Abstract This article explores the context of the non regulation of gestational surrogacy in Mexico in the last three years. Through the legislative initiatives presented at the Congress of the Union and the rulings of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation during 2021, this work asks whether they contribute to the strengthening of state secularism and to what extent the recent visibility evangelical associations and confessional based parties contribute to this regard. Based on the review of the content of the proposals to modify the Federal Health Law by Senator Olga Sánchez Cordero of the party in power, the National Regeneration Movement (Morena), as well as the main educational document of the federal government, the Cartilla moral, the three main features of the religious perspective are discussed: 1) affirmation of the fertilized egg as a person; 2) rejection of “gender ideology” and 3) the notion of natural family. Given the fact that the twenty initiatives presented since 2011 before the chambers of deputies and senators are in ‘pending’ status, it is concluded together with medical specialists (Canales de la Fuente 2019, 13) and feminist civil associations (GIRE A. C. 2021, 332) that, despite the fact that medically assisted human reproduction techniques have been performed in Mexico for more than four decades in public and private clinics and hospitals, until now there is no regulatory framework that allows guaranteeing access to this technique, type of care, producing uncertainty, risks for those involved and opening the door to possible acts of discrimination.

Resumen Este artículo explora el contexto de la no regulación de la gestación por sustitución o gestación subrogada en México en los últimos tres años. A través de las iniciativas legislativas presentadas ante el Congreso de la Unión y las sentencias de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación durante 2021, este trabajo se pregunta si estas abonan o no al fortalecimiento del laicismo del Estado y en qué medida la visibilidad reciente de las asociaciones evangélicas y de los partidos de base confesional aportan en este sentido. Con base en la revisión del contenido de las propuestas de modificación a la Ley Federal de Salud por parte de la senadora Olga Sánchez Cordero del partido en el poder, Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (Morena), tanto como en el principal documento pedagógico del gobierno federal la Cartilla moral, se discuten los tres principales rasgos de la perspectiva religiosa: 1) afirmación del óvulo fertilizado como persona; 2) rechazo a la “ideología de género”, y 3) la noción de familia natural. Ante el hecho de que la veintena de inicitativas presentadas desde 2011 ante las cámaras de diputados y senadores se encuentre en estatus ‘pendiente’, se concluye junto con especialistas médicos (Canales de la Fuente 2019, 13) y asociaciones civiles feministas (GIRE A. C. 2021, 332) que, a pesar de que desde hace más de cuatro décadas en México se realizan técnicas de reproducción humana médicamente asistida en clínicas y hospitales públicos y privados, hasta este momento no existe un marco normativo que permita garantizar el acceso a este tipo de atención, produciendo incertidumbre, riesgos para los involucrados y abriendo la puerta a posibles actos de discriminación.

A Conferência Interamericana, realizada no Uruguai em novembro de 1933, marca o início de uma longa e consistente cooperação de Bertha Lutz com a diplomacia brasileira. Essa conferência representou uma vitória temporária de parcela radical do feminismo norte-americano - o National Party of Women - ao qual Bertha se opunha, por convicção e fidelidade pessoal a outros grupos feministas. Este ensaio examina as razões para os meios diplomáticos aderirem a defesa dos direitos das mulheres. O debate travado em Montevidéu também ilumina a compreensão do pensamento político de Bertha Lutz e abre novas perspectivas historiográficas para as culturas políticas dos feminismos.

The Interamerican Conference of Montevideo, that took place in November 1933, is the starting point of a long and consistent cooperation between Bertha Lutz and Brazilian diplomacy. During the same conference, a radical faction of North American feminism - the National Party of Women - obtained a temporary political victory. Lutz opposed the NWP due to her own convictions and personal bounds to other feminist groups. This essay examines the reasons why diplomatic milieu adhered to the defense of women´s rights. The debate of Montevideo also enhances the understanding of Bertha Lutz´s political thought, as well as opens new historiography perspectives to the question of the political cultures of feminisms.