Résumé Cet article a pour but de démontrer la pertinence de l´approche transversale des chiffres et des cartes afin de mettre en évidence le pouvoir performatif qui se dégage de leurs intersections tecnhopolitiques telles que le concept de densité de population et la régionalisation du territoire. Appliquée au Brésil, l´étude croisée met en lumière des aspects du processus de construction de l´État, de la centralisation de l´autorité politique et de la création de nouvelles catégories de personnes et d´espaces de gouvernement. Pour ce faire, les tendances qui ont rapproché la statistique et la cartographie au cours de l´Empire brésilien y sont annalysées, en comprenant leur rôle en tant qu´instruments descriptifs du pouvoir souverain. De même, l´article aborde les circonstances qui conduissent à l´importance croissante des chiffres et des cartes comme une référente commune pour l´action collective et la production d´identités sociales. Basé sur le cadre de la sociologie de la quantification, l´article s´intéresse à l´émergence de la cartographie statistique et la régionalisation croissante des données officielles entre les années 1920 et 1940, liée à une nouvelle façon de definir la «brésilité », d´ordonner le territoire et de gouverner la population. On conclut que quantifier, c´est aussi visualiser et imaginer des grandeurs démographiques et économiques dans une spatialité cohérente et unitaire une fois stabilisée par des conventions d´équivalence. lapproche l approche Brésil létude étude lÉtat État l´État lautorité autorité despaces d espaces gouvernement faire lEmpire Empire annalysées quinstruments qu instruments souverain même larticle limportance importance laction action didentités identités sociales quantification sintéresse s intéresse lémergence émergence 192 1940 brésilité » dordonner ordonner quantifier cest c est déquivalence équivalence d´équivalence 19 194 1

Abstract This article takes a cross-disciplinary approach to numbers and maps to demonstrate the performative power that emerges from their technopolitical intersections, such as the concept of population density and regional delineation of territory. Applied to the Brazilian context, this combined analysis sheds light on aspects related to the construction of State authority and its power to create categories of people and places. To do so, this paper examines trends that bring statistics and cartography together in the Brazilian Empire, indicating a common status for maps and numbers as descriptive instruments of sovereign power, including their modes of use and conditions for producing and validating truth. Subsequently, it addresses the factors leading to the growing importance of numbers and maps for collective action and the production of shared identities. Drawing on references from the sociology of quantification, this paper focuses on the emergence of statistical cartography and the increasing regionalization of official data between the 1920s and 1940s – linked to a new way of defining Brazilian identity, organizing territory, and managing population. It concludes that quantifying is also visualizing demographic and economic quantities in a coherent and unitary spatiality, once stabilized by conventions of equivalence. crossdisciplinary cross disciplinary intersections territory context places so Empire truth Subsequently identities quantification s identity spatiality equivalence

Resumen Este artículo realiza un abordaje cruzado de números y mapas con el fin de evidenciar el poder performativo que emerge de sus intersecciones tecnopolíticas, como el concepto de densidad poblacional y el recorte regional del territorio. Aplicado al caso brasilero, el análisis combinado ilustra aspectos relativos a la construcción de la autoridad del Estado y su poder de crear categorías de personas y lugares. Para ese propósito, examinamos las tendencias que aproximan la estadística de la cartografía en Brasil Imperio y que indican un estatuto común a mapas y números como instrumentos descriptivos del poder soberano, sus modalidades de uso y sus condiciones de producción y validación de la verdad. Luego, abordamos los factores que conducen a la creciente importancia de los números y de los mapas para la acción colectiva y para la producción de identidades compartidas. Con base en las referencias de la sociología de la cuantificación, nos enfocamos en la emergencia de la cartografía estadística y en la creciente regionalización de los datos oficiales entre las décadas de 1920 y 1940, vinculadas a un nuevo modo de definir la “brasilidad”, ordenar el territorio y administrar la población. Concluimos que cuantificar es también visualizar cantidades demográficas y económicas en una espacialidad coherente y unitaria, una vez estabilizada por convenciones de equivalencia. tecnopolíticas brasilero lugares propósito soberano verdad Luego compartidas cuantificación 192 1940 brasilidad, brasilidad , “brasilidad” población unitaria equivalencia 19 194 “brasilidad 1

Resumo Este artigo realiza uma abordagem cruzada de números e mapas de modo a evidenciar o poder performativo que emerge de suas interseções tecnopolíticas, como o conceito de densidade populacional e o recorte regional do território. Aplicada ao caso brasileiro, a análise combinada ilumina aspectos relativos à construção da autoridade do Estado e seu poder de criar categorias de pessoas e lugares. Para tanto, examinamos as tendências que aproximam a estatística da cartografia no Brasil Império e que indicam um estatuto comum a mapas e números enquanto instrumentos descritivos do poder soberano, como suas modalidades de uso, e suas condições de produção e validação da verdade. Na sequência, abordamos os fatores que levam à crescente importância dos números e dos mapas para a ação coletiva e para a produção de identidades compartilhadas. Com base nas referências da sociologia da quantificação, enfocamos a emergência da cartografia estatística e a crescente regionalização dos dados oficiais, entre as décadas de 1920 e 1940, ligadas a um novo modo de definir a brasilidade, ordenar o território e gerir a população. Concluímos que quantificar é também visualizar quantidades demográficas e econômicas em uma espacialidade coerente e unitária, uma vez estabilizada por convenções de equivalência. tecnopolíticas brasileiro lugares tanto soberano uso verdade sequência compartilhadas quantificação oficiais 192 1940 brasilidade população unitária equivalência 19 194 1

Resumen Este estudio sobre migración latinoamericana asentada en la ciudad de Tijuana, México, pretende explorar, describir y analizar la influencia de la condición fronteriza en la creación, desarrollo y persistencia de un emergente empresariado étnico y sus respectivos negocios de y para inmigrantes de las periferias mundiales. Para ello, se propone una investigación etnográfica en cinco unidades de observación distribuidas en diversos puntos de la trama urbana fronteriza, pertenecientes a empresarios gastronómicos de tres grupos nacionales: hondureños, salvadoreños y venezolanos. La observación participativa se realiza como comensal y se instrumentan varias técnicas de conversación con los administradores de dichos restaurantes típicos. Finalmente, mediante un análisis interactivo se determina la presencia de sinergias entre los negocios de inmigrantes y la región fronteriza, la cuales facilitan la existencia de estos. El resultado en su conjunto supone un primer acercamiento al fenómeno, inédito en estudios previos en México.

Abstract This study on Latin American migration settled in the city of Tijuana, Mexico, aims to explore, describe and analyze the influence of the border condition in the creation, development and persistence of an emerging ethnic entrepreneurship and its respective businesses of and for immigrants from the global peripheries. To this end an ethnographic research is proposed in five observation units distributed in as various points of the border urban weave, belonging to gastronomic entrepreneurs from three national groups: Hondurans, Salvadorans, and Venezuelans. Participatory observation is carried out as a diner and several conversation techniques are implemented with the managers of these typical restaurants. Finally, through an interactive analysis, the presence of synergies between immigrant businesses and the border region is determined, which facilitate the existence of such businesses. The overall result is a first approach to the phenomenon, unpublished in previous studies in Mexico.

Abstract: This article addresses the debates within the Mexican left following the defeat of the railroad workers’ movement and the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. Its central hypothesis is that the National Liberation Movement (MLN), led by former president Lázaro Cárdenas, functioned as a transitional space from an old left downstream from revolutionary nationalism and a new left that promoted a political project which sought to transcend these ideological frameworks. Although the MLN had an ephemeral existence in the sixties, many of its militants led peasant mobilizations, student protests, cultural publications and Guevarist guerrilla focos throughout the decade. According to the author, the Mexican left underwent a generational renewal, in which young people, students and intellectuals took center stage as potential revolutionary subjects.

Resumen: El artículo aborda las discusiones de las izquierdas mexicanas tras la derrota del movimiento ferrocarrilero y la irrupción de la revolución cubana en 1959. La hipótesis central del trabajo es que el Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN) encabezado por el expresidente Lázaro Cárdenas fungió como un espacio de transición entre una vieja izquierda tributaria del nacionalismo revolucionario y una nueva que impulsó un proyecto político que buscaba transcender esos marcos ideológicos. Aunque el MLN tuvo una efímera existencia en los sesenta, muchos de sus partidarios protagonizaron a lo largo de la década movilizaciones campesinas, protestas estudiantiles, la irrupción de publicaciones en el ámbito cultural y la fundación de guerrillas basadas en el foquismo guevarista. Según la autora, las izquierdas mexicanas transitaron una renovación generacional donde pasaron a primer plano los jóvenes, estudiantes e intelectuales como sujetos posibles de la Revolución.

Abstract This paper’s research focuses on a multidimensional racism suffered by Haitians migrants in the Dominican Republic, which appears to be social and political as well. The direct experience of the author in the Dominican Republic strengthens an empirical and theoretical analysis for questioning a possible correlation between Dominican politics, nationalism, and popular support for the general exclusion, within the Dominican national system, of Haitian migrants. Through an initial review of relevant literature, from the fields of Sociology and Migration, this article defines the concept of Agamben’s Homo Sacer. Agamben’s theoretical contribution is useful to identify the state’s will to exclude Haitian migrants. In addition, Sayad’s concept of State-thinking will also be used. Moreover, the historical focus on community’s search for national identity relies on Rappaport’s works and then related to the Dominican Republic. Exclusion and marginalization of Haitian migrants is also analyzed by outlining the lack of governmental data and updated information about immigrants, leading to hypothetical correlations between State-promoted illegalization of Haitian migrants, enforced by local politics, and a social dimension of racial nationalism. With a focus on International Relations on Political Science, the study describes that the current Dominican government, headed by President Luis Abinader, shows a trend influenced by a past heritage of political realism and nationalism in its bilateral relations with Haiti, since, it is worth noting, there seems to be relevant consensus in the Dominican society for such hardline policies.

Resumen Este trabajo analiza la presencia de un racismo multidimensional, de carácter social y político, padecido por los migrantes haitianos en República Dominicana. La experiencia directa del autor en República Dominicana motiva la búsqueda de un análisis empírico y teórico que pueda interrogarse sobre una posible correlación entre el nacionalismo en la política dominicana y el apoyo popular hacia la exclusión de los migrantes haitianos en el sistema nacional dominicano. A través de una inicial revisión de la literatura de referencia del campo sociológico y migratorio, se define el concepto de Homo Sacer expuesto por Agamben. El aporte teórico de Agamben es útil para identificar la voluntad estatal de excluir a los migrantes haitianos. Además, se tomará el concepto de pensamiento de Estado identificado por Sayad, mientras que el foco histórico en la cuestión identitaria dominicana cuenta con aportes procedentes de las obras de Rappaport. La marginalización y exclusión de los migrantes haitianos se estudia también cuestionando la ausencia de datos y registros actualizados por el Gobierno dominicano, queriendo proponer eventuales correlaciones entre la ilegalización estatal de los migrantes haitianos, con el aval de la política dominicana, y una forma social de nacionalismo racial. Utilizando también un enfoque propio de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Ciencia Política, se describe cómo el actual gobierno de República Dominicana, encabezado por el presidente Luis Abinader, muestra una tendencia hacia pasados elementos de realismo político y nacionalismo en las relaciones bilaterales con Haití, donde, cabe incluir, encuentra un efectivo consenso por parte de la sociedad dominicana.

Resumo A polêmica nacionalista de 1932 é um episódio chave na história da profissionalização do escritor no México. Até agora, os estudos que se centram nos debates desse ano têm enfatizado a existência de dois lados separados pelas suas ideias sobre o conteúdo da literatura que o novo estado pós-revolucionário deveria promover. Ao abrir o espectro e contextualizar a disputa como reflexo do complexo processo de formação do Estado, o nacionalismo cultural promovido entre outros por Ermilo Abreu Gómez, Héctor Pérez Martínez pode ser entendido como um produto das condições materiais em que é produzida, circulada e recebida a palavra escrita. Os documentos da polêmica, as cartas, os artigos e as reportagens jornalísticas são relidos para apreciar como as ideias sobre a literatura no México dependem das limitações da autonomia dos intelectuais que afetam as possibilidades de ver a escrita como uma profissão.

Resumen La polémica nacionalista de 1932 es un episodio clave en la historia de la profesionalización del escritor en México. Hasta ahora, los estudios que centran en los debates de ese año han hecho énfasis en la existencia de dos bandos separados por sus ideas acerca del contenido de la literatura que el nuevo estado posrevolucionario debía promover. Al abrir el espectro y contextualizar la disputa como un reflejo del complejo proceso de formación del estado, puede entenderse el nacionalismo cultural que promueven entre otros Ermilo Abreu Gómez, Héctor Pérez Martínez como producto de las condiciones materiales en las que se produce, circula y se recibe la palabra escrita. Se releen los documentos de la polémica, las cartas, los artículos, y reportajes periodísticos para apreciar cómo las ideas sobre la literatura en México dependen de las limitaciones de la autonomía de los intelectuales que afectan las posibilidades de ver la escritura como una profesión.

Abstract The nationalist controversy of 1932 is a key episode in the history of the professionalization of the writer in Mexico. Until now, studies on that year’s debates have emphasized the existence of two sides, separated by their own ideas about the content of the literature that the new post-revolutionary state should promote. By opening the scope and contextualizing the dispute as a result of the complex process of state formation, the cultural nationalism promoted, among others, by Ermilo Abreu Gómez and Héctor Pérez Martínez, can be understood as a product of the material conditions in which the written word is produced, circulated and received. This article rereads and analyzes the documents of the controversy, including letters, articles and journalistic reports, in order to determine how ideas about literature in Mexico depend on the limitations of the autonomy of the intellectual, which hinder thinking of writing as a profession.

Abstract: In the last twenty years, the number of historiographical studies on Chinese immigrants during the Mexican Revolution has increased after decades of relative neglect. The persecution of the Chinese, initially interpreted as a side effect of war and confined to northern areas, is now considered a racist aspect of Mexican national identity. Despite significant progress in this area, the subject remains marginalized from the main national interpretations of this historical period.

Resumen: La producción historiográfica sobre los inmigrantes chinos en México durante la época revolucionaria, marginal y pequeña por décadas, experimentó un auge durante los últimos veinte años. La persecución de que fueron objeto, inicialmente interpretada como un efecto secundario de la guerra y una peculiaridad norteña, hoy se considera un episodio racista constitutivo de la identidad nacional. Lo notable es que, a pesar de los grandes avances en este campo de investigación, sigue sin formar parte de las principales interpretaciones nacionales del periodo.

One of the key contemporary needs in education is to promote nationalism and national cohesion. Challenges confronting most developing countries include political instability, violence, voter apathy, and youth disintegration. Many regard the teaching of citizenship as a possible panacea to remedy these problems. Scholars have applauded the role of citizenship education in inculcating crucial values such as active citizenship, tolerance, and social cohesion. The Lesotho curriculum uses social science subjects, especially history, to address these challenges. Pursuant to repeated calls for the integration of history with citizenship in Lesotho schools in order to enhance history's thrust in achieving the task, this qualitative study adopted the case study design to purposively sample six history teachers, two from each of three secondary schools in the Maseru district. Semi-structured interviews and document analysis of the Education Sector Plan 2005-2015 and Education Sector Strategic Plan 2016-2026, Curriculum and Assessment Policy (CAP) 2009, Lesotho General Certificate of Secondary Education (LGCSE), and the Grade 8 Social Science Syllabus were relied upon for the collection of data. Our findings from this study show that teachers believe that the integration of history and citizenship can instil values of active citizenship, patriotism, political stability, and economic development to mention but a few. We therefore concluded that there are possibilities of integrating history with citizenship instead of leaving them as subjects independent from each other. We recommend that the Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) should consider the integration ofhistory and citizenship into the curriculum.

ABSTRACT: The purpose of this paper is to present the visual representations of the identity of several local Mexican places that different designers expressed in the special edition of Cerveza Indio's "Barrios de México" labels. The collection of 150 labels conforms a Mexican para-identity since it visually represents identitarian spaces and cultural practices that are alternative to the national identity based on the pre-hispanic past of Mexico. First, the paper describes the beer background and the nationalism context, an ideological perspective from the 20th century that gained importance after the Mexican revolution, in which the pre-hispanic Indian was promoted as a unifying identitarian figure. Secondly, some labels representing buildings are shown, stereotypes, typical costumes, crafts, and landscapes, among other elements. Finally, the collection’s value resides in that it projects a multicultural perspective of Mexican identity, collaboratively built and alternative to the ideologies imposed and promoted by the State.

RESUMEN: Este artículo tiene por objetivo presentar las formas de representación visual a través de las cuales distintos diseñadores expresan la identidad de diferentes localidades de México, en la edición especial de etiquetas de Cerveza Indio “Barrios de México”. La colección de 150 etiquetas conforma una para-identidad mexicana, pues representa visualmente espacios identitarios y prácticas culturales alternativos a la identidad nacional cimentada en el pasado prehispánico de México. Primeramente, se describen los antecedentes de la cerveza y la coyuntura nacionalista, perspectiva ideológica del siglo XX que tomó auge después de la Revolución Mexicana, en la que se difundió al indio prehispánico como figura identitaria unificadora. En segundo lugar, se muestran algunas etiquetas que representan edificaciones, estereotipos, trajes típicos, artesanías y paisajes, entre otros elementos. Finalmente, se identifica como valor de la colección la perspectiva pluricultural de la identidad mexicana construida de forma colaborativa, y alejada de las ideologías impuestas y difundidas por el Estado.

Abstract The objective of this article is to analyze aspects of the trajectory and action undertaken by the Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres, a nationalist entity founded in Rio de Janeiro, in 1932, reinterpreting ideas defended by its patron, the sociologist and politician Alberto Torres. In a special way, we will approach the campaigns imposed against the arrival of Assyrian immigrants and, later, of Japanese origin, to Brazil, in the 1930s. In the field of action, the Society of Friends of Alberto Torres used the strength of the press and insertion in the National Constituent Assembly of 1933-1934 to achieve the goals of its anti-immigrant agenda. From a methodological point of view, we adopted the analysis of documentary and press sources, especially those safeguarded in the National Library's Hemeroteca Digital. Among the works that helped in the preparation of this article, we highlight the research of Geraldo (2009), Nucci (2009), Castañeda (1998), Lesser (1994) and Stepan (1985). As a point of conclusion, it is noticeable that the Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres played an active role in the articulation of ideas and practical actions, including constitutional ones, for the delimitation of the immigrant policy adopted by Brazil in the 1930s.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es analizar aspectos de la trayectoria y acción emprendida por la Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres, entidad nacionalista fundada en Río de Janeiro, en 1932, reinterpretando las ideas defendidas por su patrón, el sociólogo y político Alberto Torres. De manera especial, abordaremos las campañas impuestas contra la llegada de inmigrantes asirios y, posteriormente, de origen japonés, a Brasil, en la década de 1930. En el campo de acción, la Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres utilizó la fuerza de la inserción de la prensa en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 1933-1934 para lograr los objetivos de su agenda antiinmigrante. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, adoptamos el análisis de fuentes documentales y de prensa, especialmente las resguardadas en la Hemeroteca Digital de la Biblioteca Nacional. Entre los trabajos que ayudaron en la elaboración de este artículo, destacamos las investigaciones de Geraldo (2009), Nucci (2009), Castañeda (1998), Lesser (1994) y Stepan (1985). Como punto de conclusión, se destaca que la Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres jugó un papel activo en la articulación de ideas y acciones prácticas, incluidas las constitucionales, para la delimitación de la política migratoria adoptada por Brasil en la década de 1930.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é analisar aspectos da trajetória e ação empreendida pela Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres, entidade de caráter nacionalista fundada no Rio de Janeiro, no ano de 1932, reinterpretando ideias defendidas por seu patrono, o sociólogo e político Alberto Torres. De modo especial, abordaremos as campanhas impostas contra a vinda de imigrantes assírios e, posteriormente, de origem japonesa, para o Brasil, na década de 1930. No campo de atuação, a Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres utilizou a força da imprensa e de inserção na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1933-1934 para atingir os objetivos da sua agenda anti-imigrantista. Do ponto de vista metodológico, adotamos a análise de fontes documentais e da imprensa, especialmente daquelas salvaguardadas na Hemeroteca Digital da Biblioteca Nacional. Dentre os trabalhos que auxiliaram na elaboração deste artigo, destacamos as pesquisas de Geraldo (2009), Nucci (2009), Castañeda (1998), Lesser (1994) e Stepan (1985). Como apontamento de conclusões, é perceptível que a Sociedade dos Amigos de Alberto Torres desempenhou um papel ativo na articulação de ideias e ações práticas, inclusive constitucionais, para a delimitação da política imigrantista adotada pelo Brasil na década de 1930.

ABSTRACT This article originated from a presentation I gave at the III International Colloquium Exodus and GEDLit at the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP). In it, I present an analysis of Slam das Minas Coimbra, founded in 2020. It is the first slam in the Portuguese context to specifically address issues of gender, race, and sexuality, with a focus on the experience of migration in post-colonial Portuguese society. As I progress, I provide a contextualization of the territory in which the collective emerges, highlighting various social contrasts, including the rhetoric of modernity/coloniality anchored in social practices, annually repeated and ritualized, known as "praxes" (or trotes). Subsequently, I delve into how Slam das Minas Coimbra probes colonial wounds, enabling a critical look at the creation of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. I consider this organization as an instrument of the ideal of "lusophony," reviving neo-colonial roots. Finally, drawing inspiration from Gayatri Spivak and her approach to using imaginative language to unmask cultural nationalism, I analyze how the "untitled" poem by GRETA, an independent immigrant Brazilian artist, deconstructs colonial fiction, grounded in the poetry of Camões. This approach represents an anticamonian trend envisioned by the artist. I emphasize the instrumentalization of slam poetry to transgress the norm (cultured and European) of Portuguese from Portugal, providing space for the plurilingualism of Portuguese speakers in post-colonial Portuguese society. UNICAMP. UNICAMP . (UNICAMP) it 2020 gender race sexuality postcolonial post society progress emerges contrasts modernitycoloniality modernity coloniality practices ritualized praxes "praxes or trotes. trotes trotes) Subsequently wounds Countries lusophony, lusophony "lusophony, neocolonial neo roots Finally nationalism untitled "untitled GRETA artist fiction Camões cultured European Portugal (UNICAMP 202 "lusophony 20 2

RESUMO Este artigo originou-se de uma apresentação que realizei no III Colóquio Internacional Exodus e GEDLit, na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP). Nele, apresento uma leitura do Slam das Minas Coimbra, fundado em 2020. Trata-se do primeiro Poetry Slam no contexto português a abordar especificamente as questões de género, raça e sexualidade, com ênfase na experiência da migração na sociedade pós-colonial portuguesa. À medida que avanço, realizo uma contextualização do território no qual o coletivo surge, evidenciando diversos contrastes sociais, incluindo as retóricas da modernidade/colonialidade ancoradas às práticas sociais, anualmente repetidas e ritualizadas, conhecidas como "praxes" (ou trotes). Posteriormente, abordo como o Slam das Minas Coimbra tateia feridas coloniais, possibilitando um olhar crítico sobre a criação da "Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa". Considero este organismo como um instrumento do ideal da "lusofonia", que reaviva raízes neocoloniais. Por fim, partindo da inspiração de Gayatri Spivak, e da sua abordagem de utilizar a linguagem imaginativa para desmascarar o nacionalismo cultural, analiso como o poema "sem título" dA GRETA, artista independente imigrante brasileira, desconstrói a ficção colonial, alicerçada na poesia de Camões. Essa abordagem representa uma vertente anticamoniana imaginada pela artista. Destaco a instrumentalização da poesia slam para a transgressão da norma (culta e europeia) do português de Portugal, proporcionando espaço para a plurilinguística dos falantes de português na sociedade portuguesa pós-colonial. originouse originou se GEDLit UNICAMP. UNICAMP . (UNICAMP) Nele 2020 Tratase Trata género sexualidade póscolonial pós colonial avanço surge sociais modernidadecolonialidade modernidade colonialidade ritualizadas praxes "praxes ou trotes. trotes trotes) Posteriormente coloniais Comunidade Portuguesa. Portuguesa Portuguesa" lusofonia, lusofonia , "lusofonia" neocoloniais fim Spivak cultural sem título GRETA brasileira Camões culta europeia Portugal póscolonial. colonial. (UNICAMP 202 "lusofonia 20 2

ABSTRACT The topic of this paper is the fascist ideology and how to study it from a historicist and realist perspective. The first section discusses the existence of a fascist ideology, contradicting interpretations that reject the originality of the movement. The second presents the main contemporary interpretations on the matter. And the third proposes a methodology that interprets the beliefs from the perspective of the intellectual context in which they were produced. movement matter produced

RESUMO O objeto deste artigo é a ideologia fascista e como estudá-la a partir de uma perspectiva historicista e realista. Na primeira seção, discute-se a existência de uma ideologia fascista, contrariando interpretações que recusavam a originalidade do movimento. Na segunda, são apresentadas as principais interpretações contemporâneas a respeito do tema. Na terceira, propõe-se uma metodologia que interpreta as crenças afirmadas a partir do contexto intelectual no qual foram produzidas. estudála estudá la realista seção discutese discute se movimento segunda tema terceira propõese propõe produzidas

Abstract Since 2007, a succession of crises has called into question the neoliberal globalization initiated in the 1980s, giving rise to a revival of nationalism, protectionism and strategic state policies. This is, strictly speaking, a revitalization of policies that have been present since the beginning of modern capitalism, including in Great Britain. For the peripheral countries, this trend aggravates the economic and social challenges because it can affect their export capacity and accelerates the competition and technological development of the more advanced powers, increasing the relative backwardness of these countries.

Resumen Desde 2007, una sucesión de crisis puso en cuestión la globalización neoliberal iniciada en los años ochenta, dando lugar a un renacimiento del nacionalismo, el proteccionismo y las políticas estatales estratégicas. Esto es, en rigor, una revitalización de políticas que están presentes desde el inicio del capitalismo moderno, inclusive en Gran Bretaña. Para los países periféricos esta tendencia agrava los desafíos económicos y sociales porque puede afectar su capacidad de exportación y acelera la competencia y el desarrollo tecnológico de las potencias más avanzadas aumentando el atraso relativo de estos países.

Resumen: Un impulso de archivo (Foster, 2017) nos conduce hacia Ángel Guido (Rosario, 1896-1960), quien dedicó su vida al nacionalismo cultural a través de la arquitectura, la escritura, la historia del arte, la docencia y gestión universitarias. En esta comunicación, nos interesa auscultar su ensayo definitivo (Antelo, 2007), nos referimos al volumen Redescubrimiento de América en el arte (1940), desde una perspectiva del contraarchivo, esto es, desde el trabajo de reescritura de relatos históricos que desmontan jerarquías y cánones de relatos hegemónicos (Cámara, 2022) e inscribirlos en un debate por un arte y una arquitectura emancipados, preocupación que atravesó a Guido desde su juventud. El ejercicio crítico que aquí proponemos incluye textos inéditos y la recuperación de otros no reeditados, en el marco de una tarea de largo aliento que venimos desarrollando. Ese archivo -americanista, euríndico- con el que Guido está maniobrando se coloca en el centro de una operación en curso, en las artes, que no consiste en transcender la tradicional problemática del coleccionismo, sino en dislocar sus usos (Antelo, 2014) para ir más allá del librocentrismo. Porque un archivo no se establece de una vez y para siempre: su situación será mejor la de un estado de archivación (Derrida, 1995), razón por la cual, la obra de Guido es, de alguna manera, una obra que no cesa de reescribirse.

Abstract: An archival impulse (Foster, 2017) leads us towards Ángel Guido (Rosario, 1896-1960), who devoted his whole life to the cultural nationalism through his architecture, writings, art history, lecturing and university management activities. In this paper, we will examine his final essay (Antelo, 2007) and will refer to the work Redescubrimiento de América en el arte (1940) from the perspective of the counter-archives, i.e., the rewriting and recording of historical narratives to dismantle hierarchies and canons of various hegemonic stories (Cámara, 2022), which opened a discussion about emancipated art and architecture-a concern Guido had had since his youth. The critical exercise herein presented includes inedited texts as well as recovered writings that have not been reedited-the impulse we have followed in a long-lasting breathtaking task to build this archive. This Americanistic Euro Indian archive with which Guido worked is placed in the middle of a still ongoing operation in the arts. Indeed, this does not consist of transcending the traditional problem of the archival collection but of “dislocating” their uses (Antelo, 2014) in order to go beyond a book-centrist approach. Indeed, an archive is never totally completed: its situation will get better and better through the state of archiving (Derrida, 1995), the reason by which Guido’s work, in some way, will not cease to rewrite itself.

Resumen En este trabajo nos ocuparemos de dos publicaciones culturales rioplatenses -Marcha y Crisis- que adoptan definiciones políticas. Estas publicaciones comparten un lugar de enunciación que es la región rioplatense. Adhieren a ideologemas como los de un nacionalismo continental, es decir, una marcada defensa y preocupación por América Latina, así como también una solidaridad extensiva a los países conocidos por entonces como del Tercer Mundo. Estas ideas están en la base de la praxis editorial como relato maestro, que faculta ocuparse de temas más allá de fronteras nacionales y adherir a causas de la cultura de izquierdas durante la década del 60 y 70 del siglo pasado. La sensibilidad tercermundista que impera en el periodo se percibe en el contenido de las revistas. Ello, por cierto, no las homologa, sino que las sitúa en el campo bien delineado de la cultura impresa de izquierdas. La representación del acontecimiento conocido como el “golpe militar en Chile” (setiembre de 1973) es una problemática que las revistas intentan resolver mediante recursos verbales y no verbales, a fin de activar la conciencia de los lectores.

Abstract In this work we will deal with two cultural publications from the Río de la Plata -Marcha and Crisis- that adopt political definitions. These publications share a place of enunciation which is the Río de la Plata region. They adhere to ideologies such as those of continental nationalism, that is, a marked defense and concern for Latin America, as well as extensive solidarity with the countries known at that time as Third World. These ideas are at the basis of editorial praxis as a master story that allows us to deal with issues beyond national borders and adhere to causes of left-wing culture during the 60s and 70s of the last century. The Third World sensibility that prevailed in the period is perceived in the content of the magazines. This certainly does not homologate them but rather places them in the well-defined field of left-wing print culture. The representation of the event known as the “military coup in Chile” (September 1973) is a problem that magazines try to solve through verbal and non-verbal resources in order to activate the consciousness of readers.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden and Macmillan played crucial roles in the Suez crisis, which had significant repercussions for the Middle East and the global balance of power. However, none of them entirely escaped the crisis unscathed. Eisenhower viewed containment of communism as his primary objective. He believed that it was untenable for the USA to identify with Britain's colonial past. Dulles rarely lost sight of the colonial dimension during the crisis. Ultimately, the crisis had a significant impact on Britain's international standing, confirming its status as a second-rate nation and revealing its waning status as a global power. As the international aspect of decolonisation was crucial for Macmillan to address, he pursued withdrawal from Africa as a vital objective to maintain and expand Britain's status as a powerful nation. He was unable to eradicate the stigma associated with the fact that Britain was a colonial power. His efforts to strengthen the status of Britain as a significant power through the Commonwealth were similarly ineffectual. The importance of British colonialism had attained its pinnacle. In some quarters, it was believed that Macmillan had always played a dubious role targeting Eden's removal as prime minister. Reasons for these apparent misrepresentations remain a matter of conjecture. The most favourable interpretation was that he attempted to use his association with Eisenhower from World War II to bolster Eden's domestic position against cabinet opponents. Alternately, he may have led Eden intentionally into a political catastrophe from which he expected to profit. He was the ultimate beneficiary of Suez. Macmillan was involved in all of the crucial decisions during the crisis and may have had greater intent than Eden to bring down Nasser. Added to the suspicions about Macmillan's behaviour was his reluctance, if not outright refusal, to formally evaluate Suez that prompted him to collaborate closely with the Cabinet Office in order to authorise ministerial memoirs and official publications that were required to be submitted to him prior to publication. As it involved extremely delicate concerns of foreign and domestic politics, he ruled that nothing could be published regarding Suez without his permission. In his ruthless and violent pursuit of vindication, it was common knowledge that Eden disregarded the norms of confidentiality. His conservative administration was fatally undermined by internal discord. Suez ruined him politically, materially and emotionally. Eden made the final decision to invade Egypt without extensive consultation with his cabinet, without playing open cards with the United States, and while keeping members of the Commonwealth in the dark. Suez remained a highly visible and fiercely contested issue in British academic, media and political circles, and a parliamentary campaign continued as new publications, radio and television programmes addressed new aspects of the issue. The crisis resulted in moral defeat and diplomatic catastrophe for the two former colonial powers. Their authority and prestige among Arab powers were irreparably harmed. They were now dependent on Israel, the youngest and most rapidly expanding military power in the Middle East. The crisis had an enduring effect on the international relations of France. Mollet, the French premier, disapproved of Nasser's support for Algerian insurgents who presented France with substantial challenges and even posed a threat to its political stability. Following the collapse of the Fourth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle was elected president of France. He held his own opinion about France's indispensable role in international affairs. Nasser was at ease within the Soviet sphere of influence due to hostility and vilification from the West. The Soviet Union and its allies took advantage of the concurrent Hungarian insurrection to condemn Western imperialism, thereby diverting global attention away from their own brutality in Hungary. Nasser emerged from the crisis with distinction owing to his Pan-Arab nationalism and neutrality. It allowed him to strengthen his position as an advocate for the Arab cause and decolonisation. The new realities, which the West encountered in the Middle East, turned out to be the decline of colonialism and the rise of nationalism.

Eisenhower, Dulles, Eden en Macmillan was instrumenteel tydens die Suezkrisis wat beduidende implikasies vir die Midde-Ooste en die globale magsbalans meegebring het, maar nie een van hulle het heeltemal ongeskonde uit die krisis gekom nie. Eisenhower het die inperking van kommunisme as sy hoogste prioriteit geag en het Brittanje se koloniale erfenis as onhoudbaar beskou, en Dulles het die koloniale dimensie dikwels opgehaal. Brittanje se dalende status as 'n wêreldmoondheid is blootgelê en as 'n tweederangse moondheid bevestig. Die feit dat Brittanje 'n koloniale mag was, het 'n stigma gelaat waaraan Eden en Macmillan weinig kon doen. Dit was alombekend dat Eden die reëls van geheimhouding verontagsaam het in sy meedoënlose en bloedige strewe na regverdiging. Wat Eden se konserwatiewe regering noodlottig ondermyn het, was die onenigheid in sy eie geledere. Hyself was polities, fisies en emosioneel deur Suez verpletter. Macmillan het uit die wrak van Suez getree om 'n gedemoraliseerde Konserwatiewe Party te lei en 'n land wat nog in die dieptes van vertwyfeling verkeer het. Frankryk was diep gegrief oor Nasser se steun aan rebelle in Algerië. Die nagevolge van die krisis het die agteruitgang van Europese kolonialisme beklemtoon en 'n blywende impak op Frankryk se internasionale verhoudings gehad. Algerië het ontsaglike probleme vir Frankryk veroorsaak en selfs sy politieke stabiliteit bedreig.