Abstract This article investigates the main ethical challenges faced by the fast fashion sector and Shein, given the promotion of unrestrained consumption. It aims to answer the following question: “What are the ethical implications associated with the mass production conduct of fast-fashion brands?” It addresses the gap in the literature corresponding to the analysis of the current market leader, Shein, with an updated study on the ethical challenges of the fast fashion model. It concludes that the international ethical challenges of this industry generate two main consequences: environmental impact and labour exploitation. Thus, reversing the traditional dependency theory scenario, Shein has established itself with great importance in this industry. However, it faces growing concerns about its business conduct, especially in relation to human rights and environmental sustainability.

Resumen Este artículo investiga los principales retos éticos a los que se enfrentan el sector de la moda rápida y Shein, dada la promoción del consumo desenfrenado. Se pretende responder a la siguiente pregunta “¿Cuáles son las implicaciones éticas asociadas a la conducta de producción en masa de las marcas de moda rápida?”. El artículo aborda la laguna en la bibliografía correspondiente al análisis del actual líder del mercado, Shein, con un estudio actualizado sobre los retos éticos del modelo de moda rápida. Se concluye que los retos éticos internacionales de esta industria generan dos consecuencias principales: el impacto medioambiental y la explotación laboral. Así, revirtiendo el escenario tradicional de la teoría de la dependencia, Shein se ha consolidado con gran importancia en esta industria. Sin embargo, enfrenta crecientes preocupaciones sobre su conducta empresarial, especialmente en relación a los derechos humanos y la sostenibilidad ambiental.

BACKGROUND: Human dignity is a fundamental constitutional right essential to occupational therapy (OT) education and practice, aligning with the graduate attributes of Ubuntu, human rights and ethics. However, little is known about its integration into OT education at universities OBJECTIVE: To explore how OT students perceive human dignity in OT education METHODS: A qualitative exploratory descriptive study was conducted with 30 purposively selected OT students from first to fourth year. The study involved four focus group discussions (FGDs), which were audiotaped, transcribed and thematically analysed through an iterative and credible process RESULTS: Participants seemed to grapple with understanding human dignity but knew it was part of human rights and OT. Two major themes were identified: students' perceptions of human dignity and the notion of human dignity as a central concept left on the side CONCLUSION: The findings are relevant for curriculum transformation and integration of human dignity into OT education. They can be used to equip undergraduate OT students with the knowledge and skills needed to enhance their understanding of human dignity, human rights and advocacy for clients in cases of rights violations. Participants noted that while human dignity was an omitted concept in the classroom, clinical supervisors provided significant learning opportunities for them to learn about human rights. Students' willingness to expand their knowledge of human dignity enabled them to apply and integrate existing policies and legislative frameworks such as the Bill of Rights and the Batho Pele principles into their learning

RESUMO Este artigo analisa os modos como distintas configurações da relação entre Estado e movimentos sociais produziram diferentes políticas públicas de saúde da mulher desde a virada do século XXI. Nas últimas quatro décadas, diversos setores da sociedade têm trabalhado na elaboração e ampliação de direitos de cidadania. Entre esses coletivos, destacam-se os movimentos feministas, que aliaram as lutas pelo direito à saúde e pela democracia, construindo práticas que afirmam a articulação com o Estado, a fim de incidir na formulação de políticas públicas baseadas em direitos humanos. Partindo de pesquisa documental de perspectiva antropológica, analisam-se os documentos e os contextos de promulgação das principais políticas públicas nacionais de saúde da mulher desde 2000. Argumenta-se que uma interlocução sistemática entre movimentos sociais e representantes do governo, por meio da participação popular na formulação de políticas públicas, pode resultar em propostas mais alinhadas às demandas coletivas no campo da saúde da mulher, ainda que tais conquistas mostrem-se sujeitas ao jogo partidário e ao conservadorismo. Essa abordagem visibiliza um processo de construção mútua entre o gênero e o Estado, que possibilita, simultaneamente, incidir no cenário político-institucional, redefinir agendas político-sociais e operar uma vigilância crítica das práticas governamentais.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes how different configurations of the relationship between the state and social movements have produced different public policies on women’s health since the turn of the 21st century. Over the last four decades, various sectors of society have worked to develop and expand citizenship rights. Among these groups are the feminist movements, which have combined the struggles for the right to health and for democracy, building practices that affirm articulation with the state to influence the formulation of public policies grounded on human rights. Based on documentary research from an anthropological perspective, the documents and contexts in which the main national public policies on women’s health have been enacted since 2000 are analyzed. It argues that a systematic dialogue between social movements and government representatives, through popular participation in the formulation of public policies, can result in proposals that are more in line with collective demands in the field of women’s health, even if these achievements are subject to partisan influence and conservatism. This approach makes visible a process of mutual construction between gender and the state, which simultaneously makes it possible to influence the political-institutional scenario, redefine political-social agendas and operate a critical watch on government practices.

RESUMO Estudos contemporâneos explicitam como a sexualidade é uma dimensão contextual e relacional da vida humana. Essa leitura de sexualidade tem colocado, paulatinamente, novos desafios às noções relativas à saúde, mas também, por extensão, tensionado o campo da garantia de direitos humanos fundamentais. Não por acaso, entidades internacionais e nacionais têm apontado a necessidade de intervenções psicossociais em contexto educativo, como espaço estratégico de garantia de direitos na interface com a sexualidade. Diante da necessidade, verificada na literatura internacional, de intervenções longitudinais, contextuais e não restritivas a uma leitura fisicalista de sexualidade, o presente estudo se propõe a apresentar a adaptação para o Brasil do protocolo de intervenção South Africa and Tanzania (SATZ). Tendo em vista adequações realizadas na presente adaptação, contemplando uma maior abertura para dissidências de gênero e sexualidade, maior ênfase em aspectos dialógicos e participação da comunidade escolar, a SATZ-BR se mostra em consonância com os direitos humanos, com a Agenda 2030 para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável e com as diretrizes do plano nacional curricular brasileiro.

ABSTRACT Contemporary studies explain how sexuality is a contextual and relational dimension of human life. This reading of sexuality has gradually posed new challenges to notions relating to health but has also, by extension, put tension in the field of the guarantee of fundamental human rights. It is no coincidence that international and national entities have highlighted the need for psychosocial interventions in an educational context, as a strategic space for guaranteeing rights at the interface with sexuality. Given the need, verified in international literature, for longitudinal, contextual interventions that are not restrictive to a physicalist reading of sexuality, the present study aims to present the adaptation of the intervention protocol South Africa and Tanzania (SATZ) for Brazil. In view of the adjustments made in this adaptation, including greater openness to gender and sexuality dissent, greater emphasis on dialogic aspects, and participation of the school community, SATZ-BR is in line with human rights, with the 2030 Agenda for Development Sustainable and with the guidelines of the Brazilian national curricular plan.

RESUMO Neste artigo, são apresentados os resultados de estudo que objetivou caracterizar a atuação dos movimentos sociais diante da covid-19 na defesa do direito à saúde das Pessoas Privadas de Liberdade (PPL) no Brasil. Além do registro histórico, buscou identificar repercussões que servem de legado para estratégias futuras. Foi realizada análise qualitativa de documentos divulgados por organizações sociais, órgãos da Justiça, entidades científicas e organismos internacionais, de março de 2020 a janeiro de 2021. Foram categorizados 77 documentos relativos à: 1) Inclusão das PPL como prioritárias para vacinação e medidas desencarceradoras; 2) Rejeição do uso de containers para abrigar PPL infectadas ou grupos de risco; 3) Suspensão e retorno das visitas postergado, com possibilidade do envio de suplementos; 4) Extinção das equipes para acompanhamento de PPL com transtorno mental; 5) Obrigação do envio ao Instituto Médico Legal de corpos de PPL para identificação e Declaração do Óbito. A análise evidenciou atuação em rede dos movimentos sociais para garantir o direito à saúde das PPL. As manifestações lograram êxito considerável ao conseguirem bloquear propostas de retrocesso aos direitos humanos.

ABSTRACT This article presents the results of a study that aimed to characterize the role of social movements in the face of COVID-19 in defending the right to health of Person Deprived of Liberty (PDL) in Brazil. In addition to historical records, it sought to identify repercussions that serve as a legacy for future strategies. A qualitative analysis was carried out of documents released by social organizations, Justice bodies, scientific entities, and international organizations from March 2020 to January 2021. A total of 77 documents were categorized relating to: 1) Inclusion of PDL as priorities for vaccination and decarceration measures; 2) Rejection of the use of containers to house infected PDL or risk groups; 3) Suspension and return of visits postponed, with the possibility of sending supplements; 4) Extinction of teams to monitor PDL with mental disorders; 5) Obligation to send PDL bodies to Medical-Legal Institutes for identification and Death Certificate. The analysis portrayed network action by social movements to guarantee PDLs’ right to health. The demonstrations achieved considerable success in blocking proposals to set back human rights.

Abstract This article delves into the social, political and judicial processes that led Chile, a historically conservative country in terms of sexuality, gender and family, to approve a law recognizing marriage and parentage for same-sex couples in 2021. To this end, the empirical design combines 42 semi-structured interviews with activists, lawyers, judges, presidential advisor, and parents; 490 newspaper articles; 11 judicial records as well as the parliamentary discussions for 2 draft bills. Based on these data, we propose a genealogy of the Bill on Equal Marriage, which highlights both the political dynamics of the medium term the post-dictatorship period and of the short term the ‘Chilean October’ of 2019. We analyze the articulation of three spaces of mobilization: in the media, in Courts, and in Parliament. Indeed, gay and lesbian activism has been able to articulate strategies in order to overcome the inherent blockages in each space and broaden its support. As for the justice system, we show the connexions between the national, interand supranational levels. Notably, strategic litigation in lower courts has used the international framing of LGBT rights as human rights. Moreover, the article shows that legal mobilization, which is usually approached in common law systems has proven to be an effective channel for influencing policy makers in the Chilean civil law system as well.

Resumen Este artículo ahonda en los procesos sociales, políticos y judiciales que desembocaron en que Chile, un país históricamente conservador en materia de sexualidad, género y familia, llegara a aprobar en 2021 una ley que reconoce el matrimonio y la filiación para las parejas del mismo sexo. Para ello, la investigación se fundamenta en el análisis de 42 entrevistas semiestructuradas con activistas, abogados, jueces, asesor presidencial y progenitores; 490 artículos de prensa; 11 registros judiciales y las discusiones parlamentarias de dos proyectos de ley. En base a aquellas fuentes, proponemos una genealogía de la Ley de matrimonio igualitario que rescata tanto las dinámicas políticas de mediano - la post dictadura - y corto plazo - el “Octubre chileno” del 2019. Analizamos la articulación de tres espacios de movilización: el mediático, el judicial y el legislativo. De hecho, el activismo gay y lésbico ha sido capaz de articular varias estrategias, con el fin de superar los bloqueos inherentes a cada espacio y ampliar su apoyo. En cuanto al espacio judicial, mostramos la interconexión entre los niveles nacional (importancia de la litigación estratégica a nivel de primera instancia), inter y supranacional (framing de los derechos gays y lésbicos en referencia al derecho internacional de los DDHH). La movilización legal, que suele ser abordada en los sistemas de derecho común donde las decisiones judiciales constituyen un precedente vinculante, ha resultado ser un canal efectivo para influenciar a los decidores políticos en un sistema de derecho civil como es Chile.

The focus of this manuscript is to present the extension project “(Re)thinking the (in)differences: the deconstructions and resistance to transversal themes in the teaching of Natural Sciences”, as well as analyzing its potential when working with continued training work by teachers, promoting debate, discussion, and reflection on the use of contemporary cross-cutting themes in chemistry and science classes. It was also intended to stimulate class planning, the production of strategies and teaching material by educators motivated by the need to reform thinking and regenerate teaching, considering social themes that seek the empowerment of groups placed on the margins of the education system, so that they undertake training that is a collective achievement and built with social discussions. Rethinking Re indifferences differences (in)differences Sciences, Sciences , Sciences” teachers debate discussion crosscutting cross cutting classes planning system discussions

Over the centuries, history has shown that peasant members of society are drenched with various forms of marginalisation. These often come from the more privileged members of society and even the government. Studies have also shown that the religious sphere that ought to be the hope of the neglected poor has turned out to be like the political milieu in the secular world. Isaiah 10:1-4 spelt out punishment meted out for the violators of the rights of the peasant poor. The text indicates that the poor have been neglected in the past millennium. There have likely been no studies that took into cognisance the neglect of the poor from Isaiah 10:1-4 in the context of Nkanuland. Isaiah 10:1-4 examines the height at which the Jewish rulers exploit the poor at their various dispensations. However, such wicked acts by such leaders would not go unpunished. The poor are highly marginalised using different means by both religious and political leaders. The insufficient welfare provision for the poor has consequently led to ill health, death, vulnerability to danger, psychological stress, social alienation, poor education, poor diet and other related problems in Nigeria in general and Nkanuland in particular. The researcher, therefore, seeks to take a critical look at Isaiah 10:1-4 and applies its exegetical result(s) in Nkanu. It is argued that if the text is practically applied by religious and political leaders in Nkanuland, there would be improved welfare provision for the poor. Rhetoric and sociological approaches common to Old Testament exegesis are employed. CONTRIBUTION: The researcher posits that Isaiah 10:1-4 would be a feasible solution to curb the incessant marginalisation of the peasant poor in Igboland in general and Nkanuland in particular. This would enhance both human and other aspects of development in Nkanuland

Resumo O artigo analisa a atuação da Sociedade Brasileira de Bioética (SBB), especialmente em sua inserção no movimento Frente Pela Vida, nos anos mais graves da pandemia de COVID-19, entre 2020 e 2021. Trata-se de pesquisa ancorada em referenciais teóricos da bioética crítica e realizada a partir de metodologia qualitativa com abordagem dialética. Os resultados demonstram que no período analisado o governo federal brasileiro atuou alinhado a uma “grande nebulosa” geradora de diversos conflitos bioéticos. Essa nebulosa sustentou-se em um amálgama de interesses do poder econômico, de setores do corporativismo médico e de grupos político-partidários conservadores. Já a SBB e as entidades da Frente Pela Vida articularam-se como uma “contra-nebulosa” de denúncia e resistência aos conflitos bioéticos. Considerando que persiste a tentativa de atuação dos interesses da nebulosa no Estado brasileiro, conclui-se que a SBB e as entidades da Frente pela Vida devem seguir mobilizadas no controle social, na defesa do Sistema Único de Saúde, da democracia e dos direitos humanos no país.

Resumen El artículo analiza el desempeño de la Sociedad Brasileña de Bioética (SBB), especialmente en su inserción en el movimiento Frente Pela Vida, en los años más graves de la pandemia de COVID-19, entre 2020 y 2021. Se trata de una investigación anclada en referentes teóricos. de Bioética Crítica y realizado mediante metodología cualitativa con enfoque dialéctico. Los resultados demuestran que, en el período analizado, el gobierno federal brasileño actuó en línea con una “gran nebulosa” que generó varios conflictos bioéticos. Esta nebulosa se sustentaba en una amalgama de intereses del poder económico, sectores del corporativismo médico y grupos de partidos políticos conservadores. Las entidades SBB y Frente Pela Vida se articularon como una “contranebulosa” de denuncia y resistencia a los conflictos bioéticos. Considerando que persiste el intento de actuar sobre los intereses de la nebulosa en el Estado brasileño, se concluye que las entidades SBB y el Frente pela Vida deben seguir movilizándose en el control social, en defensa del Sistema Único de Salud, la democracia y los derechos humanos en el país.

Abstract The scope of this article is to analyze the role of the Brazilian Society of Bioethics (SBB), especially its involvement in the “Frente pela Vida” movement, during the most critical years of the COVID-19 pandemic, between 2020 and 2021. It involved research anchored in the theoretical frameworks of Critical Bioethics and was analyzed using qualitative methodology with a dialectical approach. The results demonstrate that during the period analyzed the Brazilian federal government acted in alignment with a “major nebula” that generated several bioethical conflicts. This nebula was sustained by an amalgam of interests of economic power, sectors of medical corporatism, and conservative political-ideological groups. On the other hand, the SBB and the entities of the Frente pela Vida articulated themselves as a “counter-nebula” of denunciation and resistance to bioethical conflicts. Considering that the attempt to act on the interests of the “nebula” persist, especially in the Brazilian State, the conclusion drawn is that the SBB and the entities of the Frente pela Vida must remain mobilized in social control, in the defense of the Unified Health System, democracy and human rights in the country.

Este estudo objetivou refletir sobre a persistência e a agudização da epidemia de HIV/Aids em Guiné-Bissau e a (im)possibilidade de o país cumprir as metas estabelecidas pelo Programa Conjunto das Nações Unidas sobre HIV/AIDS para o ano de 2025. Estudo do tipo reflexivo. A pobreza, a instabilidade político-econômica e a diversidade cultural são destacadas nas análises, geralmente, como principal e/ou fator exclusivo para a persistência da epidemia de HIV em Guiné-Bissau. Tal visão simplista e reducionista ignora (propositalmente) a política de gestão da morte nas escalas global e nacional. Assinala-se a urgência de uma postura crítica da mídia, de órgãos de advocacy e ativistas dos direitos humanos a um engajamento teórico-prático que busca não apenas desmantelar a visão de que os fatores socioeconômicos e culturais são o fulcro da epidemia de HIV, mas destacar o uso desse vírus como instrumento da necropolítica.

El objetivo de este estudio fue reflexionar sobre la persistencia y la agudización de la epidemia de VIH/Sida en Guinea-Bissau y la (im)posibilidad de que el país cumpla las metas establecidas por el Programa Conjunto de las Naciones Unidas sobre el VIH/Sida para el año 2025. Estudio del tipo reflexivo. La pobreza, la inestabilidad político-económica y la diversidad cultural se destacan en los análisis, por lo general, como el factor principal y/o exclusivo para la persistencia de la epidemia de VIH en Guinea-Bissau. Tal visión simplista y reduccionista ignora (a propósito) la política de gestión de la muerte en la escala global y nacional. Se señala la urgencia de una postura crítica de los medios, órganos de advocacy y activistas de los derechos humanos y un compromiso teórico-práctico que busca no solo desmantelar la visión de que los factores socioeconómicos y culturales son el punto de apoyo de la epidemia de VIH, sino subrayar el uso de este virus como instrumento de la necropolítica.

This study aimed to reflect on the persistence and worsening of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Guinea-Bissau and the (im)possibility of the country to meet the targets set by the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS for 2025. It is a reflective study. Poverty, political-economic instability and cultural diversity are generally highlighted as the main and/or exclusive factor for the persistence of the HIV epidemic in Guinea-Bissau. This simplistic and reductionist view (deliberately) ignores death management politics on a global and national scale. It highlights the urgency of critical stances of the media, advocacy bodies and human rights activists towards a theoretical-practical engagement that seeks not only to dismantle the view that socio-economic and cultural factors are at the heart of the HIV epidemic, but also to highlight the use of this virus as an instrument of necropolitics.

RESUMO Mulheres privadas de liberdade no Uruguai enfrentam um déficit de assistência em Saúde Sexual e Reprodutiva. O objetivo do estudo é melhorar o exercício dos Direitos Sexuais e Reprodutivos em mulheres privadas de liberdade, proporcionando acesso a serviços ginecológicos integrales dentro das prisões. Estudo descritivo retrospectivo. A população-alvo foram todas as mulheres privadas de liberdade nas prisões uruguaias. A intervenção consistiu em uma consulta clínica ginecológica integral, abordando aspectos de saúde sexual e reprodutiva com diagnóstico e tratamento. As consultas foram realizadas em prisões de Montevidéu e do interior. Realizou-se a consulta clínica a 513 mulheres privadas de liberdade (83% do total) em 800 horas de atendimento médico e 640 horas de gestão, com a participação de 52 profissionais médicos. Foram realizadas 401 colpocitologias oncológicas, 74 patológicas (18%). Foram realizados 108 Testes de Vírus do Papiloma Humano, com 16 positivos para Alto Risco oncogênico (14%). Foram realizadas 103 colposcopias, detectando 11 lesões escamosas de alto grau, sendo realizado tratamento cirúrgico. Em anticoncepção, realizaram-se ações específicas em 166 pacientes: 55 implantes subdérmicos; 27 Dispositivos Intrauterinos, 62 anticoncepcionais orais e 23 injetáveis. Para 61 mulheres foram fornecidos preservativos masculinos e femininos. Foi desenvolvida uma intervenção em saúde sexual e reprodutiva para 83% das mulheres privadas de liberdade no Uruguai, com foco especial na prevenção do câncer genitomamário e na contracepção. Esta iniciativa pode servir como um recurso para o desenvolvimento de políticas públicas voltadas para essa população.

ABSTRACT Incarcerated women in Uruguay face a healthcare deficit in Sexual and Reproductive Health. The study's objective is to improve the exercise of Sexual and Reproductive Rights for incarcerated women by providing access to comprehensive gynecological services within prisons. This is a descriptive retrospective study. The target population was all incarcerated women in Uruguayan prisons. The intervention consisted of a comprehensive gynecological clinical consultation, addressing aspects of sexual and reproductive health with diagnosis and treatment. Consultations were conducted in prisons in Montevideo and other regions. Clinical consultations were conducted for 513 incarcerated women (83% of the total) over 800 hours of medical attention and 640 hours of management, with the participation of 52 medical professionals. A total of 401 oncological colpocytologies were performed, 74 of which were pathological (18%). Additionally, 108 Human Papillomavirus (HPV) tests were conducted, with 16 testing positive for high oncogenic risk (14%). 103 colposcopies were performed, detecting 11 high-grade squamous lesions, which were subsequently treated surgically. Specific contraception actions were taken for 166 patients: 55 subdermal implants, 27 intrauterine devices, 62 oral contraceptives, and 23 injectable contraceptives. Male and female condoms were provided to 61 women. A sexual and reproductive health intervention was developed for 83% of incarcerated women in Uruguay, with a special focus on the prevention of genital and breast cancer and contraception. This initiative can serve as a resource for the development of public policies targeting this population.

RESUMEN En mujeres privadas de libertad de Uruguay existe un déficit asistencial en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva. El objetivo del estudio es mejorar el ejercicio de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos en mujeres privadas de libertad, brindando acceso a servicios ginecológicos integrales dentro de las cárceles. Estudio descriptivo retrospectivo, se incluyeron todas las mujeres privadas de libertad en cárceles uruguayas. La intervención consistió en una consulta clínica ginecológica integral, se abordaron aspectos de salud sexual y reproductiva con diagnóstico y tratamiento. Las consultas se realizaron en cárceles de Montevideo e interior. Se realizó la consulta clínica a 513 mujeres privadas de libertad (83% del total) en 800hs de atención médica y 640hs de gestión, con participación de 52 profesionales médicos. Se realizaron 401 colpocitologías oncológicas, 74 patológicas (18%). Se realizaron 108 Test Virus Papiloma Humano, 16 positivos para Alto Riesgo oncogénico (14%). Se realizaron 103 colposcopías y detectando 11 lesiones escamosas de alto grado, realizándose tratamiento quirúrgico. En anticoncepción se realizaron acciones específicas en 166 pacientes: 55 implantes subdérmicos; 27 Dispositivos Intrauterinos, 62 anticonceptivos orales y 23 inyectables. En 61 mujeres se brindaron preservativos masculinos y femeninos. Se desarrolló una intervención en salud sexual y reproductiva al 83% de las mujeres privadas de libertad de Uruguay con especial abordaje en prevención del cancer genitomamario y anticoncepción. Puede ser un insumo para el desarrollo de políticas públicas en esta población.

Resumo: As demandas estratégicas contra a participação pública (SLAPP, na sigla em inglês) são um fenômeno recente que tem como objetivo o assédio e a censura de ativistas de direitos humanos, juntamente com jornalistas, meios de comunicação independentes, denunciantes de corrupção, bem como outras pessoas envolvidas na sociedade civil e em questões de interesse público. Seu uso motivou a adoção de instrumentos nacionais de proteção em várias partes do mundo. De forma inovadora, a recente Diretiva Europeia n.º 1069/2024 é o primeiro marco normativo internacional. Em 2021, a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, pela primeira vez em sua história, fez referência ao conceito SLAPP na decisão do caso Palacio Urrutia e outros vs. Equador. O aumento das demandas estratégicas e os altos índices de assédio judicial demandam uma nova abordagem em busca de estabelecer novos padrões regionais de proteção e garantir a coerência dos deveres estatais

Abstract: Strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPP) are a recent phenomenon aimed at harassing and censoring human rights activists, as well as journalists, independent media outlets, whistleblowers, and other individuals engaged in civil society and matters of public interest. Their use has prompted the adoption of national protection mechanisms in various parts of the world. Notably, the recent European Directive No. 1069/2024 represents the first international regulatory framework. In 2021, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights referenced the concept of SLAPP for the first time in its history in the ruling of the case Palacio Urrutia et al. v. Ecuador. The rise in strategic lawsuits and high levels of judicial harassment call for a fresh approach, aimed at establishing new regional protection standards and ensuring the consistency of state obligations

Resumen: Las demandas estratégicas contra la participación pública (SLAPP, por sus siglas en inglés) son un fenómeno reciente que tiene como objetivo el acoso y censura de activistas de derechos humanos, junto con periodistas, medios de comunicación independientes, alertadores de corrupción, así como otras personas implicadas en la sociedad civil y en temáticas de interés público. Su utilización ha motivado la adopción de instrumentos nacionales de protección en otras partes del mundo. Novedosamente, la reciente Directiva 2024/1069 es el primer marco normativo internacional. En 2021, la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos por primera vez en su historia hizo referencia al concepto SLAPP en el fallo del caso Palacio Urrutia y otros vs. Ecuador. El incremento de demandas estratégicas y los altos índices de hostigamiento judicial ameritan un nuevo enfoque en busca del establecimiento de nuevos estándares regionales de protección y de asegurar la coherencia de los deberes estatales

Scientific and technological innovations have increasingly enabled humans to overcome biological limitations. Assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs), for instance, offer persons facing medical or social barriers to parenthood the opportunity to realise their dream of building a family. However, in many African Anglophone countries, persons who are socially infertile-gay and single persons-are legally excluded from accessing ARTs to build their families. Relying on reproductive rights to argue against these inhibitive legal provisions may offer some hope, but reproductive rights are often narrowly interpreted to apply only to natural reproduction, excluding ARTs. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the possibility of relying on the right to benefit from scientific progress as a basis for challenging the inhibitive legal provisions. The right to benefit from scientific progress seems promising, as it is widely recognised in international human rights instruments and clearly encompasses ARTs as a scientific advancement. The right could therefore be essential in expanding access to ARTs for socially infertile persons in Africa.

Chapter 19 of the Children's Act No. 32 of 2005 regulates the practice of surrogate motherhood in South Africa and provides legal certainty regarding the rights of the children born as a result of surrogacy, including the rights of the different parties involved. Despite the clarity regarding the legal consequences of human reproduction by artificial fertilisation of women acting as surrogate mothers, some legal gaps and inconsistencies regarding certain medical and ethico-legal issues remain. The purpose of this article is to critically examine selected provisions whose implementation is hampered by a lack of detail or clarity, compromising compliance by the different parties to the surrogate motherhood agreement. The article concludes with recommendations on how some of these issues may be addressed to provide for legal certainty and transparency.

This study analyzes the experiences of urban refugee communities, more specifically, the challenges young South Sudanese refugees living in Kenya face. We divert from the comprehensive examination of refugees in camps to focus on urban youth amid Kenya's refugee policy changes and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. With the support of South Sudanese community leaders, our study engaged 58 participants - 42 males and 16 females. Participants engaged in semi-structured discussions about food security and other daily challenges related to their urban refugee experience. This study draws on postcolonial feminist theory to contextualize the gender-specific dimensions of food insecurity, centering analysis on discussing historical power structures, migration patterns, urbanism theory, and geopolitical influences contributing to the experiences of South Sudanese urban refugee youth in Kenya. Study participants, irrespective of location, encountered corruption, limiting policies, and conflicting identity formation, with women specifically highlighting self-identity, dignity, and family as critical to supporting their resilience. Participants emphasized the impact of COVID-19 on community cohesion, particularly in shared meals. However, their agency was hindered by movement restrictions, invisible fences, or barriers exacerbated by unequal support and aid distribution. The research advocates for the formulation of clear African contextualized urban-based policies and migration systems that prioritize the needs of urban refugees, safeguarding their rights and upholding human dignity. Collaborative engagement with all stakeholders within local communities, especially refugee youth, is necessary to develop effective urban policies that promote stability, economic advancement, and social integration.