Resumen Introducción: La informalidad laboral y la formalización del empleo han sido ya ampliamente discutidas. Sin embargo, el problema sigue vigente en las agendas públicas y de gobierno tanto a nivel nacional como subnacional. Objetivo: El objetivo es evaluar el diseño de los instrumentos de política pública que ha implementado el gobierno estatal (2015-2021) para la formalización del empleo en Nuevo León. La población objetivo de los instrumentos son las Micro, Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Mipymes) del estado de Nuevo León. Método y técnica: En una primera instancia, se llevó a cabo una investigación documental y de fuentes secundarias. Posteriormente, se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas con funcionarios a cargo de los instrumentos de política pública para la formalización del empleo. Se entrevistó al Director de Apoyo y Fomento a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador del Centro de Atención a Pequeñas y Medianas empresas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la titular de la Comisión Estatal de Mejora Regulatoria del Estado de Nuevo León; al Coordinador de Promoción y Vinculación del Programa Impulsa Nuevo León de la Secretaría de Economía del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; a la Directora de Planeación y Políticas Públicas del Gobierno del Estado de Nuevo León; y al Director de la Comisión de Desarrollo Económico del Consejo Nuevo León. Para sistematizar las opiniones de los entrevistados se utilizó el programa de computadora ATLAS.ti y en su análisis se crearon las categorías que se presentan en la Tabla 2. Finalmente, se contrastó la ideología de los actores involucrados con tres preceptos clave del neoliberalismo que se identificaron. Resultados: 1. El Gobierno de Nuevo León no cuenta con información sobre el número de empleos que generan las empresas que reciben los apoyos. 2. La planeación de los instrumentos de política pública se lleva a cabo, principalmente, por el sector privado. 3. Las cámaras empresariales de las Pequeñas y Medianas empresas (Pymes) son las que se encuentran principalmente involucradas. 4. Los apoyos se otorgan a partir de que las empresas acuden al gobierno a solicitarlos y no hay investigación y desarrollo. 5. Los apoyos se concentran principalmente en las Mipymes formales, pero no se cuenta con un padrón actualizado. 6. El seguimiento y monitoreo se realiza en la medida que las empresas continúan asistiendo a las oficinas del gobierno de Nuevo León. Conclusiones: Se concluye que se requiere rediseñar los instrumentos de política pública bajo el liderazgo del gobierno estatal y vincular, concretamente, a la población objetivo de los programas con las formas de intervención estatal.

Abstract Introduction: Labor informality and the formalization of employment have already been widely discussed. However, the problem remains on the public and government agendas at both the national and subnational levels. Objective: The objective is to assess the design of the public policy instruments that the government of Nuevo León has implemented (2015-2021) for the formalization of employment. The target population of the instruments are the Micro, Small and Medium enterprises of the state of Nuevo León. Method and technique: Firstly, a documentary research in secondary sources was carried out. Subsequently, semi-structured interviews were conducted with officials in charge of the public policy instruments for the formalization of employment. The people interviewed were: the Director of Support and Development for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator of the Service Center for Small and Medium Enterprises of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the head of the State Commission for Regulatory Improvement of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; the Coordinator for the Promotion of the Impulsa Nuevo León Program; the Director of Planning and Public Policies of the Government of the State of Nuevo León; and the Director of the Economic Development Commission of the Nuevo León Council. To systematize the opinions of the interviewees, the ATLAS.ti computer program was used and the categories created are presented in Table 2. Finally, the ideology of the actors involved was contrasted with three key precepts of neoliberalism that were identified. Results: 1. The Government of Nuevo León does not have information about the number of jobs generated by the companies that receive government financial support. 2. The planning of public policy instruments is carried out, mainly, by the private sector. 3. The business chambers of Small and Medium Enterprises are the ones that are mainly involved. 4. Financial support is granted after companies go to the government to request it and there is no research and development. 5. Financial support is mainly concentrated in the formal Micro, Small and Medium-sized enterprises, but there is no updated registry. 6. Monitoring is carried out as long as the companies continue to attend to the offices of the government of Nuevo León. Conclusions: It is concluded that it is necessary to redesign the public policy instruments under the leadership of the government of Nuevo León and to link, specifically, the target population of the programs with the forms of state intervention.

Globally, climate change is a major challenge facing farmers. This phenomenon threatens the sustainability of smallholder farmers in rural communities who depend solely on agriculture. Farmers are known to take suitable steps to adapt when they observe change and adjust their farming practices to cope with climate change. However, livestock farmers' response to climate change is very low due to insufficient scientific and context-based evidence. Hence, this paper sought to investigate the determinants of livestock small-scale farmers' choices and adaptive strategies in response to the effects of climate change in Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality. The study used a cross-sectional research design to collect data from 220 livestock farmers using a semi-structured questionnaire. The study used multinomial logistic regression to analyse the data. Empirical results reveal that access to weather forecasts and extension services, farmers' perception of climate change, level of education, age of the household head, distance to input markets, member of farm organisation, income from livestock sales, and livestock holding affect livestock farming decision for climate change adaptation. Therefore, the study recommends that the government improve farmers' access to accurate and timely agro-meteorological forecasts, capacity building, and technical support for income diversification through improved provision of agricultural extension services.

Resumen Esta contribución explora cinco aspectos de la autocracia, enfocados en el jefe del Poder Ejecutivo del Gobierno ecuatoriano: poder militar, respeto a la libertad de reunión pacífica, robustez de la sociedad civil, confianza en el presidente y vínculos con los medios de comunicación entre 2017 y 2022. Desde la metodología, este estudio explora el procedimiento de congruencia tipo 2, propuesto por Van Evera, a la trayectoria histórica del poder estatal desde 1963 y la información alojada en las bases de datos Varieties of Democracy y Latinobarómetro. Los resultados evidencian que la autocracia funciona de manera independiente a la ideología del Gobierno de turno y que el rol tutelar de la democracia ya no recae en el poder militar, sino en las élites económicas y mediáticas que configuraron el poder nacional. Pese a que las protestas sociales de octubre de 2019 y junio de 2022 reflejan que la organización, estructuras y aliados del movimiento indígena son reactivos a estos escenarios políticos, la represión a la sociedad civil es y sigue siendo un indicador de autocracia en el país.

Abstract This paper explores five autocracy aspects in the Ecuadorian Head of the Executive (2017-2022): military power, complying with freedom of assembly, the strength of civil society, confidence in the president, and links with the media. From a methodology point of view and information found in the Varieties of Democracy and Latinobarómetro databases, this study explores the type 2 congruence procedure proposed by Van Evera and the historical trajectory of state power since 1963. The results show that the autocracy works independently of the ideology of the government in office and that the military power no longer holds a custodial role of democracy but instead the economic and media elites who shaped the national power. Even though the social protests in October 2019 and June 2022 reflect that the indigenous movement's organization, structures, and allies react to these political scenarios, repression of civil society is and remains an indicator of autocracy in the country.

Resumo Com este artigo propõe-se elaborar sobre a relação existente entre o discurso político e a competição política, e dissertar sobre a competição político-partidária em Portugal nos primeiros meses de Rui Rio à frente do principal partido na oposição, o Partido Social Democrata. Pretende-se alcançar o segundo objetivo referido a partir da análise da interação discursiva, publicada em jornais, entre o chefe do XXI Governo Constitucional de Portugal e o líder do principal partido na oposição. Na primeira parte, é apresentada uma elaboração teórica sobre os vários conceitos implicados na relação estudada; de seguida, são expostos os procedimentos e resultados do estudo empírico levado a cabo. Argumenta-se que, pela natureza comunicacional da política, o discurso político pode ser um indicador do nível da competição político-partidária. Chegou-se à conclusão de que, no período analisado, houve um elevado nível de convergência no discurso, entre os líderes dos partidos estudados, o que aponta para a existência de um fraco nível de competição política em Portugal.

Abstract This article proposes to elaborate on the relationship between political discourse and political competition, and lecture on the political-party competition in Portugal in the first months of Rui Rio ahead of the main opposition party, PSD. We intend to achieve the second objective already mentioned through the analysis of the discursive interaction between the head of the Portuguese XXI Constitutional Government and the leader of the main opposition party, seen through published newspapers articles. In the first part, a theoretical elaboration is presented on the various concepts involved in the relationship studied; in the following section are exposed the procedures and results of the empirical study carried out. It is argued that, due to the communicational nature of politics, political discourse can be an indicator of the level of political-party competition. It was concluded that, in the period analysed, there was a high level of convergence in the discourse, among the leaders of the parties studied, which points to the existence of a weak level of political competition in Portugal.

ABSTRACT The alternative indictment is regulated in the current Peruvian Criminal Procedural Code of 2004 as part of the discretionary and inherent powers of the Government Attorney General’s Office as the operator of the criminal action and head of the investigation. Its use has increased in complex and hypercomplex criminal proceedings, in which the representative of the Government Attorney General’s Office applies more than one charge for the fact being prosecuted, creating issues in its use and application, both for the Government Attorney General’s Office and for the defense. In this sense, this research will analyze and delve into the nature and purposes of alternative indictment, the infringement or not of the rights of the defendant when using this option, its use in personal preliminary injunctions, among other aspects.

RESUMEN La acusación alternativa se encuentra regulada en el actual Código Procesal Penal peruano de 2004 como parte de las facultades discrecionales e inherentes del Ministerio Público como titular de la acción penal y director de la investigación. Su uso se ha acrecentado en los procesos penales complejos e hipercomplejos, en los cuales el representante del Ministerio Público postula más de una calificación penal para el hecho objeto del proceso, generando controversias en su utilización y su aplicación, tanto para el Ministerio Público como para la defensa. En ese sentido, el presente artículo de investigación analizará y profundizará sobre la naturaleza y los fines de la acusación alternativa, sobre la vulneración o no de los derechos del imputado ante la utilización de esta figura, su empleo en las medidas cautelares personales, entre otros aspectos más.

RESUMO A acusação alternativa está regulamentada no atual Código de Processo Penal peruano de 2004 como parte dos poderes discricionários e inerentes do Ministério Público como titular da ação penal e diretor da investigação criminal. A sua utilização aumentou nos processoscrimes complexos e hiper complexos, nos que o representante do Ministério Público pede mais de uma qualificação criminal para o fato que é objeto do processo, gerando controversas na sua utilização e aplicação, tanto para o Ministério Público quanto para a defesa. Nesse sentido, o presente artigo de investigação analisará e aprofundará a natureza e a finalidade da acusação alternativa, sobre a vulneração o não dos direitos do indiciado perante o uso desta figura, sua utilização em medidas cautelares pessoais, entre outros aspectos mais.

Ondofolo is the highest customary leader in the order of the indigenous people of the Sentani tribe, Papua province, which is still in effect today. Ondofolo leadership is highly respected by the local community. This research was conducted to determine its leadership from a Christian perspective, using a qualitative exploratory approach. Data collection was carried out through participatory observation, interviews with Ondofolo and the head of the village customary court, and literature review. The research location was determined purposively in the Sentani customary area, data were analysed using triangulation. Ondofolo has values that are relevant from a Christian perspective, namely living righteously, full of wisdom and reason, and being able to manage his society, and having special attention that is carried out every day for his people. He is the highest leader among indigenous people, in his leadership always holding on to the Creator (God). Ondofolo's leadership can be used as an alternative leadership model based on local wisdom that can be used both in society, government and even in the church, because it contains leadership values and relies heavily on God while leading. INTRADISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS: This study contributes interdisciplinary aspects of contextual theology to Ondofolo's leadership to give new meaning to that leadership from a Christian perspective. The results are useful in forming the basis of leadership for the people of Sentani, Papua and is used as an alternative model of leadership based on local wisdom in Indonesia

The Confessio Belgica or Dutch Confession of Faith from 1561, one of the Three Formulas of Unity in the Dutch Reformed tradition, confesses in article 30 that the government of the church, as an institution of the Christian faith, should be spiritual and conducted by chosen consistories. These consistories should consist of ministers, elders and deacons. The norm or constant of three offices was excepted by churches in this tradition, but more recently it's necessity and efficiency became questioned in some of these circles. Historically the three offices served the Reformed churches well. The acceptance of the three offices is based on the Confessio Belgica as a confession, but also on the biblical principle that Christ is the head of the church and its highest Prophet, eternal King and only Priest. The church grows spiritually out of Christ and his Spirit as their head. In this process, the church also uses the offices of minister, elder and deacon as instruments. These offices correspond with the offices of Christ as their Prophet, King and Priest. A study of the Confessio Belgica article 30 leads to the belief that it does not exclude changes in the task of the three offices nor opposes the addition of extra offices or the help of additional functionaries. CONTRIBUTION: This article contributes theologically to the debate in the Dutch [Netherlands] Reformed churches on the offices in church. It tries to clarify all the thinking regarding the impact of the reformed Three Formulas of Unity, and especially the Dutch Confession of Faith article 30 on the work or service of the church and norms or principles to achieve an acceptable functioning of the offices in church. The solution aims at stability and new initiatives on the offices in church

Abstract: This study investigates the legal instruments to enforce the responsibility of government officials for economic and financial management, using logical-deductive methodology, essentially in view of the Constitution of Brazil and Portugal, with bibliographical and jurisprudential research. The questions that prompted the investigation were: is the responsibility of government officials for economic and financial management a new legal-constitutional category, is it a manifestation of political responsibility or is it a kind of legal responsibility? Based on the theory of political responsibility and on the principle of sustainability, it was proved that bad management can be verified in different types of responsibility: institutional political responsibility of the Government (parliamentary) before the Parliament, with a motion of censure; political responsibility of the Government (parliamentary) or the head of the Executive (presidential) to the Parliament on account of the General Budget; political responsibility (weak instruments) with calls by ministers for clarification in Parliament; financial responsibility before the Court of Accounts; and verification by “crime of responsibility” (in Portugal it is criminal, whereas in Brazil there is a political judgment by the Senate - impeachment process).

Resumo: Este estudo investiga os instrumentos jurídicos para se efetivar a responsabilidade dos governantes pela gestão econômico-financeira, utilizando metodologia lógico-dedutiva, essencialmente em face da Constituição do Brasil e de Portugal, com pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial. As questões que moveram a investigação foram: a responsabilidade dos governantes pela gestão econômico-financeira é uma nova categoria jurídico-constitucional, é uma manifestação da responsabilidade política ou é uma espécie da responsabilidade jurídica? Com supedâneo na teoria da responsabilidade política e no princípio da sustentabilidade, evidenciou-se que a má gestão poderá ser apurada em diversas modalidades de responsabilidade: responsabilidade política institucional do Governo (parlamentarismo) perante o Parlamento, com moção de censura; responsabilidade política do Governo (parlamentarismo) ou do chefe do Executivo (presidencialismo) perante o Parlamento em razão do Orçamento Geral; responsabilidade política (instrumentos fracos) com convocações de ministros para esclarecimentos no Parlamento; responsabilidade financeira perante o Tribunal de Contas; e apuração por “crime de responsabilidade” (em Portugal tem natureza criminal, ao passo que no Brasil ocorre julgamento político pelo Senado - processo de impeachment).

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza la naturaleza jurídica, política e histórica del plebiscito y su relación con los derechos fundamentales. El estudio tiene un enfoque comparativo, de reflexión teórica, conceptual y crítica sobre el plebiscito como mecanismo de legitimación del poder político y, en el ámbito local, sobre su conexión con la búsqueda de la paz. Y concluye que la comparación entre los plebiscitos de 1957 y de 2016 es útil para mostrar, de una parte, que en Colombia se han revelado también los rasgos característicos de este mecanismo en la historia universal del siglo XX. Esto es, a pesar de su fundamento en la democracia directa, debido al empleo que se le puede dar para manipular la voluntad popular, el plebiscito puede resultar útil a sistemas bonapartistas u orleanistas y presidencialistas, así como a intereses contrarios al republicanismo y a teorías del derecho democráticas como las de Luigi Ferrajoli. De otra parte, en este país, con el señuelo del fin de la violencia como trasfondo en ambos casos, mientras en 1957 el plebiscito fue todo un éxito para sus organizadores (partidos políticos tradicionales y junta militar) quienes lograron una aprobación popular contundente (con amplia participación) del sistema político excluyente denominado Frente Nacional, uno de los factores decisivos del conflicto armado en el siglo pasado; en 2016, el auténtico conductor del plebiscito fue el entonces senador Álvaro Uribe, expresidente y jefe de la oposición al gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos, promotor de la paz. Uribe obtuvo así, con un débil triunfo del No a los "Acuerdos de La Habana" y una abstención de más del 60%, una victoria manifiesta de su política autoritaria y guerrista, planteamiento clave de la campaña electoral que llevaría a su partido político al triunfo en las elecciones presidenciales de 2018 y al estancamiento consecuente de los objetivos de paz.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the legal, political and historical nature of the plebiscite and its relationship with fundamental rights. The study has a comparative approach, of theoretical, conceptual and critical reflection on the plebiscite as a mechanism for legitimizing political power and, at the local level, on its connection with the search for peace. And he concludes that the comparison between the plebiscites of 1957 and 2016 is useful to show, on the one hand, that in Colombia the characteristic features of this mechanism in the universal history of the 20th century have also been revealed. That is, despite its foundation in direct democracy, due to the use that can be given to manipulate the popular will, the plebiscite can be useful for Bonapartist or Orléanist and presidential systems, as well as for interests contrary to republicanism and theories of democratic rights like those of Luigi Ferrajoli. On the other hand, in this country, with the lure of the end of violence as a background in both cases, while in 1957 the plebiscite was a complete success for its organizers (traditional political parties and military junta) who achieved overwhelming popular approval (with wide participation) of the exclusive political system called the National Front and one of the decisive factors of the armed conflict in the last century; In 2016, the real leader of the plebiscite was the then senator Álvaro Uribe, former president and head of the opposition to the government of Juan Manuel Santos, promoter of peace. Uribe thus obtained, with a weak victory of the No to the «Havana Agreements* and an abstention rate of more than 60%, a clear victory for his authoritarian and warmongering policy, a key approach to the electoral campaign that would lead his political party to the victory in the 2018 presidential elections and the consequent stagnation of peace objectives.

Resumen El trabajo analiza el rol que, a lo largo de la década revolucionaria, asumieron varios ayuntamientos del Río de la Plata al frente del gobierno político bajo la denominación de cabildo gobernador. Tal facultad tenía raíces en el período indiano, pues devenía directamente de la que habían gozado los cabildos coloniales por ausencia de la autoridad real. Nos preguntamos acerca de las circunstancias y particularidades que rodearon su utilización a partir de mayo de 1810 y de los límites y alcances de su influencia en el proceso de apropiación que las ciudades hicieron de la disponibilidad del espacio provincial hasta el año 1820. En respuesta a estos interrogantes, y con el objetivo de evaluar su relevancia en el proceso de configuración de las provincias argentinas, reconstruimos sus antecedentes coloniales y analizamos diversas experiencias en torno a su implementación.

Abstract The paper analyzes the role that, throughout the revolutionary decade, various town halls of the Río de la Plata assumed at the head of the political government, under the name of cabildogobernador. Such faculty had roots in the colonial period, as it derived directly from what the colonial town councils had enjoyed in case of the absence of royal authority. We wonder about the circumstances and particularities that surrounded its use from May 1810 and the limits and scope of its influence in the appropriation process that the cities made of the availability of provincial space until 1820. In response to these questions, and with the objective of evaluating its relevance in the configuration process of the Argentine provinces, we reconstruct its colonial antecedents and analyze various experiences around its implementation.

Abstract The years of Fray Miguel García Serrano’s government at the head of the archbishopric of Manila (1620-1629) were arduous and difficult, having to face internal challenges, such as the promotion of the prebendaries and the succession in vacant sees, and external ones, mainly the visitations of the doctrinas or parishes, the question of the “alternative system” and the jurisdictional conflicts with the Royal Audiencia. It was not easy, despite the support of Governor Alonso Fajardo de Tenza (1618-24) and the fathers of the Society of Jesus. In this essay, I tackle the archbishop’s tenure from political and ecclesiastical microhistory, based primarily on primary sources and archival documents. The results show the complex nature of Church-State relations and the jurisdictional conflicts between colonial institutions in the Philippines in the 17th century.

Resumen Los años de gobierno de fray Miguel García Serrano al frente del arzobispado de Manila (1620-1629) fueron arduos y difíciles, teniendo que afrontar desafíos internos, como la promoción de los prebendados y la sucesión en sedes vacantes, y externos, principalmente las visitas a las doctrinas o parroquias, la cuestión del “breve de la alternativa” y los conflictos jurisdiccionales con la Real Audiencia. No le fue nada fácil, a pesar de contar con el apoyo del gobernador Alonso Fajardo de Tenza (1618-1624) y de los padres de la Compañía de Jesús. En este ensayo analizo su labor de gobierno, a partir del estudio de la microhistoria política y eclesiástica, basado fundamentalmente en fuentes primarias y documentos de archivo. Los resultados muestran la compleja naturaleza de las relaciones Iglesia-Estado y los conflictos jurisdiccionales existentes entre las instituciones coloniales, en Filipinas en el siglo XVII.

RESUMEN El artículo centra la atención en las prácticas comunicacionales de gobierno que se dieron en los ministerios de Educación, Salud y Desarrollo Social durante las presidencias de Cristina Fernández (2011-2015) y Mauricio Macri (2015-2019) en Argentina. En este marco, se reflexiona sobre el rol profesional de los comunicadores gubernamentales encargados de la tarea y se analiza el lugar del área de prensa y comunicación en la arquitectura institucional de los ministerios nacionales. En tal sentido, se observa que durante el gobierno kirchnerista el protagonismo estuvo en los equipos de comunicación ministeriales, mientras que en la gestión de la alianza Cambiemos las decisiones recayeron sobre la Jefatura de gobierno y Presidencia de la Nación. Por otra parte, se observa que la diversificación y especialización del área es un rasgo característico de ambas administraciones, lo cual permitió que la comunicación ganara centralidad desde el punto de vista directivo y de gestión, aunque la consideración de los profesionales siguió ocupando, a nivel operativo, un lugar tradicional o secundario.

ABSTRACT The article focuses on the government communication practices that occurred in the Ministries of Education, Health and Social Development during the presidencies of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2011-2015) and Mauricio Macri (2015-2019) in Argentina. In this framework, we reflect on the professional role of government communicators in charge of the task and analyze the place of the press and communication area in the institutional architecture of national ministries. In this sense, it is observed that during the Kirchner government the leadership was in the ministerial communication teams, while in the management of the Cambiemos alliance the decisions fell on the Head of Government and the Presidency of the Nation. On the other hand, it is observed that the diversification and specialization of the area is a characteristic feature of both administrations, which allowed communication to gain centrality from the directive and management point of view, although the consideration of professionals continued to occupy, at the operational level, a traditional or secondary place.

RESUMO O artigo foca nas práticas comunicacionais do governo que ocorreram nos Ministérios da Educação, Saúde e Desenvolvimento Social durante as presidências de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2011-2015) e Mauricio Macri (2015-2019) na Argentina. Nesse quadro, refletimos sobre o papel profissional dos comunicadores governamentais responsáveis pela tarefa e analisamos o lugar da área de imprensa e comunicação na arquitetura institucional dos ministérios nacionais. Nesse sentido, observa-se que durante o governo Kirchner o protagonismo esteve nas equipes de comunicação ministeriais, enquanto na gestão da aliança Cambiemos as decisões recaíram sobre o Chefe de Governo e a Presidência da Nação. Por outro lado, observa-se que a diversificação e especialização da área é um traço característico de ambas as administrações, o que permitiu que a comunicação ganhasse centralidade do ponto de vista diretivo e de gestão, embora a consideração dos profissionais continuasse ocupando, no operacional, um lugar tradicional ou secundário.

Resumen Introducción Este estudio aporta, desde una perspectiva administrativista, al conocimiento sobre de uno de los grupos sociales primarios de la realidad nacional, las Asociaciones de Desarrollo Comunal, traídas a la vida como dinamizadoras del desarrollo en los órdenes que más requieran las comunidades (educación, salud, empleo, etc.). Objetivo Analizar el espectro de los proyectos gestados por las Asociaciones de Desarrollo Comunal conforme los canales monetarios dispuestos por la normativa y la Hacienda Pública costarricense. Método El abordaje metodológico se ubica como fenomenológico-administrativista, aplicándose las técnicas de análisis documental a fuentes primarias y la entrevista estructurada a la Jefa del Departamento de Financiamiento Comunitario de DINADECO. Resultados El movimiento comunal resulta una fuerza social que emplea recursos provenientes del Presupuesto Nacional de la República, esto con el fin de llevar a cabo propuestas que mitiguen o erradiquen las causas del subdesarrollo desde su base primigenia. Esos recursos dimanan del Impuesto sobre la Renta, siendo esta la herramienta económica principal para lograr los cometidos de cada Asociación de Desarrollo. Conclusiones Si bien es palpable el apoyo gubernativo al comunalismo al mantener su principal fuente económica dispuesta en la Ley sobre Desarrollo de la Comunidad 3859, se denota que las propuestas sujetas a ese apoyo no son producto de un análisis más profuso, que sopesen también los posibles impactos socioeconómicos una vez puestas en operación las mismas.

Abstract Introduction This research adds, from an administrative perspective, to knowledge about one of primary social groups of national reality, Community Development Associations, brought to life as promoters of development in any orders required by the communities (education, health, sources of employment, etc.). Goal Analyze spectrum about projects developed by Community Development Associations according to monetary channels provided by regulations and Costa Rican Public Treasury. Methodology The methodological approach is located as phenomenological-administrative, applying the techniques of documentary analysis to primary sources and structured interview to the Head of Department of Community Financing at DINADECO. Results Communal movement results in a social force that uses resources from public budget to carry out proposals that mitigate or eradicate the underdevelopment causes from its original base. These resources come from the income, being the main economic tools to achieve tasks for every Community Development Association. Conclusions Although government support for communalism is palpable by maintaining its main economic source provided in the Community Development Law 3859, it is noted that the proposals subject to this support are not product of a more profuse analysis, also weighing possible socioeconomic impacts once they are put into operation.

Abstract This article analyzes the patterns of change and stability of partisanship in Mexico City during the 2012 and 2018 Head of Government elections. Based on the information collected in exit polls conducted with voters, it focuses on four phenomena related to party identification in Mexico City over a period of six years: first, the stability of partisanship at the aggregate level from 2012 to 2018; second, the electoral realignment that resulted in the emergence and consolidation of party identification with the National Regeneration Movement (Morena); third, a strengthening of the partisan vote, as reflected in the weakening of the crossover voting and split-ticket voting from one election to the other, which indicates that party identification was an important predictor of the vote in the election of Head of Government in Mexico City in 2018; lastly -based on a multivariate analysis that allowed for broadly explaining the determinants of partisanship-, it was possible to establish that the most significant characteristics associated with the PRD are now constitutive of political identification with Morena, indicating that a model for the formation of party identities survives, which is hereby referred to as rational partisanship.

Resumen En este artículo se analizan los patrones de cambio y estabilidad del partidismo en la Ciudad de México en las elecciones para Jefe de Gobierno de 2012 y de 2018. A partir de la información recopilada en encuestas de salida realizadas a los votantes, el análisis se enfoca en cuatro fenómenos relacionados con la identidad partidista en la Ciudad de México en un periodo de seis años: primero, la estabilidad del partidismo a nivel agregado de 2012 a 2018; segundo, el realineamiento electoral que se tradujo en la emergencia y consolidación de la identificación partidista con el Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (Morena); tercero, un fortalecimiento del voto partidista, tal y como lo refleja el debilitamiento del voto cruzado y del voto dividido de una elección a otra, lo cual indica que la identificación partidista se constituyó en un importante predictor del voto en la elección de Jefe de Gobierno en la Ciudad de México en 2018; finalmente -con base en un análisis multivariado que permitió explicar en lo general los determinantes del partidismo- se pudo establecer que las características más significativas asociadas con el perredismo son ahora constitutivas de la identificación política con Morena, lo cual señala que pervive un modelo de formación de las identidades partidistas que en este trabajo denominamos partidismo racional.

Abstract The Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) systems of public programs at the local and central level in the Mexican government operate within centralized, decentralized, or autonomous agencies. For this reason, the aim of this paper is to examine whether the level of autonomy or governmental control of autonomous evaluation agencies (OCA) known as Inevap, Evalúa CDMX y Coneval, through a descriptive analysis and multidimensional view of managerial, policy, structural, financial, legal, and interventional autonomy. The analysis concludes that none of these agencies are recognized as autonomous. It also discusses the lack of accountability, performance evaluations, citizen participation, legitimacy and appointment of agency head and board members of these OCA, the relevance to evaluate the Legislative and Judicial branches, another autonomous agency, and municipalities, as well as to compare autonomy versus independence of these M&E systems. Finally, while the creation of autonomous agencies aims to performance highly specialized and technical functions such as evaluation policy, which is the exclusive competence of the State, the mere existence of M&E systems within the Executive branch is contradictory to the State’s constitutional system and the design of “autonomous” evaluation agencies.

Resumen Los sistemas de monitoreo y evaluación (M&E) de programas públicos en los gobiernos locales y central de México operan desde entes centralizados, descentralizados o autónomos. Por ello, el propósito de este estudio es examinar el nivel de autonomía o control gubernamental de los tres órganos constitucionales autónomos (OCA) de evaluación conocidos como Inevap, Evalúa CDMX y Coneval, mediante un análisis descriptivo y una visión multidimensional de la autonomía gerencial, adopción de políticas, estructural, financiera, legal e intervencionista. Derivado del análisis, se concluye que ninguno cumple el nivel máximo, y aunque tienen rasgos de relevancia constitucional, no son reconocidos como OCA. También se discute la falta de rendición de cuentas, evaluaciones de desempeño, participación social, legitimidad y democratización de los procesos de designación de titulares y consejera(o)s de los OCA, la importancia de evaluar los poderes Judicial y Legislativo, otros OCA y municipios, y se compara la autonomía versus independencia de estos sistemas M&E. Finalmente, si la creación de los OCA tiene como objetivo desempeñar funciones altamente especializadas y técnicas como la política de evaluación, que son exclusivas del Estado, la existencia de sistemas M&E dentro de los poderes tradicionales como el Ejecutivo es una contradicción para el sistema constitucional y el diseño institucional de los órganos “autónomos” de evaluación.