un análisis comparado sobre los planteamientos del paradigma de soberanía alimentaria a partir de información propia obtenida mediante una encuesta aplicada a productores de maíz de tres regiones lacustres del estado de Michoacán. Los resultados muestran la coexistencia de diversos sistemas productivos que van desde los tradicionales hasta la producción intensiva en cada región, observando experiencias de soberanía alimentaria manifiestas en la región Pátzcuaro y silenciosas en la región Cuitzeo.

Abstract (Introduction): Environmental degradation and poverty are high priority on the agendas of international organizations of development and conservation. It is proposed that the relationship between poverty and conservation can be solved simultaneously, according to the Millennium Development Goals, and currently in the Sustainable Development Goals. (Objective): To describe the relationships that exist between poverty and conservation of natural assets within livelihoods in the study area, and to observe whether the establishment of a conservation policy and another of sustainable rural development in a neoliberal context contributed to solving both problems. (Methodology): A participatory-action-research was carried out, as a case study. Participatory workshops were conducted for the diagnosis of sustainable livelihoods in the Sierra and Valleys micro-regions of the municipality of Villaflores, Chiapas, Mexico. (Results): The influence of two prevailing rural development models, in different periods, on community livelihoods was observed. External forces that put pressure on livelihood strategies and that have failed to lift communities out of poverty; in the case of the Valleys, this promoted deforestation and degradation of natural assets, and in the case of the Sierra, conservation was achieved, but communities are in a situation of extreme poverty and high vulnerability. (Conclusions): Policies and initiatives imposed in a top-down manner have led not only to environmental deterioration, but also to vulnerability and the process of precariousness of rural families.

Resumen (Introducción): La degradación ambiental y la pobreza son prioridad en las agendas de los organismos internacionales de desarrollo y conservación. Se plantea que la relación pobreza y conservación puede ser resuelta simultáneamente, sobre todo, en países en vías de desarrollo, según los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio, y, actualmente, en los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. (Objetivo): Describir las relaciones que existen entre pobreza y conservación de los activos naturales dentro de los medios de vida en el área de estudio, y observar, si el establecimiento de una política de conservación y otra de desarrollo rural sustentable en un contexto neoliberal contribuyeron a resolver ambas problemáticas. (Metodología): Se realizó una investigación-acción-participativa, como estudio de caso. Se realizaron talleres participativos para el diagnóstico de los medios de vida sustentables en las microrregiones Sierra y Valles del municipio de Villaflores, Chiapas, México. (Resultados): Se observó la influencia de dos modelos de desarrollo rural imperantes, en distintos periodos, en los medios de vida de las comunidades. Fuerzas externas que presionan las estrategias de vida y que han fallado para sacar a las comunidades de la situación de pobreza; en el caso de los Valles, esto promovió la deforestación y la degradación de los activos naturales, y, en el caso de la Sierra, se logró conservar, pero las comunidades se encuentran en situación de pobreza extrema y alta vulnerabilidad. (Conclusión): Las políticas e iniciativas impuestas, de manera descendente (top down), han conducido no solo al deterioro ambiental, sino también a la vulnerabilidad y al proceso de precarización de las familias rurales.

Abstract Literacy scholars have pointed out the neoliberal co-opting of literacy and language learning, specially when English is often promoted as the language of progress by the English language teaching industry and educational policies worldwide. This utilitarian discourse on English language learning has been passively accepted and reinforced by governments, policy makers, educators, and society in general. Such positioning not only furthers neoliberal values of competition and individualism, but also perpetuates Western ideas of development that have proven to be detrimental for our planet. Scholars in the field of Education have acknowledged the necessity of prioritizing indigenous epistemologies to transform education. Thus, in this article I introduce the ‘Pluriversal literacies’, a decolonial framework which conceptualizes literacies as relational, land-based, and multisentient practices, such as weaving plants, constructed within communities and their territories. I argue that this framework may facilitate the transformation of English language teaching, especially in foreign language contexts, by centering and valuing the knowledges, cultures, and literacies of non-dominant learners.

Resumen Varios investigadores en el campo de la literacidad han señalado la cooptación neoliberal de la literacidad y el aprendizaje de idiomas, particularmente a través de la constante promoción del inglés como la lengua del progreso por parte de la industria de la enseñanza del inglés y las políticas educativas globales. Este discurso utilitarista sobre el aprendizaje de la lengua inglesa ha sido aceptado pasivamente y reforzado por gobiernos, políticos, educadores y la sociedad en general. Tal posicionamiento no sólo promueve los valores neoliberales de competencia e individualismo, sino que perpetúa las ideas occidentales de desarrollo que han demostrado ser desastrosas para nuestro planeta. En este contexto, los investigadores en el campo de la educación han reconocido la necesidad de volver a centrar las epistemologías indígenas para transformar la educación. En este artículo, propongo las “literacidades pluriversales”, un marco decolonial que conceptualiza las literacidades como prácticas basadas en la tierra, relacionales y multisensoriales, construidas dentro de las comunidades y sus territorios. Sostengo que este marco teórico puede permitir transformar la enseñanza del inglés, especialmente en contextos de lenguas extranjeras, al centrarse en y valorar los conocimientos, las culturas y las alfabetizaciones de los alumnos pertenecientes a grupos no dominantes.

ABSTRACT Classical developmentalism was heterodox economics that showed countries require a moderate intervention of the state in the economy to industrialize and catch up. Growth depends on investments and on a satisfying expected rate of profit, which import tariffs legitimized by the infant industry argument assure. Latin American countries adopted this industrial policy from the 1950s and experienced high growth rates. But the infant argument loses validity with time. In the 1980s, under the pressure of the Global North, Latin American countries adopted the neoliberal reforms, and are quasi-stagnant since then. New developmentalism emerged in the 2000s, made the critique of conventional economics, proposed a new growth strategy focused on a competitive exchange rate, and legitimized the use of import tariffs with the Dutch disease argument. up profit assure s rates time 1980s North reforms quasistagnant quasi stagnant then 2000s

RESUMO O desenvolvimentismo clássico é uma teoria econômica heterodoxa que mostrou que os países precisam de intervenção moderada do Estado na economia para se industrializar. Os países latino-americanos adotaram essa política industrial a partir da década de 1950 e tiveram altas taxas de crescimento. Mas o argumento da indústria nascente perde validade com o tempo. Na década de 1980, sob a pressão do Norte, os países latino-americanos adotaram as reformas neoliberais e estão quase estagnados desde então. O novo desenvolvimentismo surgiu nos anos 2000, fez a crítica da economia convencional, formulou uma macroeconomia do desenvolvimento baseada nos cinco preços macroeconômicos, desenvolveu um argumento contraintuitivo contra a política de crescimento com endividamento e poupança externa e a retomada de tarifas de importação para neutralizar a doença holandesa. industrializar latinoamericanos latino americanos 195 tempo 1980 Norte então 2000 convencional macroeconômicos holandesa 19 198 200 1 20 2

Modern capitalism has shaped the world, but for many scholars, its principles have disproportionately favoured the prosperity of a minority while neglecting the prospects of the majority, particularly in Southern Africa. The recent COVID-19 pandemic combined with significant inequalities of wealth has put the social policies of countries in Southern Africa to the test. It exposed the inadequacies of the current capitalist order in many countries in the global south, hindering their ability to protect their populations from the pandemic's impact. In contrast, the global north, with stronger social policies and economic flexibility, managed to cushion the severity of pandemic's economic impact on their populations in many ways, even though they suffered the most deaths. In this article, I establish how COVID-19 and neoliberal capitalism made it difficult to achieve the social developmental objectives in Southern Africa. While scholars have documented the medical and economic harms caused by the pandemic, I highlight ways that it, along with considerable inequalities of wealth, impaired social development more broadly. I conclude by establishing how the COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the shortcomings of neoliberal capitalism in Southern Africa's social policies, emphasising the need for re-evaluating and re-alignment of these policies-to foster more equitable and resilient societies.

Anyone who has attended an academic conference will have witnessed the number of exceptional projects and research produced by and conducted at various institutions, often led by one or two well-known professors. Despite mostly limited budgets, these professors, academic "rockstars", if you will, (Smyth, 2017, p. 99) manage to produce many publications in the form of books, reports, policy briefs, op-eds, and attend conferences while managing full teaching loads and supervising lots of postgraduate students. So how do they manage? Without faculty-appointed support, such as Teaching Assistants, these senior academics often use their postgraduate students to do the substantial groundwork in the name of so-called capacity building to get what is known as the much-needed experience they need to advance their careers. In this paper, I discuss toxic academic practices and their impact on new and emerging researchers. Through a critical analysis, I demonstrate that toxic academic practices persist partly because of neoliberal policy contexts created in and through marketisation and techno-rationalism. Using the theoretical lens of Betrayal Trauma Theory (Freyd, 1994) I suggest that creating healthy academic work environments is crucial to realising higher education policy imperatives in South Africa. In this paper, I contribute to an under-discussed challenge in the South African academy, and I highlight how universities, through their philosophies and policies, often reward poor academic behaviour and perpetuate toxic academic environments and discrimination.

Abstract This study analyzes aspects of mental health in Brazil as an active political field involving a range of social segments and actors from opposing fields in a context of advancing neoliberalism and pandemic. The analysis begins in 2016, when fiscal austerity entered the national agenda, and proceeds through the pandemic until the present day, when both phenomena continue to prevail, even if the intensity of the pandemic is now reduced. In the ambit of mental health, the national policy based on the principles of the psychiatric reform has suffered severe setbacks. Nonetheless, despite state-sponsored efforts to discourage social control and public participation, important sectors of society are engaged in active resistance. 2016 agenda day prevail reduced setbacks Nonetheless statesponsored state sponsored participation resistance 201 20 2

Resumo O trabalho analisa aspectos da saúde mental no Brasil como campo político ativo, que envolve vários atores e segmentos sociais em áreas de disputa opostas, em tempos de pandemia e de avanço do projeto neoliberal. Tem como início de delimitação temporal 2016, quando as políticas de austeridade fiscal entram na agenda nacional, e vai até os dias atuais com o cenário da pandemia, ambas ainda vigentes, embora a pandemia tenha diminuído sua intensidade. No âmbito da saúde mental, a política nacional enfrenta profundos retrocessos quanto aos princípios da reforma psiquiátrica. Entretanto, a despeito da tentativa do Estado de desestimular o controle social e a participação popular, observam-se resistências de importantes setores. ativo opostas neoliberal 2016 vigentes intensidade psiquiátrica Entretanto popular observamse observam se setores 201 20 2

ABSTRACT This article delves into the environmental effects of the policy of deregulation of collective locomotion carried out by the military dictatorship in the context of the neoliberal reforms organized in the country. Specifically, deregulation was characterized by the end of restrictions on the entry of new operators and the liberalization of the passenger transport service rate. This implied an exponential increase in the number of vehicles charged to small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, who have been consigned since then as the main responsible for toxic emissions. Ir must be considered that the disproportionate increase in smog was a new urban problem for Santiago during the 1980s. Based on the foregoing, it is argued that the measures taken around collective locomotion, generated an ecological debacle and a deep public debate on this matter, forcing the authorities to change. For this, an urban environmental history approach was maintained, supported by official documentary sources and the written press.

RESUMEN Este artículo ahonda en los efectos ambientales que tuvo la política de desregulación de la locomoción colectiva realizada por la dictadura militar en el contexto de las reformas neoliberales introducidas en el país. En específico, la desregulación se caracterizó por el fin de las normas establecidas para el ingreso de nuevos operadores y la liberalización de la tarifa del servicio de transporte de pasajeros. Esto implicó un aumento exponencial del parque vehicular de buses y taxibuses a cargo de pequeños y medianos empresarios, siendo consignados desde entonces como los principales responsables de las emanaciones tóxicas. Hay que considerar que el desmedido incremento del smog fue un progresivo problema urbano para Santiago durante la década de 1980. En base a lo anterior, se plantea que las medidas tomadas en torno a la locomoción colectiva, generaron una debacle ecológica y un profundo debate público en torno a la contaminación ambiental de la capital, obligando a las autoridades a retomar distintas regulaciones. Para ello, se utilizará un enfoque de historia urbana ambiental, sostenido a partir de fuentes documentales oficiales y prensa escrita.

RESUMEN: Las condiciones del trabajo docente y las experiencias de los profesores de la red pública de enseñanza básica fueron impactadas a partir de las reformas educacionales implementadas en la década de 1990, con fuerte influencia de las políticas neoliberales. Como resultado de esta influencia, se produjo la precarización de la enseñanza pública en la educación básica. Las repercusiones de este escenario educativo, caracterizado por las malas condiciones de trabajo y la desvalorización de la carrera docente, han afectado la historia de vida de los maestros y provocado enfermedades en esta clase trabajadora. En este contexto, el objetivo de este estudio fue comprender los procesos involucrados en la enfermedad de los profesores de escuelas públicas de la ciudad de Montes Claros-MG, a partir de experiencias y condiciones de trabajo. Se trata de una investigación cualitativa, basada en el Interaccionismo Simbólico, realizada a través del método de la Teoría Fundamentada, desde una perspectiva construccionista social. Fueron entrevistados 12 profesores de educación básica de escuelas públicas. Los datos, en el proceso de análisis, produjeron codificaciones que resultaron en siete categorías axiales, que buscan dilucidar los supuestos teóricos de esta investigación. Las discusiones de este estudio señalaron que la enfermedad de los profesores de educación básica involucra procesos y causas multifactoriales, tales como: la precarización del trabajo docente; las manifestaciones subjetivas del malestar del profesor y los impases en la superación de este sentimiento; el enfrentamiento de conflictos con alumnos y familiares en la escuela; los desajustes en la práctica pedagógica del profesor y las repercusiones del trabajo en la vida personal del profesor. Así, como resultados, todos estos procesos se relacionaron con la enfermedad física y/o mental de los profesores participantes en esta investigación. RESUMEN 1990 neoliberales educativo trabajadora contexto ClarosMG, ClarosMG Claros MG, MG Claros-MG cualitativa Simbólico Fundamentada social 1 datos análisis axiales multifactoriales sentimiento escuela Así resultados yo o 199 19

ABSTRACT: The teachers’ working conditions and their experiences in the basic public education network were impacted by the educational reforms implemented in the 1990s, with a strong influence on neoliberal policy. As a result of this influence, there was a precariousness of public education in basic education. The repercussions of this educational scenario, characterized by terrible work achievement conditions and devaluation of the teaching career, have been affecting the teacher's life story and caused illnesses in this working class. In this context, the aim of this study was to understand the processes involved in the illness of public school teachers in the city of Montes Claros-MG, based on experiences and working conditions. This is qualitative research, based on Symbolic Interactionism, carried out through the Grounded Theory, from a social constructionist perspective. Twelve teachers of basic education in state schools were interviewed. The data, in the analysis process, produced encodings that resulted in seven axial categories, which were searched to elucidate the theoretical assumptions of this investigation. The results of this study showed that the illness of basic education teachers involves multifactorial processes and causes. The discussions of this study pointed at the illness of basic education teachers involves multifactorial processes and causes, such as: the precariousness of teaching work; subjective manifestations of teachers' malaise and impasses in overcoming this feeling; facing conflicts with students and family members at school; the mismatches in the teacher's pedagogical practice and the repercussions of work on the teacher's personal life. Thus, as a result, all these processes were related to the physical and/or mental illness of the teachers participating in this research. ABSTRACT 1990s s policy scenario career teacher class context ClarosMG, ClarosMG Claros MG, MG Claros-MG research Interactionism Theory perspective interviewed data process categories investigation causes feeling Thus andor or

RESUMO: As condições de trabalho docente e as vivências dos professores da rede básica de ensino público foram impactadas a partir das reformas educacionais implantadas na década de 1990, com forte influência da política neoliberal. Como resultado dessa influência, houve a precarização da educação pública na educação básica. Repercussões deste cenário educativo, caracterizado por péssimas condições para realização do trabalho e desvalorização da carreira docente têm afetado a história de vida do professor e provocado adoecimentos nesta classe trabalhadora. Nesse contexto, o objetivo deste estudo foi de compreender os processos envolvidos no adoecimento de professores de escolas públicas da cidade de Montes Claros-MG, a partir de vivências e condições de trabalho. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, fundamentada no Interacionismo Simbólico, realizada por meio do método Grounded Theory, na perspectiva construcionista social. Foram entrevistados 12 professores da educação básica em escolas estaduais. Os dados, no processo de análise, produziram codificações que resultaram em sete categorias axiais, as quais buscam elucidar os pressupostos teóricos desta investigação. As discussões deste estudo apontaram que o adoecimento dos professores da educação básica envolve processos e causas multifatoriais, tais como: a precarização do trabalho docente; as manifestações subjetivas do mal-estar docente e os impasses na superação desse sentimento; o enfrentamento de conflitos com os alunos e familiares na escola; os descompassos na prática pedagógica do professor e as repercussões do trabalho na vida pessoal do professor. Assim, como resultados, todos esses processos apresentaram relação com o adoecimento físico e/ou mental dos professores participantes dessa pesquisa. RESUMO 1990 neoliberal educativo trabalhadora contexto ClarosMG, ClarosMG Claros MG, MG Claros-MG Tratase Trata se qualitativa Simbólico Theory social 1 estaduais dados análise axiais investigação multifatoriais malestar mal estar sentimento escola Assim resultados eou ou 199 19

Resumo: O artigo trata sobre os direitos da criança e do adolescente, e parte da questão: a política pública de primeira infância, no Brasil, contribui para o combate ao trabalho infantil? O objetivo é refletir sobre a política pública de primeira infância e o seu impacto no trabalho infantil. Utilizou-se na abordagem do método dialético, e o principal resultado é no sentido de que a atual política de primeira infância fragiliza a atuação do Estado e o combate ao trabalho infantil. Resumo adolescente questão Brasil infantil Utilizouse Utilizou se dialético

Abstract: This article, addressing the rights of children and adolescents, starts from the following question: does early childhood public policies in Brazil contribute to the fight against child labor? The objective is to reflect on early childhood public policy and its impacts on child labor. The dialectical method was used and the main result is that the current early childhood policy weakens the State’s actions and the fight against child labor. Abstract article adolescents question labor States State s