Abstract This article analyzes the relationship between gentrification and the economic-gastronomic landscape in two neighborhoods in downtown Mexico City. The objective is to conceptually readjust these terms and to recognize the singularities of their manifestations in Latin America. To this end, a theoretical framework is constructed that outlines the three epistemological cores for the analysis of gentrification in the region and that articulates such concept with cultural commodification and gourmetization. Through a descriptive quantitative analysis, we examine the transformation of the food landscape through the presence and diversification of gastronomic and retail businesses in the Condesa and Santa María La Ribera neighborhoods. The results show that there is a trend towards an increase in commercial activity under the model of mini-supermarkets and other businesses that diversify and, at the same time, homogenize cultural and gastronomic offerings in these neighborhoods. However, the pandemic affected these neighborhoods in a particular way: while in Condesa the proliferation of these businesses slowed down, in Santa María La Ribera they increased their presence. It is concluded that this analytical argument offers a view that can strengthen the qualitative study of the effects developed by gentrification and its consequences in other areas of urban daily life.

Resumen En el presente artículo se analiza la relación entre la gentrificación y el paisaje económico-gastronómico en dos colonias del centro de la Ciudad de México. El objetivo es reajustar conceptualmente dichos términos y reconocer las singularidades de su manifestación en América Latina. Con ese fin, se construye un marco teórico que esboza los tres núcleos epistemológicos para el análisis de la gentrificación en la región y que articula tal concepto con la mercantilización cultural y la gourmetización. Mediante un análisis cuantitativo de tipo descriptivo, se examina la transformación del paisaje alimentario a través de la presencia y la diversificación de comercios gastronómicos y comercios al por menor en las colonias Condesa y Santa María La Ribera. Los resultados muestran que existe una tendencia al incremento de la actividad comercial bajo el modelo de los minisúper y otros negocios que diversifican y, a la vez, homogenizan la oferta cultural y gastronómica en estas colonias. Sin embargo, la pandemia afectó de manera particular dichos barrios: mientras que en Condesa se ralentizó la proliferación de estos comercios, en Santa María La Ribera aumentaron su presencia. Se concluye que esta propuesta analítica ofrece una mirada que puede fortalecer el estudio cualitativo de los efectos desarrollados por la gentrificación y sus consecuencias en otras áreas de la cotidianidad urbana.

Abstract: This article aims to analyze the relative cost of housing in Chile between 1966 and 2022. Specialized literature in this field focuses on four main themes: the impact of the neoliberal model on housing policies, the issue of property and renting, the maintenance of shantytowns, and issues of space and architecture. While there is consensus on the positive impact of social policies on access to housing for low-income families, debates persist regarding poverty and marginality. The research employs the Occupational and Unemployment Survey of Gran Santiago conducted by the Microdata Center of the University of Chile, administered quarterly since 1957 in all districts of Gran Santiago, with an annual survived population of around 10 000 individuals and 2 000 to 3 000 family groups. The findings reveal that: 1) the reduction in the relative cost of housing is more significant in non-poor households than in poor households; 2) in comparison to the international average, there is a decrease in the relative cost from 2000 to 2010, followed by an increase between 2011 and 2017; 3) the relative cost rises in impoverished sectors, particularly in the bottom 10% of income earners; 4) the reduction in relative cost is more pronounced in rented homes than in owned ones.

Resumen: El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el costo relativo de la vivienda en Chile entre 1966 y 2022. La literatura especializada en esta área se centra en cuatro temas principales: el impacto del modelo neoliberal en las políticas de vivienda, el tema de la propiedad y el arriendo, el mantenimiento de campamentos y aspectos relacionados con el espacio y la arquitectura. Aunque hay consenso sobre el impacto positivo de las políticas sociales en el acceso a viviendas para familias de bajos ingresos, persisten debates en torno a la pobreza y la marginalidad. Se utiliza la Encuesta de Ocupación y Desocupación del Gran Santiago del Centro de Microdatos de la Universidad de Chile, aplicada trimestralmente desde 1957 en todas las comunas del Gran Santiago, con una población encuestada anual de alrededor de 10 000 individuos y 2 000 a 3 000 grupos familiares. Los resultados revelan que: 1) la reducción del costo relativo de la vivienda es mayor en hogares no-pobres que en hogares pobres; 2) en comparación con el promedio internacional, hay una disminución en el costo relativo del 2000 hasta el 2010, seguida de un aumento entre 2011 y 2017; 3) el costo relativo aumenta en sectores empobrecidos, especialmente en el 10% de menores ingresos; 4) la reducción del costo relativo es más marcada en casas arrendadas que en propias.

Abstract: Using critical theory and qualitative documentary methodology, through the concepts of authoritarian neoliberalism and accumulation by legitimization, this essay analyzes the energy reform materialized in the government of Enrique Peña Nieto in Mexico through the Pact for Mexico, signed between the main political parties and the federal government. The evidence reflects an imposition of such reform without consulting the population with the purpose of privatizing the country’s energy resources, which was paved by a media legitimization where the government channeled large economic resources to the country’s main media. It is concluded that the energy reform takes place in an authoritarian neoliberal context, of imposition for the reinforcement of the prevailing economic model, where the State renounces the possibility of negotiating with the different sectors of the population and seeks legitimization through the molding of public opinion.

Resumen: Utilizando la teoría crítica y metodología cualitativa documental, a través de los conceptos de neoliberalismo autoritario y acumulación por legitimación, en el presente ensayo se analiza la reforma energética materializada en el gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto en México a partir del Pacto por México, signado entre los principales partidos políticos y el gobierno federal. Las evidencias reflejan una imposición de dicha reforma sin consultar a la población con el fin de privatizar los recursos energéticos del país, la cual fue allanada por una legitimación mediática donde el gobierno canalizó grandes recursos económicos a los principales medios de comunicación del país. Se concluye que la reforma energética se da en un contexto neoliberal autoritario, de imposición para el reforzamiento del modelo económico imperante, donde el Estado renuncia a la posibilidad de negociar con los diversos sectores de la población y buscando la legitimación a través de moldear la opinión pública.

Abstract: With the neoliberal reform of the Chilean pension system in 1981, Latin America inaugurated a transformation of its pension funds. These economic changes have also generated a political rationality that sees old age as a social burden, assimilating the elderly to other subordinate identities. This article explores the contradiction between the economic failure of these reforms and their current political legitimacy as a model of governance of pension systems, a model that understands demographic ageing as a cause of the fiscal deficit of states.

Resumen: Con la reforma neoliberal del sistema previsional chileno en 1981, América Latina inauguró un proceso de transformación de los fondos de pensiones. Estos cambios económicos han generado una racionalidad política que ve a la vejez como carga social y conceptualiza a las personas mayores de forma similar a grupos de población con identidades subordinadas. Este artículo explora la contradicción entre el fracaso económico de estas reformas y su actual legitimidad política como modelo de gobernanza de los sistemas de pensiones, con el consecuente impacto en la comprensión del envejecimiento demográfico como causa del déficit fiscal de los Estados.

ABSTRACT Two years after the crisis of 2001, in Buenos Aires, the poet Santiago Vega, more widely known as Washington Cucurto, founded the publishing house Eloísa Cartonera. The project launched a “business model” that emphasized the needs that the books satisfy, disrupting the capitalist equation of generating value to continue generating value. On an aesthetic level, he did a similar operation. He relegated the transcendental nature of the metaphor to focus on the objects his verses portray, objects that stand out for their singularity and for the need they fulfill or could eventually fulfill. Cucurto’s actions coincide with what Bolivar Echeverría defines as the Baroque ethos, a way of doing and being that subverts the capitalist premises, exploits its contradictions, and reveals another possible world. I propose that Cucurto, unable to escape from neoliberalism, which has penetrated all aspects of life, disrupts the principles that make it work. I approach his project through the figure of the Baroque entrepreneur-someone who takes charge of the neoliberal demands of becoming an entrepreneur inserting a plebeian gesture in his response; a gesture whose efficiency seems not to exceed the crisis, that is, the specific moment in which it is performed.

RESUMEN Dos años después de la crisis económica de 2001, en Buenos Aires, el poeta Santiago Vega, más conocido como Washington Cucurto, fundó la editorial Eloísa Cartonera. El proyecto puso en marcha un “modelo de negocio” que hacía énfasis en las necesidades que satisfacían los libros, trastocando la ecuación capitalista de generar valor con el fin de seguir generando más valor. A nivel estético, Cucurto realizó un movimiento similar y relegó el carácter trascendental de la metáfora para restaurar el valor de uso, lo que quiere decir que sus versos hacían sobresalir a los bienes que retrataba por su singularidad, por la función que cumplen o pueden llegar a cumplir. Sus operaciones coindicen con lo que Bolívar Echeverría define como ethos barroco, una forma de hacer y habitar que se instala en el capitalismo y subvierte sus premisas para explotar sus contradicciones y revelar otro mundo posible. Mi propuesta es que Cucurto, incapaz de sustraerse del neoliberalismo que ha penetrado en todos los rincones de la vida, trastoca los principios que lo hacen funcionar. Me aproximo a su proyecto, pues, a través de la figura del emprendedor barroco, alguien que se hace cargo de las demandas neoliberales de convertirse en un empresario de sí mismo “a medias”, insertando en su respuesta un gesto plebeyo; un gesto cuya eficacia, sin embargo, parece no ir más allá de la crisis, del momento puntual en que es ejecutado.

Abstract: This article analyzes the initiatives promoted by the Network of Afro-Latin American, Afro-Caribbean, and Diaspora Women (RMAAD), founded in 1992. Specifically, three initiatives are highlighted: the claim for the inclusion of ethnic-racial and sex variables in censuses, their views on paid domestic work, and the access, recognition, and fulfillment of their sexual and reproductive rights as Afro-descendant women. The methodology followed was based on in-depth interviews to RMAAD activists and an analysis of written documents: testimonials, reports, and official bulletins produced by the organization. With an intensifying neoliberal model in place and the rise of multiculturalism as a backdrop, RMAAD directed its efforts to fight the increasing violence, inequalities, and discrimination faced by Black women in the region, viewing racism, sexism, sexuality, and poverty as overlapping phenomena.

Resumen: En este artículo se analizan las iniciativas impulsadas por la Red de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas y de la Diáspora (RMAAD) nacida en 1992. Puntualmente serán recuperadas tres iniciativas: el reclamo por la inclusión de la variable étnico-racial y de sexo en los censos, su visión sobre el trabajo doméstico remunerado y el acceso, reconocimiento y cumplimiento de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos para las mujeres afrodescendientes. La metodología seleccionada se basa en la realización de entrevistas en profundidad a activistas de la RMAAD y en el análisis de documentos escritos: declaraciones, balances y boletines oficiales producidos por la organización. En un contexto atravesado por la intensificación del modelo neoliberal y el auge del multiculturalismo, la RMAAD orientaba sus estrategias buscando hacer frente al aumento de las violencias, desigualdades y discriminaciones que las mujeres negras de la región debían enfrentar comprendiendo al racismo, al sexismo, a la sexualidad y a la pobreza de manera imbricada.

Resumo Neste artigo analisam-se as iniciativas impulsadas pela Rede de Mulheres Afro-latino-americanas, Afro-caribenhas e da Diáspora (RMAAD) nascida em 1992. Pontualmente serão recuperadas três iniciativas: a reclamação pela inclusão da variável étnico-racial e de sexo nos censos, sua visão sobre o trabalho doméstico remunerado e o acesso, reconhecimento e cumprimento dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos para as mulheres afrodescendentes. A metodologia selecionada baseia-se na realização de entrevistas em profundidade a ativistas da RMAAD e na análise de documentos escritos: declarações, balanços e boletins oficiais produzidos pela organização. No contexto marcado pela intensificação do modelo neoliberal e o auge do multiculturalismo, a RMAAD orientava suas estratégias procurando fazer frente ao aumento das violências, desigualdades e discriminações que as mulheres negras da região deviam enfrentar compreendendo o racismo, o sexismo, a sexualidade e a pobreza de maneira imbricada.

Abstract After the end of the Cold War and the Soviet bloc, the 1990’s promised the expansion of capitalism to the most remote corners of the planet. Globalization was the way economic liberalism assumed this purpose by ensuring that economies and cultures, states or regions abandoned particularisms of history to be global protagonists of the change that was announced. After the crises of the neoliberal model that inaugurated the 21st century, globalization and development became anachronic concepts and unable to fulfill future projects at different scales. In these deep crises intolerance and the far right also gain space on a global level. War and political violence are normalized and constitute greater threats to social life. Through ethnography in two differentiated contexts - one urban and in the north of Portugal, and the other in the Pyrenees mountains of Aragon - we observe forgotten territories of this process of globalization and people who have chosen to turn their lives into utopias made concrete in the reciprocity and solidarity of collective constructions. It is in these ethnographic examples that anthropology can be found in the diversity of social experience and in the possible paths that, after all, have never ceased to be traversed in the world that exists now.

Resumo Após o fim da Guerra Fria e do bloco soviético, os anos 90 do século passado prometeram a expansão do capitalismo aos mais recônditos cantos do planeta. A globalização era a forma como o liberalismo económico assumia esse propósito garantindo que economias e culturas, estados ou regiões abandonavam particularismos da história para serem protagonistas globais da mudança que se anunciava. Após as crises do modelo neoliberal que inauguraram o século XXI, globalização e desenvolvimento tornaram-se conceitos anacrónicos e incapazes de cumprir projetos de futuro em diferentes escalas. Nessas crises profundas a intolerância e a extrema-direita ganham espaço também ao nível global. A guerra e violência política normalizam-se e constituem-se como ameaças maiores para a vida social. Através da etnografia em dois contextos diferenciados - um urbano no Norte de Portugal e outro nas montanhas dos Pirenéus de Aragão - observamos territórios esquecidos desse processo de globalização e pessoas que optaram por fazer das suas vidas utopias tornadas concretas na reciprocidade e na solidariedade das construções coletivas. É nestes exemplos etnográficos que a antropologia se poderá encontrar na diversidade da experiência social e nos caminhos possíveis que, afinal, não deixaram nunca de ser percorridos no mundo que existe agora.

Abstract This article aims to address the meta-legal relations between the management of the speed of the criminal process and the social constraints arising from neoliberal reason. To this end, it is based on the premise established by Foucault and deepened by Dardot and Laval that neoliberalism has become socially rooted to the point of transmuting from a simple economic model to a rationality that spreads to the most diverse social fields. The work is guided by the question: are there harmful effects beyond the loss of quality in the motivation of decisions with the adoption of efficiency logic by the criminal judge? The objective is to verify whether the management principles of this reason may be harmful to the proper functioning of the criminal process. This is an exploratory, interdisciplinary research, based exclusively on bibliographical references. The conclusion is that there are no conditions for intensifying the pace of the criminal process without a loss of quality that is not only technical, but also democratic, since acceleration without other measures ends up catalyzing authoritarian clots that have never been completely expunged from the Brazilian system of criminal procedure. metalegal meta legal end fields question judge exploratory research references technical democratic procedure

Resumo Trata-se de artigo que visa abordar as relações metajurídicas entre a gestão da velocidade do processo penal e os constrangimentos sociais oriundos da razão neoliberal. Para tal, partiu-se da premissa instituída por Foucault e aprofundada por Dardot e Laval de que o neoliberalismo se arraigou socialmente ao ponto de se transmutar de um simples modelo econômico a uma racionalidade que se espalha para os mais diversos campos sociais. O trabalho é guiado pela pergunta: há efeitos deletérios para além da perda da qualidade da motivação das decisões com a adoção da lógica eficientista pelo juiz penal? O objetivo é verificar se os princípios de gestão dessa razão podem ser perniciosos ao bom funcionamento do processo penal. É pesquisa de cunho exploratório, de cariz interdisciplinar, calcada em referencial bibliográfico, exclusivamente. Ao cabo, conclui-se que não há condições de se intensificar o ritmo do processo penal sem haver uma perda de qualidade não só técnica, mas também democrática, visto que o aceleramento desprovido de outras medidas acaba por catalisar coágulos autoritários nunca completamente expurgados do sistema processual penal brasileiro. Tratase Trata neoliberal tal partiuse partiu pergunta exploratório interdisciplinar bibliográfico exclusivamente cabo concluise conclui técnica democrática brasileiro

Abstract The objective of this essay is to analyze educational reform in Mexico through the shared interests of the economic elites and the political class. Authoritarian neoliberalism is examined using a qualitative methodology of exploratory and descriptive nature. The concept of authoritarian neoliberalism posits that we are living a stage of capitalism in which states have augmented their authoritarian features in decision making, without the consensus of the population, to reinforce processes of capital accumulation. This has allowed them to generate legal scaffolding and reinforce the repressive apparatus to immunize themselves against social protest, renouncing negotiation and co-optation. All this has been done in alliance with the economic and financial elites. The results show that the educational reform was imposed by the economic elites in an agreement with the political power, without any negotiation with the teachers. With the help of the mass media, teachers were blamed for the failures of the educational system, creating a climate of lynching, especially against those who went out to demonstrate in public. We conclude that the educational reform and its imposition -far from aiming at educational quality- sought to control the teaching profession and consolidate the precarious labor conditions that are characteristic of the neoliberal model.

Resumen El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar la reforma educativa en México focalizando la sinergia de intereses entre las élites económicas y la clase política. Sobre la base de una metodología cualitativa, de índole exploratoria y descriptiva, se examina el neoliberalismo autoritario; este concepto establece que atravesamos una etapa del capitalismo en la cual los Estados han aumentado sus rasgos autoritarios en la toma de decisiones sin tener en cuenta el consenso de la población, con el fin de apuntalar los procesos de acumulación de capital. Lo anterior les ha permitido generar andamiajes jurídicos y reforzar los aparatos represivos con el fin de crear inmunidad ante la protesta social, renunciando a la negociación y a la cooptación; todo ello en alianza con las élites económicas y financieras. Los resultados demuestran que la reforma educativa fue impuesta por las élites económicas en acuerdo con el poder político, sin mediar una postura de negociación con el profesorado. Apoyados por los medios de comunicación masivos, se culpó al personal docente del fracaso del sistema educativo, creando un clima de linchamiento, sobre todo contra quienes salieron a manifestarse en el espacio público. Se concluye que la reforma educativa y su imposición, lejos de pretender una mejora en la calidad, buscaba controlar al magisterio y consolidar la precarización laboral, una medida distintiva del modelo neoliberal.

Abstract: This article examines Brazil’s economic experience between 2003 and 2016, its limits in promoting development and structural change while analyzing the policies adopted and their consequences. The economic growth model based on the conciliation of competing interests and the maintenance of liberal orthodoxy proved unsustainable in the medium term. Maintaining the overvalued exchange rate and high interest rate hindered industry and national development. The timid attempt at developmentalism could not contain the process of deindustrialization and financialization. The neoliberal agenda was maintained, which prevented structural changes and deepened financialization.

Resumen: El presente artículo examina la experiencia económica de Brasil, entre los años 2003 y 2016, sus límites en la promoción del desarrollo y el cambio estructural, al tiempo que se analizan las políticas adoptadas y sus consecuencias. El modelo de crecimiento económico basado en la conciliación de intereses contrapuestos y el mantenimiento de la ortodoxia liberal resultó insostenible a medio plazo. El mantenimiento de la sobrevaluación del tipo de cambio y la alta tasa de interés obstaculizaron la industria y el desarrollo nacional. El tímido ensayo desarrollista no pudo contener el proceso de desindustrialización y financiarización. La agenda neoliberal se mantuvo y fue lo que impidió cambios estructurales y profundizó la financiarización.

Abstract: In the period 2006-2018, just over 6 000 km of gas pipelines were installed in Mexico to form a gas-electricity chain, using private investment attracted by a business model based on the extraction of public resources. Successive neoliberal governments hastily promoted, without planning criteria or risk minimization, a large market for private companies that provided natural gas transportation services for electricity generation, resulting in an overcapacity whose budgetary dimensions and costly flaws have been evidenced by the State’s public documentation. This article provides an interpretation of the extractivist-based privatization process in the Mexican natural gas sector and details the mechanisms of the business model of the well-known Energy Reform.

Resumen: En el periodo 2006-2018 fueron construidos poco más de 6 000 km de gasoductos en México para constituir la cadena gas-electricidad, mediante inversión privada atraída por un modelo de negocios basado en la extracción de recursos públicos. Los sucesivos gobiernos neoliberales promovieron apresuradamente, sin criterios de planeación ni de minimización de riesgos, un amplio mercado para las empresas privadas que brindaron el servicio de transporte de gas natural para generación eléctrica, resultando en una sobrecapacidad cuyas dimensiones presupuestales y costosas fallas han sido evidenciadas por la documentación pública del Estado. Este artículo aporta una interpretación del proceso privatizador de base extractivista en el sector del gas natural mexicano y detalla los mecanismos del modelo de negocios de la conocida Reforma Energética.

ABSTRACT This article explores Peru’s transition towards community mental health from 1980 to 2022. Using an approach from medical anthropology and related social sciences, we argue that the community mental health reform in Peru has been influenced and shaped by multiple sociohistorical and political processes such as the period of internal armed conflict, economic crises, and the adoption of neoliberal policies. This article is based on an analysis of the national guidelines and reports related to mental health, participant observation in a Community Mental Health Center and with residents of a district of Lima, and interviews with citizens, health providers, and mental health activists. The analysis of the national mental health guidelines shows how sociohistorical processes influence mental health policies. The ethnographic work complicates citizens’ varying perceptions of the community mental health model and the process of psychiatric deinstitutionalization. Now that mental health care takes place in the community, our ethnographic analysis points to changes in different notions of madness, care, and mental health and illness. The mental health reform also generates opportunities, such as mental health activism and the potential inclusion of community actors, as well as the inclusion of people with mental health problems in the elaboration of their diagnoses and treatments.

RESUMEN Este artículo explora la transición hacia la salud mental comunitaria en el Perú desde 1980 hasta el 2022. Usando una aproximación desde la antropología médica y ciencias sociales afines, argumentamos que la reforma en salud mental comunitaria en el Perú ha sido influenciada y modelada por múltiples procesos sociohistóricos y políticos como el periodo de conflicto armado interno, crisis económicas y la adopción de políticas neoliberales. Esta investigación se basa en un análisis de los diferentes lineamientos, reportes y normas técnicas referidas a la salud mental, observación participante en un Centro de Salud Mental Comunitario y con residentes de un distrito de Lima Metropolitana, y entrevistas con ciudadanos y proveedores de salud. El análisis de los lineamientos evidencia los distintos procesos sociohistóricos que influyen sobre las políticas de salud mental en el país. Los hallazgos etnográficos complican las distintas percepciones que tienen los ciudadanos del modelo de salud mental comunitaria y el proceso de desinstitucionalización. Ahora que el cuidado de la salud mental se realiza en la comunidad, nuestro análisis etnográfico señala los cambios en las distintas nociones que se tienen sobre locura, ciudado y salud y enfermedad mental. La reforma en salud mental también genera oportunidades, como el activismo en salud mental y la potencial inclusión de actores comunitarios, así como de personas con problemas de salud mental en la elaboración de sus diagnósticos y sus tratamientos.

Abstract The struggle to defend their rights and territoriality has been central to the Colombian peasant movement, and the historical experience of the Comité de Integración del Macizo Colombiano (CIMA) in southern Colombia is remarkable. The current article, based on qualitative, descriptive and empirical research, aims to describe, discuss and critically analyze the proposal of peasant territoriality and Food Sovereignty in the North of Nariño and South of Cauca - Colombia, based on the initiative of the Peasant Agri-Food Territory (TECAM), which represents an alternative for the social construction of the territory, as well as a political, economic, cultural and ecological understanding of the peasant movement in the Macizo Colombiano, in a context of socio-territorial conflict exacerbated by the imposition of the neoliberal extractive model with consequences on the territory and the peasant way of life. CIMA (CIMA remarkable article qualitative research describe AgriFood Agri TECAM, TECAM , (TECAM) political economic socioterritorial socio territorial life (TECAM

Resumen La lucha por la defensa de sus derechos y territorialidad ha sido central en el movimiento campesino colombiano. Dentro de estas luchas se destaca la experiencia histórica del Comité de Integración del Macizo Colombiano (CIMA) en el sur de Colombia. El presente artículo se fundamenta en una investigación cualitativa, descriptiva y empírica. Tiene como objetivo describir, discutir y analizar críticamente la propuesta de territorialidad campesina y Soberanía Alimentaria en el Norte de Nariño y Sur de Cauca - Colombia, a partir de la iniciativa de Territorio Campesino Agroalimentario (TECAM), que representa una alternativa de construcción social del territorio y de resignificación política, económica, cultural y ecológica del movimiento campesino en el Macizo Colombiano, en un contexto de conflictividad socio territorial agudizado por la imposición del modelo neoliberal extractivista con consecuencias sobre el territorio y el modo de vida campesino. colombiano CIMA (CIMA Colombia cualitativa empírica describir TECAM, TECAM , (TECAM) política económica (TECAM

Abstract: Over the past thirty years, the Latin American and Caribbean region has been part of the process of deconstructing the protected work model, especially with the impetus of neoliberal policies aimed at flexibilizing these relationships and gradually changing labor laws. One of the indicators is the informalization of employment, in this study referring to the lack of contributions to social security and the social benefits associated with wage labor. Secondary sources from the National Institute of Statistics, Continuous Household Surveys between the years 2010-2022, were analyzed to understand the socio-economic characteristics and profile of workers. It is noteworthy that the Uruguayan and Chilean cases have the particularity of reducing informal labor.

Resumen: Durante los últimos treinta años el continente latinoamericano y caribeño ha sido parte del proceso de deconstrucción del modelo de trabajo protegido, especialmente a partir del impulso de políticas neoliberales de flexibilizar las relaciones laborales y cambiar las legislaciones vinculadas. Uno de los indicadores de esto es la informalización del empleo. Este estudio refiere al no aporte a la seguridad social y a los beneficios sociales que apareja el trabajo asalariado. Se analizaron fuentes secundarias del Instituto Nacional de Estadística, las Encuestas Continuas de Hogares correspondientes al período 2010-2022, para conocer las características socioeconómicas y el perfil de los trabajadores, considerando que el caso uruguayo presenta la particularidad de disminuir la informalidad laboral.

Resumo: Nos últimos trinta anos, o continente latino-americano e caribenho tem sido parte do processo de desconstrução do modelo de trabalho protegido, especialmente impulsionado por políticas neoliberais que buscam flexibilizar essas relações e alterar as legislações trabalhistas. Um dos indicadores desse fenômeno é a informalização do emprego, neste estudo referindo-se à falta de contribuição para a seguridade social e aos benefícios sociais associados ao trabalho assalariado. Foram analisadas fontes secundárias do Instituto Nacional de Estatística, bem como as Pesquisas Contínuas de Domicílios entre os anos de 2010-2022, para compreender as características socioeconômicas e o perfil dos trabalhadores. Vale ressaltar que, no caso uruguaio e chileno, há uma particularidade interessante de redução da informalidade laboral.

Abstract This essay addresses the conflicting relation between the theoretical and applied epidemiological health services instruments, including the difficulties in apprehending the social determination linked to the neoliberal model and workers’ subjectivities in their creative process of resisting the model of exploitation of their workforce that characterizes the current world of work. The role of Epidemiology in the following theoretical frameworks of the relations between health and work from the 1970s onward is described and discussed: Occupational Medicine, Occupational Health, and Worker’s Health. Despite the criticisms, studies from the beginning of the 2000s showed methodological advances when research turned to a more conservative set of instruments that insufficiently contextualized the social determinations of the work process. Even with legal support in Brazil, the operationalization of Epidemiology at the service of Workers’ Health in the Unified Health System still adopts approaches toward measuring risks. Such approaches lie far from the models that apprehend the reflexes of social organization proposed by researchers from Latin America, which are yet to be expressed in the studies and services of Worker’s Health in Brazil. workers s discussed Medicine Workers Worker criticisms Brazil risks America

Resumo Este ensaio aborda a relação conflituosa entre o instrumental epidemiológico teórico e o aplicado nos serviços de saúde, incluindo as dificuldades em se apreender a determinação social ligada ao modelo neoliberal e às subjetividades do trabalhador no seu processo criativo de resistir ao modelo de exploração da força de trabalho, que caracteriza o atual mundo laboral. É apresentado e discutido o papel da Epidemiologia no âmbito dos marcos teóricos da relação entre saúde e trabalho a partir da década de 1970: Medicina do Trabalho, Saúde Ocupacional e Saúde do Trabalhador. Embora existam críticas, identificou-se avanço metodológico nas publicações até o início dos anos 2000, quando as pesquisas se voltaram para um instrumental mais conservador e insuficiente para contextualizar as determinações sociais do processo de trabalho. No Brasil, ainda que haja suporte legal, a operacionalização da Epidemiologia a serviço da Saúde do Trabalhador no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) ainda adota abordagens voltadas para mensuração de riscos. Tais abordagens se distanciam dos modelos que apreendem os reflexos da organização social, propostos por investigadores da América Latina, os quais ainda não se expressam nas publicações e nos serviços de Saúde do Trabalhador do Brasil. laboral 1970 Trabalho críticas identificouse identificou 2000 Brasil legal SUS (SUS riscos Latina 197 200 19 20 1 2