Abstract This paper’s research focuses on a multidimensional racism suffered by Haitians migrants in the Dominican Republic, which appears to be social and political as well. The direct experience of the author in the Dominican Republic strengthens an empirical and theoretical analysis for questioning a possible correlation between Dominican politics, nationalism, and popular support for the general exclusion, within the Dominican national system, of Haitian migrants. Through an initial review of relevant literature, from the fields of Sociology and Migration, this article defines the concept of Agamben’s Homo Sacer. Agamben’s theoretical contribution is useful to identify the state’s will to exclude Haitian migrants. In addition, Sayad’s concept of State-thinking will also be used. Moreover, the historical focus on community’s search for national identity relies on Rappaport’s works and then related to the Dominican Republic. Exclusion and marginalization of Haitian migrants is also analyzed by outlining the lack of governmental data and updated information about immigrants, leading to hypothetical correlations between State-promoted illegalization of Haitian migrants, enforced by local politics, and a social dimension of racial nationalism. With a focus on International Relations on Political Science, the study describes that the current Dominican government, headed by President Luis Abinader, shows a trend influenced by a past heritage of political realism and nationalism in its bilateral relations with Haiti, since, it is worth noting, there seems to be relevant consensus in the Dominican society for such hardline policies.

Resumen Este trabajo analiza la presencia de un racismo multidimensional, de carácter social y político, padecido por los migrantes haitianos en República Dominicana. La experiencia directa del autor en República Dominicana motiva la búsqueda de un análisis empírico y teórico que pueda interrogarse sobre una posible correlación entre el nacionalismo en la política dominicana y el apoyo popular hacia la exclusión de los migrantes haitianos en el sistema nacional dominicano. A través de una inicial revisión de la literatura de referencia del campo sociológico y migratorio, se define el concepto de Homo Sacer expuesto por Agamben. El aporte teórico de Agamben es útil para identificar la voluntad estatal de excluir a los migrantes haitianos. Además, se tomará el concepto de pensamiento de Estado identificado por Sayad, mientras que el foco histórico en la cuestión identitaria dominicana cuenta con aportes procedentes de las obras de Rappaport. La marginalización y exclusión de los migrantes haitianos se estudia también cuestionando la ausencia de datos y registros actualizados por el Gobierno dominicano, queriendo proponer eventuales correlaciones entre la ilegalización estatal de los migrantes haitianos, con el aval de la política dominicana, y una forma social de nacionalismo racial. Utilizando también un enfoque propio de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Ciencia Política, se describe cómo el actual gobierno de República Dominicana, encabezado por el presidente Luis Abinader, muestra una tendencia hacia pasados elementos de realismo político y nacionalismo en las relaciones bilaterales con Haití, donde, cabe incluir, encuentra un efectivo consenso por parte de la sociedad dominicana.

This article originated from a presentation I gave at the III International Colloquium Exodus and GEDLit at the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP). In it, I present an analysis of Slam das Minas Coimbra, founded in 2020. It is the first slam in the Portuguese context to specifically address issues of gender, race, and sexuality, with a focus on the experience of migration in post-colonial Portuguese society. As I progress, I provide a contextualization of the territory in which the collective emerges, highlighting various social contrasts, including the rhetoric of modernity/coloniality anchored in social practices, annually repeated and ritualized, known as “praxes” (or trotes). Subsequently, I delve into how Slam das Minas Coimbra probes colonial wounds, enabling a critical look at the creation of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. I consider this organization as an instrument of the ideal of “lusophony,” reviving neo-colonial roots. Finally, drawing inspiration from Gayatri Spivak and her approach to using imaginative language to unmask cultural nationalism, I analyze how the “untitled” poem by GRETA, an independent immigrant Brazilian artist, deconstructs colonial fiction, grounded in the poetry of Camões. This approach represents an anticamonian trend envisioned by the artist. I emphasize the instrumentalization of slam poetry to transgress the norm (cultured and European) of Portuguese from Portugal, providing space for the plurilingualism of Portuguese speakers in post-colonial Portuguese society.

Este artigo originou-se de uma apresentação que realizei no III Colóquio Internacional Exodus e GEDLit, na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP). Nele, apresento uma leitura do Slam das Minas Coimbra, fundado em 2020. Trata-se do primeiro Poetry Slam no contexto português a abordar especificamente as questões de género, raça e sexualidade, com ênfase na experiência da migração na sociedade pós-colonial portuguesa. À medida que avanço, realizo uma contextualização do território no qual o coletivo surge, evidenciando diversos contrastes sociais, incluindo as retóricas da modernidade/colonialidade ancoradas às práticas sociais, anualmente repetidas e ritualizadas, conhecidas como “praxes” (ou trotes). Posteriormente, abordo como o Slam das Minas Coimbra tateia feridas coloniais, possibilitando um olhar crítico sobre a criação da “Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa”. Considero este organismo como um instrumento do ideal da “lusofonia”, que reaviva raízes neocoloniais. Por fim, partindo da inspiração de Gayatri Spivak, e da sua abordagem de utilizar a linguagem imaginativa para desmascarar o nacionalismo cultural, analiso como o poema “sem título” dA GRETA, artista independente imigrante brasileira, desconstrói a ficção colonial, alicerçada na poesia de Camões. Essa abordagem representa uma vertente anticamoniana imaginada pela artista. Destaco a instrumentalização da poesia slam para a transgressão da norma (culta e europeia) do português de Portugal, proporcionando espaço para a plurilinguística dos falantes de português na sociedade portuguesa pós-colonial.

Abstract: An archival impulse (Foster, 2017) leads us towards Ángel Guido (Rosario, 1896-1960), who devoted his whole life to the cultural nationalism through his architecture, writings, art history, lecturing and university management activities. In this paper, we will examine his final essay (Antelo, 2007) and will refer to the work Redescubrimiento de América en el arte (1940) from the perspective of the counter-archives, i.e., the rewriting and recording of historical narratives to dismantle hierarchies and canons of various hegemonic stories (Cámara, 2022), which opened a discussion about emancipated art and architecture-a concern Guido had had since his youth. The critical exercise herein presented includes inedited texts as well as recovered writings that have not been reedited-the impulse we have followed in a long-lasting breathtaking task to build this archive. This Americanistic Euro Indian archive with which Guido worked is placed in the middle of a still ongoing operation in the arts. Indeed, this does not consist of transcending the traditional problem of the archival collection but of “dislocating” their uses (Antelo, 2014) in order to go beyond a book-centrist approach. Indeed, an archive is never totally completed: its situation will get better and better through the state of archiving (Derrida, 1995), the reason by which Guido’s work, in some way, will not cease to rewrite itself.

Resumen: Un impulso de archivo (Foster, 2017) nos conduce hacia Ángel Guido (Rosario, 1896-1960), quien dedicó su vida al nacionalismo cultural a través de la arquitectura, la escritura, la historia del arte, la docencia y gestión universitarias. En esta comunicación, nos interesa auscultar su ensayo definitivo (Antelo, 2007), nos referimos al volumen Redescubrimiento de América en el arte (1940), desde una perspectiva del contraarchivo, esto es, desde el trabajo de reescritura de relatos históricos que desmontan jerarquías y cánones de relatos hegemónicos (Cámara, 2022) e inscribirlos en un debate por un arte y una arquitectura emancipados, preocupación que atravesó a Guido desde su juventud. El ejercicio crítico que aquí proponemos incluye textos inéditos y la recuperación de otros no reeditados, en el marco de una tarea de largo aliento que venimos desarrollando. Ese archivo -americanista, euríndico- con el que Guido está maniobrando se coloca en el centro de una operación en curso, en las artes, que no consiste en transcender la tradicional problemática del coleccionismo, sino en dislocar sus usos (Antelo, 2014) para ir más allá del librocentrismo. Porque un archivo no se establece de una vez y para siempre: su situación será mejor la de un estado de archivación (Derrida, 1995), razón por la cual, la obra de Guido es, de alguna manera, una obra que no cesa de reescribirse.

Abstract This article studies the origins of a petroculture in Mexico that was intertwined with imaginaries of the nation and national identity. It analyzes the 1914-1937 period to show the way in which the oil policies of Venustiano Carranza, the Constitutional Convention of 1917, legislative debates on a Petroleum Law, the founding of Petromex and petroleum literature contributed to connecting this fuel with elements of Mexican nationalism, such as the image of a fatherland rich in natural resources, with a promising future; xenophobic sentiments; evocations of historical memories; and feelings of patriotic pride. It also offers an analysis of the detractors of this petronationalism. The theoretical references for this article are the modernist theory on the construction of nations and the concept of “petroculture” derived from the Energy Humanities.

Resumen: Este artículo estudia los inicios de cuando en México se comenzó a moldear una petrocultura entrelazada con idearios de nación e identidad nacional. Se analiza el periodo de 1914-1937 para demostrar que la política petrolera de Venustiano Carranza, el Constituyente de 1917, los debates legislativos para una Ley del petróleo, la fundación de Petromex y la literatura sobre el petróleo, contribuyeron a relacionar este energético con elementos del nacionalismo mexicano, tales como: una imagen de patria rica en recursos naturales y con futuro promisorio, sentimientos antiextranjeros, evocaciones de memoria histórica y orgullo patriótico. Asimismo, se ofrece un análisis de los detractores de este nacionalismo petrolero. Los referentes teóricos de esta investigación son la teoría modernista sobre construcción de naciones, así como el concepto “petrocultura” derivado de las Energy Humanities.

Abstract: This article incorporates reflections on Mexican nationalist ideas at the dawn of the twentieth century from the perspective of the intellectuals of Durango. In their columns in the local press, two little-studied journalists used a cultural and artistic expression-Zarzuela theater-as an instrument for communicating a set of ideas and values regarding regional identity, emphasizing a Hispanophilia inherited from the Conquest and the colonial era. This allowed for an approach to the definition of the nation and local identitarian processes that took place in the periphery of central-northern Mexico from an uncommon perspective, one with additional nuances of meaning.

Resumen: Este trabajo incorpora reflexiones en torno a las ideas del nacionalismo mexicano en el arranque del siglo XX, desde la mirada de la intelectualidad de Durango. A partir de las columnas de la prensa local, dos periodistas poco estudiados utilizaron una manifestación cultural y artística -el teatro de zarzuela- como un instrumento que transmitió un conjunto de ideas y valores sobre la identidad regional destacando la hispanofilia heredada en las etapas fundacionales: la conquista y la colonia. La propuesta permitió un acercamiento a las definiciones de nación y los procesos de identidad local que tuvieron lugar desde la periferia del centro-norte de México, desde una perspectiva distinta a la habitual y con matices de significado adicionales.

Abstract: The article provides a critical account of Will Kymlicka’s theory of multiculturalism and its practical consequences. By questioning its intellectual coherence, the essay calls into question the genealogy of multiculturalism offered by Kymlicka. That account of origins evidences the philosopher’s ambivalence towards universalism. Kymlicka’s multiculturalism is also inconsistent regarding the protection of individual rights from cultural minorities. The article cast doubts on the liberal character of Kymlicka’s theory because he relies on nationalism to devise normative justifications against external enforcement of individual rights. The article assesses the role of multiculturalism in the world and its role in the abandonment of some unfulfilled goals of liberal constitutionalism by providing some evidence from 21st century Colombia.

Résumé: L’article fournit un compte rendu critique de la théorie du multiculturalisme de Will Kymlicka et de ses conséquences pratiques. En questionnant sa cohérence intellectuelle, l’essai remet en question la généalogie du multiculturalisme proposée par Kymlicka. Ce récit des origines témoigne de l’ambivalence du philosophe envers l’universalisme. Le multiculturalisme de Kymlicka est également inconsistant en ce qui concerne la protection des droits individuels contre les minorités culturelles. L’article jette des doutes sur le caractère libéral de la théorie de Kymlicka parce qu’il s’appuie sur le nationalisme pour concevoir des justifications normatives contre l’application externe des droits individuels. L’article évalue le rôle du multiculturalisme dans le monde et son rôle dans l’abandon de certains objectifs non atteints du constitutionnalisme libéral en fournissant des documents à l’appui venant de la Colombie du XXe siècle.

Resumen: El artículo formula una explicación crítica de la teoría del multiculturalismo de Will Kymlicka y de sus consecuencias prácticas. Al cuestionar su coherencia intelectual, el trabajo pone en entredicho la genealogía del multiculturalismo que ofreció Kymlicka. Esa explicación de los orígenes evidencia la ambivalencia del filósofo a propósito del universalismo. El multiculturalismo de Kymlicka también es inconsistente en cuanto a la protección de los derechos individuales de las minorías culturales. El artículo plantea dudas sobre el carácter liberal de su teoría porque se basa en el nacionalismo para concebir justificaciones normativas en contra de hacer cumplir los derechos individuales de manera exógena. Además, el trabajo evalúa el papel del multiculturalismo en el mundo y en el abandono de algunos propósitos incumplidos del constitucionalismo liberal aportando algunas evidencias de la Colombia del siglo XX.

RESUMO Este ensaio recapitula o legado intelectual de Celso Furtado, destacando sua enorme importância para o pensamento econômico. Adota o recurso de comparar Furtado a outro grande economista brasileiro, Mário Henrique Simonsen, ressaltando a superioridade do primeiro em relação ao segundo em diversos aspectos essenciais. Discute, também, a relação de Furtado com Keynes e a tradição econômica keynesiana, de um lado, e com o Marx e o marxismo, de outro. Ressalta, em conclusão, a sua ligação com o nacionalismo e o romantismo, expresso no seu apego ao Brasil. econômico brasileiro Simonsen essenciais Discute também keynesiana lado marxismo Ressalta conclusão romantismo Brasil

ABSTRACT This essay reviews Celso Furtado’s intellectual legacy, highlighting his enormous importance for economic thought. It adopts the method of comparing Furtado to another great Brazilian economist, Mário Henrique Simonsen, emphasizing the superiority of the former over the latter in several essential aspects. It also discusses the relation of Furtado to Keynes and the Keynesian economic tradition, on the one hand, and to Marx and Marxism, on the other. It highlights, in conclusion, his links to nationalism and romanticism, expressed in his attachment to Brazil. Furtados s legacy thought economist Simonsen aspects tradition hand Marxism other highlights conclusion romanticism Brazil

Abstract The article addresses the relationship between the government of Omar Torrijos in Panama and the National Security Doctrine (NSD), asking whether, despite presenting a progressive political position, Torrijos adhered to this ideology. We study the arrival and adoption of the NSD in Panama before 1969 (when Torrijos' mandate began) and its trajectory after 1981 (when Torrijos died), in order to evaluate what happened during the Torrijos government itself (between 1969 and 1981). Just as in Peru and Ecuador the military regimes of Velasco Alvarado and Rodriguez Lara, representatives of Andean revolutionary nationalism, made use of the National Security Doctrine, reformulating it or assuming it superficially, in Panama the Torrijos government, after long years without referring to it, also created an original version of the NSD, appropriate to its political discourse.

Resumen El artículo aborda la relación entre el gobierno de Omar Torrijos en Panamá y la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional (DSN), preguntándose si, pese a presentar una posición política progresista, Torrijos adhirió a esta ideología. Se estudia la llegada y adopción de la DSN en Panamá antes de 1969 (cuando comienza el mandato de Torrijos) y su trayectoria posterior a 1981 (cuando Torrijos muere), con el fin de dimensionar lo ocurrido durante el gobierno torrijista propiamente tal (entre 1969 y 1981). Así como en Perú y Ecuador los regímenes militares de Velasco Alvarado y Rodríguez Lara, representantes del nacionalismo revolucionario andino, hicieron uso de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional, reformulándola o asumiéndola de modo superficial, en Panamá el gobierno de Torrijos, luego de largos años sin referirse a ella, también creó una versión original de la DSN, adecuada a su discurso político.

Resumen En este artículo se analizan los tres aspectos principales de la “escuela china de arqueología, con características chinas y ethos chino” delineados de manera general por el presidente Xi Jinping en su discurso del 28 de septiembre de 2020 y posteriormente referidas por renombrados arqueólogos e historiadores chinos durante 2020 y 2021, con el fin de demostrar que establecer la escuela china de arqueología corresponde a la necesidad del Estado y de la academia de conformar una arqueología oficial dirigida a promover la cohesión social y la confianza en la “cultura propia”, y reforzar de esta manera el papel histórico de la arqueología en China como una disciplina académica de carácter fundamentalmente nacionalista al servicio del Estado.

Abstract This article analyzes the three main aspects of the “Chinese school of archaeology, with Chinese characteristics and a Chinese ethos”. These characteristics were outlined by President Xi Jinping in a speech on September 28, 2020, and later referred to by several renowned Chinese archaeologists and historians in 2020 and 2021, to demonstrate that establishing this Chinese school of archaeology responds to the state’s and academia’s need to construct an official archaeology to promote social cohesion and confidence in the country’s “own culture”, thus reinforcing the historical role of archaeology in China as a fundamentally nationalist academic discipline in the service of the state.

Resumen El artículo se propone analizar los discursos que circularon por las páginas del diario Río Negro entre el inicio de la “Revolución Argentina” (1966) y la finalización de la guerra de Malvinas (1982) con el fin de identificar los sentidos contenidos en las representaciones sobre la migración chilena en la Patagonia. Dicho espacio ha sido moldeado por los tempranos vínculos sociales y económicos con Chile, pero a la vez fue objeto de disputas y conflictos que abonaron las teorías conspirativas del nacionalismo territorial. Esta tensión entre cooperación y amenaza recorre los años bajo análisis y permea en los discursos sobre la presencia chilena en la región.

Abstract The article aims to analyze the speeches that circulated through the pages of the Río Negro newspaper between the beginning of the "Argentine Revolution" (1966) and the end of the Malvinas War (1982) in order to identify the meanings contained in the representations on Chilean migration in Patagonia. This space has been shaped by historical social and economic ties with Chile, but at the same time it was the object of disputes and conflicts that fueled the conspiracy theories of territorial nationalism. This tension between cooperation and threat runs through the years under analysis and permeates the discourses on the Chilean presence in the region.

Abstract This research analyzes the perception that citizens have in the institutions in charge of security in Mexico, in order to know why, despite their general poor performance, military institutions such as the Army, the Navy and the National Guard are considered to be more trustworthy by the Mexican society, in contrast to civilian institutions, such as police forces. For this purpose, the theoretical perspective of punitive populism was applied, as it suggests that government security strategies are not based on the pretension of solving criminality, but rather on the purpose of influencing the public opinion process to encourage citizen tolerance towards State violence. Based on the results obtained from an inferential statistical analysis, it is argued that people’s trust in Mexican security institutions is not based on an evaluation of their effectiveness in reducing insecurity, but rather on citizens’ attachment to certain values such as nationalism and their preference for a government that conducts itself with a “strong hand” to protect the community from possible threats.

Resumen En la presente investigación se analiza la percepción que tiene la ciudadanía sobre las instituciones encargadas de la seguridad en México, con la finalidad de conocer por qué, a pesar de su mal desempeño, las instituciones castrenses como el Ejército, la Marina y la Guardia Nacional cuentan con un alto nivel de confianza por parte de la sociedad mexicana, en contraste con las instituciones civiles, como son las corporaciones policiacas. Para ello, se retomó la perspectiva teórica del populismo punitivo, la cual sugiere que las estrategias de seguridad de los gobiernos no están sostenidas en la pretensión de resolver la criminalidad, sino en el propósito de influir en el proceso de opinión pública para alentar la tolerancia de la ciudadanía hacia la violencia del Estado. Con base en los resultados obtenidos mediante un análisis estadístico inferencial, se sostiene que la confianza que depositan las personas en las instituciones mexicanas de seguridad no se desprende de una evaluación respecto a su eficacia para disminuir la inseguridad, sino del apego de la ciudadanía a ciertos valores como el nacionalismo y su preferencia por un gobierno que se conduzca con mano dura para proteger a la comunidad de las posibles amenazas.

Resumo Debatemos as repercussões da intensificação e heterogeneidade das migrações contemporâneas, sobretudo das migrações forçadas, em contextos de escolaridade obrigatória em Portugal. Os nossos objetivos passam por (i) identificar os grandes desafios educacionais decorrentes das migrações transnacionais, (ii) perceber como as escolas, ainda muito enraizadas num nacionalismo educativo-pedagógico, se ajustam a estes desafios e (iii) compreender as práticas dos agentes educativos em circunstâncias complexas e sujeitas a muitos condicionalismos. Do ponto de vista empírico, partimos de dados resultantes de um trabalho de campo qualitativo que temos vindo a realizar há cerca de sete anos sobre a instalação e integração de imigrantes no Norte e Centro de Portugal. Da análise destes dados, constatamos que as escolas têm-se adaptado gradualmente aos múltiplos desafios (apoios, recursos, competências e pedagogias especializadas) suscitados pelas migrações. Para tal, foi fundamental a capacidade discricionária, informalidade, criatividade e boa vontade dos agentes educativos, compensando amiúde a falta de orientações e de recursos. contemporâneas forçadas Portugal i (i transnacionais ii (ii educativopedagógico, educativopedagógico educativo pedagógico, pedagógico educativo-pedagógico iii (iii condicionalismos empírico têmse têm apoios, apoios (apoios recursos especializadas tal discricionária informalidade

Abstract We discuss the repercussions of the intensification and heterogeneity of contemporary migrations, especially forced migrations, in compulsory schooling contexts in Portugal. Our objectives are (i) to identify the major educational challenges arising from transnational migration, (ii) to understand how schools, still very much rooted in an educational-pedagogical nationalism, adjust to these challenges and (iii) to understand the practices of educational agents in complex circumstances and subjected to many constraints. We draw on data from qualitative fieldwork that we have been carrying out for seven years on the settlement and integration of migrants in the North and Centre of Portugal. From the analysis of this data, we found that schools have been gradually adapting to the multiple challenges (support, resources, skills and specialised pedagogies) raised by migration. The discretionary capacity, informality, creativity and goodwill of educational agents have been fundamental to this, often compensating for the lack of guidelines and resources. migrations Portugal i (i migration ii (ii educationalpedagogical pedagogical nationalism iii (iii constraints support, support (support resources pedagogies capacity informality

RESUMO Este artigo parte do discurso e artigo de Vladimir que questionam, com argumentos históricos, a viabilidade nacional e estatal independente da Ucrânia e dos ucranianos. Pelo lado político, isso permite que se aproprie da cultura historiográfica russa para construir relações entre Rússia e Ucrânia que, em última instância, visam a garantir o direito à guerra e à posse territorial. No artigo, isso servirá de base para uma análise comparativa de algumas das principais narrativas historiográficas tanto da Rússia quanto da Ucrânia sobre o assunto. Especial importância será dada à obra do clássico historiador ucraniano Mykhailo Hrushevsky, principal esteio da narrativa nacional daquele país em termos de sua afirmação como nação independente. Na conclusão será apresentada uma proposta teórica provisória de tentativa de síntese das teorias modernista e perenialista sobre o fenômeno do nacionalismo a partir do caso ucraniano. questionam históricos ucranianos político instância territorial assunto Hrushevsky

ABSTRACT This article starts from Vladimir Putin’s speech and article that questions, with historical arguments, the independent national and state viability of Ukraine and the Ukrainians. On the political side, this allows the appropriation of Russian historiographical culture to build relations between Russia and Ukraine that, ultimately, aim to guarantee the right to war and territorial possession. In the article, this will serve as the basis for a comparative analysis of some of the main historiographical narratives from both Russia and Ukraine on the subject. Special importance will be given to the work of the classic Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky; the main pillar of the national narrative of that country in terms of its affirmation as an independent nation. In conclusion, a provisional theoretical proposal will be presented in an attempt to synthesize modernist and perennialist theories on the phenomenon of nationalism based on the Ukrainian case under debate. Putins Putin s questions arguments Ukrainians side ultimately possession subject Hrushevsky nation conclusion debate

Abstract This article analyses the coming into being and the consolidation of Mexican wind bands, by highlighting the transit between the music whose harmonies had their roots in the viceroyalty, to modern music created with technically perfected instruments. The analysis is based on the idea that these musical ensembles were fundamental for the cultural development of the Mexican society of the nineteenth century, either due to their performing of a European repertoire, in accordance with their Hispanic heritage, or through the incorporation of hymns, marches, sones, and songs which boosted the creation of a musical nationalism, and with it a sense of identity and belonging. This is why it is of interest to examine the incursion of this music into the burgeoning phonographic industry, as well as looking into the first recordings, made between 1904 and 1910, focusing on three exceedingly important ensembles, which are: the band of the Artillery, the band of Zapadores, and the band of the Gendarmes of Mexico City. For the purpose of said examination, hermeneutics was the chosen method to study nineteenth-century press, references to sound archives, and the historiography related to the subject.

Resumen En el artículo se analiza el surgimiento y consolidación de las bandas de alientos mexicanas, haciendo evidente el tránsito de las músicas de armonía de antecedentes virreinales, a las modernas músicas conformadas por instrumentos técnicamente perfeccionados. Se parte de la idea de que ese particular conjunto musical fue fundamental en el propio desarrollo cultural de la sociedad mexicana decimonónica, ya sea por la ejecución de repertorio europeo siguiendo la herencia hispana o incorporando himnos y marchas, sones y canciones, que favorecían la construcción del nacionalismo musical y, con ello, un sentimiento de identidad y pertenencia. Esto justifica el interés por examinar la incursión de las músicas en la naciente industria fonográfica y por revisar las primeras grabaciones realizadas entre 1904 y 1910, mediante conjuntos sumamente significativos. Me refiero a las bandas de Zapadores, la de Artillería y la perteneciente a la Policía de la Ciudad de México. Para lograr el cometido, se usa la hermenéutica como método de estudio en el análisis de prensa decimonónica, así como referencias de archivos sonoros y de la historiografía relacionada con el objeto de estudio.