Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a persistente demanda do Uruguai para tornar mais flexível a regra do Mercosul de negociar acordos comerciais preferenciais (ACPs) com terceiros países em conjunto, com vistas a identificar: (1) os fatores que impulsionaram esta proposta; e (2) os limites que ela encontrou. O principal argumento proposto é que além das conjunturas políticas, tanto os impulsos quanto os limites respondem a combinações de fatores econômicos e políticos que são bastante estruturais. Portanto, na ausência de mudanças nas posições de seus parceiros no bloco, que o Uruguai certamente não controla, há uma tendência para o statu quo. Para sustentar o argumento, em nível empírico, analisamos primeiramente a evolução histórica do Mercosul e suas relações externas. Em segundo lugar, analisamos a situação atual, marcada pelos esforços do governo uruguaio para assinar um ACP bilateral com seu principal parceiro comercial, a China. Resumo ACPs (ACPs conjunto identificar 1 (1 proposta 2 (2 encontrou políticas estruturais Portanto bloco controla quo empírico externas lugar atual comercial China (

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze Uruguay's persistent demand to make Mercosur's rule of negotiating preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with third countries jointly more flexible, with a view to identifying: (1) the factors that have driven this proposal; and (2) the limits it has encountered. The main argument proposed is that beyond political conjunctures, both the impulses and the limits respond to combinations of economic and political factors that are rather structural. Therefore, in the absence of changes in the positions of its partners in the bloc, which Uruguay certainly does not control, there is a tendency towards the statu quo. In order to support the argument, at the empirical level, we first analyze the historical evolution of Mercosur and its external relations. Secondly, we delve into the current situation, marked by the Uruguayan government's efforts to sign a bilateral PTA with its main trading partner, China. Abstract Uruguays s Mercosurs PTAs (PTAs flexible identifying 1 (1 proposal 2 (2 encountered conjunctures structural Therefore bloc control quo level relations Secondly situation governments government partner China (

Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el persistente reclamo de Uruguay de flexibilizar la disposición de Mercosur para negociar acuerdos de comercio preferencial (ACP) con terceros países de forma conjunta, con miras a identificar: (1) los factores que han impulsado este planteo; y (2) los límites que ha encontrado. El argumento principal propuesto es que más allá de las coyunturas políticas, tanto los impulsos como los límites responden a combinaciones de factores económicos y políticos más bien estructurales. Por ende, en ausencia de cambios en las posiciones de sus socios del bloque, que por cierto Uruguay no controla, se constata una tendencia hacia el statu quo. Para sostener el argumento, a nivel empírico se analiza en primer lugar la evolución histórica de Mercosur y sus relaciones externas. Y, en segundo lugar, se profundiza en la coyuntura actual, signada por los esfuerzos del gobierno uruguayo de firmar un ACP bilateral con su principal socio comercial, China. Resumen (ACP conjunta identificar 1 (1 planteo 2 (2 encontrado políticas estructurales ende bloque controla quo externas Y actual comercial China (

Resumo Os dispositivos estatais para o governo das águas no Brasil vêm sendo fortemente influenciados pelo discurso do desenvolvimento, tendo como principal instituição multilateral promotora o Banco Mundial, cujas diretrizes convergem para o afastamento das instituições estatais do papel de provedoras dos serviços de água e promovem a perda do controle sobre as águas por populações locais. Neste artigo, analiso a trajetória das políticas governamentais para a gestão das águas no Brasil a partir da instituição da Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos (PNRH) à luz da literatura antropológica sobre grandes projetos de desenvolvimento, administração pública e o campo autodenominado de antropologia da água, observando o processo de criação e implementação de dispositivos institucionais que abrem caminho para a transformação da água em uma commodity. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de observação participante em avaliação oficial da PNRH e análise de relatórios de projetos do Banco Mundial. desenvolvimento Mundial locais artigo (PNRH commodity

Abstract State devices for water governance in Brazil have been strongly influenced by the development discourse, with the World Bank as the main multilateral institution that promotes it, whose guidelines converge towards the removal of state institutions from the role of providers of water services and promote the loss control over water by local populations. In this article, I analyze the trajectory of government policies for water management in Brazil from the institution of the National Water Resources Policy (NWRP) under the light of anthropological literature on large development projects, public administration and the self-declared field of anthropology of water, observing the process of creation and implementation of institutional devices that pave the way for the transformation of water into a commodity. The research was carried out through participant observation in an official evaluation of the NWRP and analysis of project reports from the World Bank. discourse it populations article (NWRP projects selfdeclared self declared commodity

Pakhanate-state of state waar pakhanate-tendense voorkom, is histories 'n bekende verskynsel. Klassieke voorbeelde van state waar pakhanate-tendense voorgekom het, was Rusland en Japan. Tans word talle state, waaronder Venezuela, Sirië, Montenegro en Mexiko as pakhanate geïdentifiseer, of prominente tendense word in hierdie verband daar waargeneem. Teen die agtergrond van uitgebreide endemiese korrupsie, staatskaping en gepaardgaande ondersoeke kan met reg gevra word of Suid-Afrika behoort tot die kategorie van state wat losweg as pakhanate beskryf kan word? Hierdie artikel konseptualiseer en kontekstualiseer die konsep en beoordeel die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks daarvan aan die hand van geïdentifiseerde kriteria.

Pakhanate states or states reflecting tendencies of pakhanate, are a historically well-known phenomenon. These states are also referred to as Mafia states. Classic examples of states where tendencies of pakhanate occurred, were Russia and Japan. Currently many states are identified as pakhanate states, examples of which are Venezuela, Columbia, Kosovo, Syria, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Myanmar, Transnistria and Mexico, as prominent pakhanate tendencies are being observed there. Pakhanate states (or related tendencies) can be identified because of a lack of clear differentiation between the political and criminal elite in a particular state and their related decisions. This, according to Naim (2012:1), is referred to as "a fusing of government and criminal groups" in a world that is experiencing "a revolution of crime". Pakhanate tendencies, although unique within their own context, are developing throughout the world against the backdrop of a combination offactors, including a history of crime and the existence of established criminal syndicates; states that experienced fundamental change and where low levels of political institutionalisation and power vacuums occur; existing historical trends of patrimonialism and neo-patrimonial tendencies within states; non-democratic tendencies in general, and sometimes an environment where neo-liberal values and a free trade environment provide the space for criminally orientated organisations to grow and establish their authority. Access to sophisticated technology, for example weapons, communication logistics and infrastructure, seems to be of critical importance in the development and growth of pakhanate tendencies. By making use of theoretical principles emphasising the Weberian "strong state" and "constitutional government" and related underlying principles and norms, this article critically assesses pakhanate states and related tendencies. Criteria related to the so-called Weberian strong state have been identified and qualified with normative criteria (democratic in nature), emphasising aspects such as constitutionalism, the public good, and the notion of responsible government and sound principles related to good governance. In a world that is currently experiencing fundamental change, weakening states, escalating conflicts and war, the prominence of non-state actors operating in an environment of freedom, and limited control, with access to modern and sophisticated technology, pakhanate tendencies seem to be on the increase. Against the background of extensive endemic corruption, state capture and concomitant investigations, it can be asked with good cause if South Africa belongs to this category of states. Several authors and writers such as Africa, Vegter and others have reflected on Mafia tendencies within the South African state and society. These perspectives are related to several recent works discussing endemic corruption and state capture within the South African context. This is related to the investigation of the Zondo Commission and its report linking influential politicians and the ruling ANC to endemic corruption and state capture. To support this perspective, the Global Organised Crime Index (2023) positions South Africa at number 7 within the category referred to as "mafia states". This is just below the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Nigeria. This article conceptualises and contextualises the concept pakhanate state (or related tendencies) and evaluates the South African context with reference to theoretical criteria identified in the discussion. Focus points of the article include: • characteristics and functions of the traditional nation state; • normative criteria referring to the concept of a strong and constitutional state; • a conceptualisation and operationalisation of the pakhanate phenomenon; • the identification of the pakhanate phenomenon as a worldwide tendency; • application and assessment of the application of the pakhanate phenomenon within the Sout African context; and • concluding perspectives. From a methodological perspective, this study is qualitative and deductive in nature, with an application with reference to identified case studies - particularly South African. An assessment of the South African context will be made by using the criteria associated with pakhanate states and the related phenomena.

Abstract The balance of powers is not the result of the simple distribution of legislative, executive and judicial powers among the authorities that make up the branches of public power, but is the result of the correct distribution of powers that allow for reciprocal control among these authorities. Thus, the excesses of one of the authorities of the State can be balanced, if the other authorities have sufficient powers to allow them to oppose them. However, if a strict theoretical analysis is made in law of the Colombian constitution, it is observed that the congress does not have sufficient powers to control the government, because it does not have the capacity to control budget. legislative power Thus balanced However constitution government budget

Resumen El equilibrio de poderes no es el resultado de la simple distribución de competencias legislativas, ejecutivas y judiciales entre las autoridades que conforman las ramas del poder público, sino que es el resultado de la correcta distribución de competencias que permiten el control reciproco entre estas autoridades. Así, los excesos de una de las autoridades del Estado pueden ser equilibrados si las otras autoridades tienen las competencias suficientes que les permitan oponerse. Sin embargo, si se hace un análisis teórico estricto en derecho de la constitución colombiana, se observa que el congreso no tiene las competencias suficientes para controlar al gobierno, porque no tiene la capacidad para controlar el gasto público. legislativas público Así oponerse embargo colombiana gobierno

RESUMEN Introducción: Los brotes recurrentes de dengue subrayan la necesidad de abordajes más efectivos en la prevención y control de vectores. A menudo, las intervenciones se centran en un enfoque biomédico y de promoción de la salud desde un enfoque individual, sin integrar factores socioambientales ni ser evaluados científicamente Objetivo: Evaluar el impacto de la recolección de residuos domésticos de gran tamaño sobre potenciales criaderos de mosquitos transmisores del dengue en Asunción, Paraguay durante los años 2017 a 2021. Material y métodos: Estudio cuasiexperimental, longitudinal, donde se encuestaron 350 hogares, como línea de base durante el 2017 y una línea de cierre en 108 hogares en 2021. Se utilizó el método de Diferencia en Diferencia (DID) para comparar la presencia de criaderos antes y después de la intervención en 43 hogares intervenidos y 65 no intervenidos. Resultados: La recolección diferenciada fue utilizada principalmente por aquellos hogares que tenían una gran cantidad de residuos sólidos de gran tamaño, pero no para deshacerse de todos estos objetos, sino sólo de una parte (DID de -52% en el número total de criaderos y DID de 1% en número de hogares con criaderos). Encontramos una reducción significativa en el número de total de criaderos de gran tamaño, pero no observamos diferencias en el número total de hogares con criaderos. Factores subjetivos, como la creencia de que los objetos en desuso podrían llegar a ser útiles en el futuro explicaban en gran medida su presencia en los hogares, incluso con el servicio disponible. Conclusiones: El enfoque de la gestión municipal en los residuos voluminosos puede contribuir a la prevención del dengue por el hecho de que no constituyen residuos de generación rápida en los hogares, y su eliminación puede tener un impacto relativamente duradero. El factor subjetivo relacionado con la presencia de estos criaderos en los hogares debe ser objeto de mayores estudios.

ABSTRACT Introduction: Recurrent dengue outbreaks underscore the need for more effective approaches to vector prevention and control. Often, interventions focus on a biomedical and health promotion approach from an individual approach, without integrating socio-environmental factors or being scientifically evaluated. Objetive: To evaluate the impact of large household waste collection on potential breeding sites of dengue-transmitting mosquitoes in Asuncion, Paraguay during the years 2017 to 2021. Material and methods: Quasi-experimental, longitudinal study, where 350 households were surveyed, as a baseline during 2017 and a closing line in 108 households in 2021. The Difference-in-Difference (DID) method was used to compare the presence of breeding sites before and after the intervention in 43 intervened and 65 non-intervened households. Results: Differentiated collection was mainly used by those households that had a large amount of large solid waste, but not to dispose of all these objects, but only part of them (DID of -52% in the total number of breeding sites and DID of 1% in the number of households with breeding sites). We found a significant reduction in the total number of large breeding sites but did not observe differences in the total number of households with breeding sites. Subjective factors, such as the belief that disused objects could become useful in the future, were largely responsible for the reduction in the number of large breeding sites. Conclusions: The municipal management approach to bulky waste can contribute to dengue prevention because it does not constitute rapidly generated waste in households, and its disposal can have a relatively long-lasting impact. The subjective factors related to the presence of these breeding sites in households warrant further study.

Resumen Una nueva vacuna contra el dengue ha sido reciente mente aprobada en Argentina, y el gobierno argentino se encuentra planificando su adquisición para desarrollar una estrategia de vacunación. Mientras la enfermedad se está dirigiendo gradualmente hacia la endemicidad en algunas regiones del país, la incorporación de estas vacunas tendrá el potencial de atacar la creciente inci dencia de la enfermedad y de reducir su carga. Sin em bargo, el establecimiento de un programa de vacunación puede también ser susceptible de amenazas relaciona das con el cambio epidemiológico de la enfermedad. La selección de un grupo de edad específico para la vacunación puede resultar en un cambio en el pico de la incidencia hacia otros grupos de edad más vulnerables a las formas graves de la enfermedad, como los niños o los ancianos. Además, la percepción de protección lue go de la introducción de la vacuna en una jurisdicción puede reducir la adherencia a las actividades de control del vector, incrementando el riesgo de introducción y transmisión del virus en otras áreas no priorizadas por la estrategia de vacunación, y aumentando el riesgo de otras arbovirosis como las fiebres Zika y chikungunya. Estas y otras potenciales limitaciones para ser conside radas antes de la implementación de los programas de vacunación son discutidas en este artículo, en conjunto con una serie de recomendaciones sobre cómo abordar estas preocupaciones. Estas recomendaciones pueden resultar de utilidad para los tomadores de decisión y actores sanitarios, en esta etapa temprana del desarrollo de un programa de vacunación.

Abstract A new dengue vaccine has recently been licensed in Argentina, with the Argentine government planning to acquire it in order to develop a vaccination strategy. As the disease is gradually following a path to endemicity in some regions of the country, the incorporation of these vaccines will have the potential to tackle the grow ing incidence of the disease and to reduce the disease burden. However, the establishment of the vaccination programme may also be susceptible of threats related to the epidemiological shift of the disease. Selecting a specific age group for the vaccine may result in a change in the peak incidence to other age groups more suscep tible to severe forms of the disease, such as children or the elderly. Furthermore, the perception of protection following vaccine introduction in one jurisdiction may reduce adherence to vector control activities, increasing the risk of virus introduction and transmission in other areas not prioritised by the vaccination strategy, and the risk of other arboviral diseases such as Zika and chikun gunya fever. These and other potential limitations to be considered prior to the implementation of vaccination programmes are discussed in this article, with a series of recommendations on how to address these concerns. These recommendations can help decision makers and public health practitioners at this early stage of the vac cination programme development.

Abstract: The purpose of this text is to show corporate practices that the link between the National Union of Education Workers in Mexico (SNTE) and the present administration of the federal government carry out around the allocation, promotion, and dedication to the teaching function. The education reform of 2019 gives more active participation to the (SNTE), in a scenario where it does not hold power or representation but has generated forms of negotiation that have allowed it to survive. The (SNTE) is regaining control of teaching positions through three elements that were articulated in its favor in the present federal administration: work, politics, and technology. Hope lies in the plurality of trade union organizations and the specific management that is generated in the diverse entities, which can be an important counterweight in different teaching processes.

Resumen: El propósito de este texto es mostrar las prácticas corporativas que la vinculación entre el Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación en México (SNTE) y la presente administración de gobierno federal llevan a cabo en torno a la asignación, promoción y dedicación a la función docente. La reforma educativa de 2019 le otorga una participación más activa al SNTE, en un escenario donde éste no ostenta el poder ni la representación, pero ha generado formas de negociación que le han permitido sobrevivir. El SNTE está recuperando el control de las plazas docentes a través de tres elementos que se articularon a su favor en la presente administración federal: lo laboral, lo político y lo técnico. La esperanza está en la pluralidad de las organizaciones sindicales y la gestión específica que se genera en las diversas entidades, lo cual puede ser un contrapeso importante en los diferentes procesos docentes.

Abstract: the National Institute of Transparency, Access to Information and Protection of Personal Data (INAI) is an organism created to guarantee the access to public information and to protect our fundamental freedom with the necessary instruments to supervise and control the government, through a system of transparency that permits to expose cases of opacity and corruption to the public opinion. To finally evaluate the previous, the efficiency of this institution is being analyzed from its structural design to the impact it has had on governmental democracy in Mexico. To accomplish this goal, the proposal of Ackerman, to examine the independent organisms accountability (OPI), is being followed. The results indicate that the quality of efficiency guarantees to institution to be a counterweight and control towards the government, notwithstanding the disparagement of transparency during this six-year term.

Resumen: el Instituto Nacional de Transparencia, Acceso a la Información y Protección de Datos Personales (INAI) es un organismo creado para garantizar el acceso a la información pública y proteger las libertades fundamentales, con facultades para supervisar y controlar al gobierno, a través de un sistema de transparencia que permite la exposición de casos de opacidad y corrupción ante la opinión pública. Con el fin de evaluar lo anterior, se analiza la eficacia del instituto a partir de su diseño estructural y el impacto que ha tenido en torno a la gobernabilidad democrática en México. Para ello, se sigue principalmente la propuesta de Ackerman para examinar los organismos independientes pro-rendición de cuentas (OIP). Los resultados indican que la eficacia en términos cualitativos garantiza al instituto ser un ente de contrapesos y de control hacia el gobierno, pese al menosprecio a la transparencia en el actual sexenio.

Resumen En este artículo se presentan los resultados de la investigación realizada acerca de la aplicación de la logística inversa en el sector textil de la ciudad de Otavalo con el fin de que las microempresas tengan la posibilidad de reciclar los desechos para luego proceder a una nueva elaboración de un nuevo producto. Por tal motivo, es necesario que se desarrolle el proceso de logística inversa y se tomen decisiones que beneficiarán al medio ambiente y a la sociedad otavaleña. Para el desarrollo de este estudio, inicialmente se realizó un estudio de la literatura que comprendió las definiciones y los tipos de logística inversa, tanto bajo el método cualitativo como el cuantitativo, que permitió estudiar el sector microempresarial textilero por medio de encuestas. Posteriormente, se obtuvieron resultados detallados de productos, materias primas y desechos, con el único propósito de dar el giro que tenían los desechos como destino final el vertedero generando un efecto negativo para el medio ambiente. Con todos los resultados, se propone mejorar los procesos internos y externos de la selección de residuos textiles, con el apoyo de responsabilidad compartida de los stakeholders, como el Gobierno, la Sociedad Civil y las Empresas Públicas, forjando la concientización de la aplicación de la logística inversa en el proceso de planificación, implantación, control y reducción de tiempos mediante el modelo SCOR, buscando la eficiencia y eficacia dentro de las microempresas para obtener al final el retorno de estos residuos para un nuevo producto.

Abstract This article shows the results of the research carried out on the application of reverse logistics in the textile sector of the city of Otavalo, for micro-enterprises to have the possibility of recycling waste and then proceed to a new development of a new product. For this reason, it is necessary to develop the reverse logistics process and make decisions that will benefit the environment of Otavalo City. To develop this study, It was necessary to read initially the literature such asdefinitions, and types of reverse logistics, likewise under the qualitative and quantitative method, which allowed to study of the textile microenterprise sector through surveys. Later detailed results of products, raw materials, and waste were obtained with the sole purpose of turning the waste into a final destination in the landfill generating a negative effect on the environment. With all the results, it is proposed to improve the internal and external processes of the selection of textile waste, with the support of shared responsibility of stakeholders, such as the Government, Civil Society, and Public Companies, forging awareness of the application of reverse logistics in the process of planning, implementation, control and time reduction through the SCOR model, seeking efficiency and effectiveness within micro-enterprises to finally obtain , the return of those waste for a new product

Resumen: La introducción de la parafiscalidad para fortalecer los programas de salud animal en Colombia trajo profundos cambios en el gobierno del sector pecuario del país, al pasar de un modelo público a uno de cooperación público-privada. La investigación analiza los mecanismos de gobernanza que a partir de estos cambios se constituyeron en la ganadería, avicultura y porcicultura, con el fin de revisar la incidencia de los ajustes en los avances del control sanitario. Para ello, se realizó un estudio de casos múltiples de los fondos de fomento pecuario de los tres subsectores, en el que se evidencia que la parafiscalidad y el modelo de asociación público-privada han permitido la consolidación formal y en la práctica para el control de enfermedades en el país.

Abstract: The introduction of quasi-tax to strengthen animal health programs in Colombia brought profound changes in the government of the country’s livestock sector by moving from a public model to one of public-private cooperation. The research analyzes the governance mechanisms that were established in livestock, poultry, and pig farming, in order to review the incidence of adjustments in the progress of health control. For this purpose, a multiple case study of the livestock promotion funds of the three subsectors was carried out, which showed that quasi-tax and the public-partnership model have allowed formal and practical consolidation for disease control in the country.

Abstract I am interested in showing the role that the water carriers played in the functioning of the city of Oaxaca, their organization, their work and sociability spaces, as well as the control and regulation mechanisms that the government apparatus deployed over them. We can track their presence in the urban space from the consultation of primary sources, documents that lie in the Municipal Historical Archive of the City of Oaxaca and the General Archive of the State of Oaxaca, primarily; as well as the reading of secondary sources, preparing for this purpose a thematic cartography. However, their vital function in the cities and their presence in historical files has been scarcely addressed in Oaxacan historiography. Long before the modern network system was implemented in the city, the water carrier performed this task until well into the 20th century, which shows that, if the capital’s society demanded their service, the modernization of the water supply and distribution service was still out of reach; at the same time, it reveals that as long as the city maintained a considerable extension and number of inhabitants, the water carrier was able to render their valuable service.

Resumen Me interesa mostrar el papel que desempeñó el aguador en el funcionamiento de la ciudad de Oaxaca, su organización, sus espacios de trabajo y de sociabilidad, así como los mecanismos de control y regulación que el aparato gubernamental desplegó sobre ellos. Podemos rastrear su presencia en el espacio urbano a partir de la consulta de fuentes primarias, documentos que yacen en el Archivo Histórico Municipal de la Ciudad de Oaxaca y el Archivo General del Estado de Oaxaca, primordialmente; al igual que en la lectura de fuentes secundarias, elaborando para este propósito una cartografía temática. No obstante su vital función en las ciudades y su presencia en los legajos históricos, estos trabajadores han sido escasamente abordados en la historiografía oaxaqueña. Mucho tiempo antes de que el moderno sistema en red se implementara en la ciudad, el aguador cumplió esa labor hasta bien entrado el siglo XX, lo que demuestra que, si la sociedad capitalina demandaba su servicio, la modernización del servicio de abasto y distribución del agua era aún lejana; al mismo tiempo revela que mientras la ciudad mantuvo una extensión y un número de habitantes considerable, pudo brindar su valioso servicio.

Abstract This paper analyzes the holding of municipal elections in Peru in the context of the civil war that pitted the provisional liberal government of General Ramón Castilla against the conservative rebel army of General Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco between November 1856 and March 1858. I argue that these elections were not directly affected by the war, but were occasionally conditioned by a “civil war” discourse. This rhetoric when activated came to question the functioning of municipalities, as was the case of the municipality of the city of Lima accused of conspiracy.

Resumen Este trabajo analiza la celebración de elecciones municipales en el Perú en el contexto de la guerra civil que enfrentó al gobierno provisorio liberal del general Ramón Castilla con las fuerzas conservadoras sublevadas del general Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco entre noviembre de 1856 y marzo de 1858. Se argumenta que estas elecciones no fueron afectadas directamente por el conflicto bélico, pero en cambio, estuvieron ocasionalmente condicionados por un discurso “guerracivilista”. Al activarse esta retórica, se llegó a cuestionar el funcionamiento de los municipios, como fue el caso de la alcaldía de la ciudad de Lima acusada de conspiradora.

Résumé Cet article analyse le déroulement des élections municipales au Pérou durant le contexte de la guerre civile opposant le gouvernement libéral provisoire du général Ramón Castilla aux forces rebelles conservatrices du général Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco, entre novembre 1856 et mars 1858. L’argument des auteurs démontre que ces élections n’ont pas été directement affectées par le conflit, mais qu’elles furent en revanche conditionnées par un discours de “guerre civile”. Cette rhétorique, une fois activée, a remis en question le fonctionnement de certaines municipalités, comme observé dans le cas de la mairie de Lima, accusée de lieu de conspiration.

Abstract State and municipal finances in Mexico depend almost entirely on federal transfers. In indigenous municipalities, this dependency is greater, as in the case of Oxchuc, in the Altos region of the state of Chiapas. The objective of this work is to demonstrate, through a comparative analysis with other municipalities in Chiapas and Nuevo León, how the transfers received in the Oxchuc city council caused conflicts and a fight of factions for the control of these resources, wich transcends regulatory systems, and is maintained in the government elected by uses and customs.

Resumen En México, las finanzas estatales y municipales dependen casi totalmente de las transferencias federales. En los municipios indígenas esa dependencia es mayor, como en el caso de Oxchuc, en la región de Los Altos de Chiapas. El objetivo de este trabajo es demostrar, a través de un análisis comparativo con otros municipios de Chiapas y Nuevo León, cómo las transferencias recibidas en el ayuntamiento de Oxchuc ocasionaron conflictos y una lucha de facciones por el control de esos recursos, que trasciende los sistemas normativos, y se mantiene en el gobierno elegido por usos y costumbres.

Resumen En este trabajo se abordará la controversial figura del africano Pablo Agüero en las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII en Buenos Aires, un empresario con contactos entre los sectores de la elite comercial urbana al tiempo que estaba comisionado por el Cabildo virreinal para capturar a esclavizados fugados y para controlar sus bailes o tambos. Aquí propongo revisar su accionar bajo la luz de los estudios sobre organizaciones africanas y afrodescendientes en otras partes de América y África. Haciendo uso de diversas fuentes del Archivo General de la Nación (Argentina), mostraré que seguir sus huellas puede iluminar la posible presencia de un Rey de Reyes o Rey de los Congo en la ciudad, así como la existencia de una supraorganización que nucleaba a africanos y afrodescendientes en redes de asistencia, solidaridad y control, que se habría extendido por lo menos hasta las primeras décadas del siglo XIX.

Abstract This paper addresses the controversial figure of the African-born Pablo Agüero in late-18th-century Buenos Aires. Agüero, a businessman with contacts among the urban commercial elite, was also commissioned by the colonial government to capture escaped slaves and to control the slaves’ gatherings or tambos. I reconstruct and reread his actions through the lens of scholarship on African and Afro-descendant organizations in other parts of Latin America and Africa. Making use of various sources from the Archivo General de la Nación (Argentina), I show that following his traces illuminates the possible presence of an African “King of Kings” or King of Congo in the city, as well as the existence of an overarching [or “umbrella”] organization that brought together Africans and Afro-descendants in networks of assistance, solidarity and control, which may have survived at least until the first decades of the nineteenth century.

Abstract The Expenditure Ceiling, effective from 2017 to 2022, marked a significant period in Brazilian fiscal policy and triggered numerous debates regarding its impact on macroeconomic variables. This article employs the synthetic control method and utilizes annual data from the World Bank and IMF to assess its influence on the central bank policy rate (Selic) from 2017 to 2021 and the real rate of public investment between 2017 and 2019. The findings indicate that the implementation of the expenditure ceiling aligned with a decrease in the Selic rate, consistent with previous research on long-term and neutral interest rates. However, analyzing public investment proves challenging due to the substantial reduction in government investments resulting from the 2015-2016 recession. Ceiling 201 2022 variables (Selic 202 2019 longterm long term rates However 20152016 2015 2016 2015-201 recession 20 2015201 2015-20 2 201520 2015-2 20152 2015-

Resumo Tendo vigorado entre 2017 e 2022, o Teto de Gastos marcou um importante período da política fiscal brasileira e gerou uma série de debates acerca de seus efeitos sobre variáveis macroeconômicas. Usando a metodologia do Controle Sintético e dados anuais do Banco Mundial e do FMI, este artigo avalia o seu impacto sobre a taxa básica de juros (Selic) entre 2017 e 2021 e sobre a taxa real de investimento público entre 2017 e 2019. Os resultados indicam que a implementação do Teto coincidiu com uma queda na Selic não observada no contrafactual, estando em linha com resultados anteriores relacionados às taxas de juros longas. A análise do investimento público, por sua vez, revela que não é possível isolar o efeito do Teto, haja vista a queda de investimentos governamentais durante a recessão de 2015-2016. 201 2022 macroeconômicas FMI (Selic 202 2019 contrafactual longas vez 20152016. 20152016 2015 2016. 2016 2015-2016 20 2015201 2015-201 2 201520 2015-20 20152 2015-2 2015-