Abstract Recent historiographical research has posed the question about the “productive dimension of power” and the construction of consensus among the population during the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976-1983). This article extends that question to the Malvinas war, fought between Argentina and Great Britain in 1982. Based on the study of documents declassified in 2015 and kept in the Department of Naval Historical Studies, the article analyzes the social communication and the psychological campaign that the Argentine Navy projected during those days to model celebratory attitudes and feelings towards the Army and to underpin the military operations of the dictatorship in the South Atlantic, and the consequently expected (and frustrated) diplomatic negotiations.

Resumen En los últimos años, un conjunto de investigaciones historiográficas inauguró la pregunta por “la dimensión productiva del poder” y por la construcción de consenso entre la población durante la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). En este artículo se extienden esas preguntas a la guerra de Malvinas, librada entre Argentina y Gran Bretaña en 1982, con un inmenso apoyo de la sociedad civil. A partir del estudio de documentos desclasificados en 2015 y resguardados en el Departamento de Estudios Históricos Navales, el trabajo analiza las pautas de comunicación social y la campaña de acción psicológica que la Armada Argentina proyectó en esos días para modelar actitudes y movilizar sentimientos que, además de celebrar la razón de ser de la Marina entre distintos públicos nacionales y extranjeros, apuntalaran las operaciones militares de la dictadura en el Atlántico Sur y la consecuentemente esperada (y frustrada) negociación diplomática.

Resumo Nos últimos anos, um conjunto de pesquisas historiográficas abriu a questão da "dimensão produtiva do poder" e da construção de consenso entre a população durante a última ditadura civil-militar da Argentina (1976-1983). Este artigo estende essas questões à Guerra das Malvinas, travada entre a Argentina e a Grã-Bretanha em 1982, com imenso apoio da sociedade civil. Com base no estudo de documentos desclassificados em 2015 e mantidos no Departamento de Estudos Históricos Navais, o artigo analisa os padrões de comunicação social e a campanha de ação psicológica que a Marinha Argentina planejou naqueles dias para moldar atitudes e mobilizar sentimentos que, além de celebrar a razão de ser da Marinha entre diferentes públicos nacionais e estrangeiros, apoiariam as operações militares da ditadura no Atlântico Sul e a negociação diplomática consequentemente esperada (e frustrada).

Abstract In the 17th and 18th centuries, several Scots migrated to the Caribbean. This article addresses these migrations, highlighting their specificities in regard to causes and circumstances that motivated them, as well as the dates and places of arrival, whether in passing through or settling in the region. It reflects on the social interaction between English colonists and Scottish immigrants, and among these and other social groups. It refers to the treatment they received as indentured servants on the plantations, highlighting temporal variations, as well as those situations that were different for them, depending on skin color, religion, belonging to the British Empire, schooling or other factors. It also inquiries about the social mobility that, in general terms, the Scots achieved in the Great Caribbean, converting, in less than two centuries, from servants and survivors of failure, to qualified immigrants and landowners.

Resumen Durante los siglos XVII y XVIII un número considerable de escoceses emigraron al Caribe. Este artículo aborda estas migraciones, destacando sus especificidades en cuanto a causas y circunstancias que las motivaron, así como fechas y lugares de llegada, ya sea que fueran de paso o que se establecieran en la región. Se reflexiona acerca de la interacción social entre los colonos ingleses y los inmigrantes escoceses, así como entre éstos y otros grupos sociales. Se alude al trato que se les daba como servidumbre contratada en las plantaciones, subrayando variaciones temporales, al igual que aquellas situaciones que para ellos fueron diferentes, según el color de piel, religión, pertenencia al Imperio británico, escolaridad u otros factores. También se indaga acerca de la movilidad social que, en términos generales, lograron los escoceses en el Gran Caribe, pasando de sirvientes y sobrevivientes del fracaso, a inmigrantes calificados y terratenientes en menos de dos años.

Abstract The disintegration of the Spanish empire, and the Spanish American independence processes, altered power relations in the Atlantic world, triggering international competition over resources and trade in the American territories of the former Spanish empire. The international scene, then dominated by the monarchies that formed the Holy Alliance –Russia, Prussia, Austria, France–, by Great Britain and by the United States, thus became a major factor in the course and outcome of the conflict between Spain and its former colonial possessions. The aim of this text is to analyze this international context, based on the diplomatic action of world powers, with special emphasis on the United States and England, and evaluate the weight it had in the conflictive informal relations that were established between Spain and the newly independent Mexican nation, between 1821 and 1830.

Resumen La desintegración del Imperio español y los procesos de independencia hispanoamericanos alteraron las relaciones de poder en el mundo Atlántico, al desencadenar la competencia internacional sobre los recursos y el comercio en los territorios americanos del antiguo Imperio. El escenario internacional, dominado entonces por las monarquías que formaban la Santa Alianza —Rusia, Prusia, Austria, Francia—, por la Gran Bretaña y por Estados Unidos, se convirtió así en un factor de primer orden en el curso y el desenlace del conflicto entre España y sus antiguas posesiones coloniales. El propósito de este texto es analizar ese contexto internacional, a partir de la acción diplomática de las potencias mundiales, con especial énfasis en Estados Unidos e Inglaterra, así como evaluar el peso que tuvo en las conflictivas relaciones informales que se establecieron entre España y la recién independizada nación mexicana, entre 1821 y 1830.

Résumé La désintégration de l’empire espagnol et les processus d’indépendance hispanoaméricains ont modifié les rapports de force dans le monde atlantique, déclenchant une concurrence internationale pour l’accès aux ressources et le commerce dans les territoires américains de la monarchie espagnole. La scène internationale, alors dominée par les monarchies formant la Sainte-Alliance (Russie, Prusse, Autriche, France), par la Grande-Bretagne et par les États-Unis, devient ainsi un facteur majeur dans le déroulement et l’issue du conflit entre l’Espagne et ses anciennes possessions coloniales. Le but de ce texte est d’analyser ce contexte international à partir de l’action diplomatique des puissances mondiales, avec une attention particulière portée aux États-Unis et à l’Angleterre, et d’évaluer son poids dans les relations informelles conflictuelles qui se sont établies entre l’Espagne et la nation mexicaine nouvellement indépendante, entre 1821 et 1830.

Abstract This article challenges the fourth ally thesis, which argues that Great Britain was a crucial actor underpinning the combined forces of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay that defeated Paraguay in the War of the Triple Alliance (1864-1870). To date, the debate has focused on British involvement in the genesis and financing of the allies' war effort. In contrast, this article focuses on the behavior of the British government in the immediate postwar period by analyzing its attitude toward the 892 settlers, mainly English, of the failed plan to emigrate farmers to Paraguay, the so-called Lincolnshire Farmers, in 1872-1873. The British government's open hostility to the plan and its lack of concern for the settlers' plight offer new evidence suggesting that the War of the Triple Alliance was of little interest to British imperialism in general and to 'settler colonialism' in particular.

Resumen Este artículo cuestiona la tesis del cuarto aliado, que sostiene que Gran Bretaña fue un actor crucial apuntalando las fuerzas combinadas de Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay que derrotaron a Paraguay en la Guerra de la Triple Alianza (1864-1870). Hasta la fecha, el debate se ha centrado en la participación británica en la génesis y financiación del esfuerzo bélico de los aliados. En cambio, este artículo se centra en el comportamiento del gobierno británico en la inmediata posguerra, al analizar su actitud hacia los 892 colonos, principalmente ingleses, del fallido plan de emigración de agricultores al Paraguay, los llamados Granjeros de Lincolnshire (Lincolnshire Farmers), en 1872-1873. La abierta hostilidad del gobierno británico hacia el plan y su falta de preocupación por la difícil situación de los colonos ofrecen nuevas pruebas que sugieren que la Guerra de la Triple Alianza fue de poco interés para el imperialismo británico en general y para el ‘colonialismo de colonos’ en particular.

Abstract Since 2007, a succession of crises has called into question the neoliberal globalization initiated in the 1980s, giving rise to a revival of nationalism, protectionism and strategic state policies. This is, strictly speaking, a revitalization of policies that have been present since the beginning of modern capitalism, including in Great Britain. For the peripheral countries, this trend aggravates the economic and social challenges because it can affect their export capacity and accelerates the competition and technological development of the more advanced powers, increasing the relative backwardness of these countries.

Resumen Desde 2007, una sucesión de crisis puso en cuestión la globalización neoliberal iniciada en los años ochenta, dando lugar a un renacimiento del nacionalismo, el proteccionismo y las políticas estatales estratégicas. Esto es, en rigor, una revitalización de políticas que están presentes desde el inicio del capitalismo moderno, inclusive en Gran Bretaña. Para los países periféricos esta tendencia agrava los desafíos económicos y sociales porque puede afectar su capacidad de exportación y acelera la competencia y el desarrollo tecnológico de las potencias más avanzadas aumentando el atraso relativo de estos países.

During the Suez crisis, the written media served as the primary method which provided the British populace with information. Strong anti-Egyptian sentiment permeated the British press. It was constantly fuelled by the Government's propaganda strategy. In the USA the crisis was also covered by the news media, particularly in the light of the fact that it was President Eisenhower's greatest foreign policy challenge at the time and the crisis reached its zenith a few days before his re-election. Nasser utilised the Egyptian press and radio to accomplish his goals against Britain and France and to promote his nationalist image inside and outside of Egypt. When a permanent member's veto prevented the Security Council from fulfilling its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the General Assembly could consider the matter and make recommendations to member states to restore international peace and security. In November 1956, the "Uniting for Peace" resolution, which stipulates this procedure, went into effect. Prior to the crisis, two-thirds of Europe's crude oil was transported via the Suez Canal. Due to the strategic significance of Suez, the canal zone was always vigilantly guarded by Britain. After the crisis, oil emerged as the new deterrent in international affairs, and the crisis was the primary impetus for the establishment of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1961. When the crisis broke out and the canal was closed, the strategic significance of the sea route around the Cape regained prominence, and in subsequent months, port traffic in South Africa increased. South Africa and the United Kingdom were already negotiating the status of the naval base at Simonstown, which was subsequently transferred to South Africa. In order to receive training from the Algerian National Liberation Army (Front de Libération Nationale - FLN) in preparation for the South African revolution, Nelson Mandela joined the revolutionary forces of Algeria in 1961. He visited FLN training camps where he established Umkhonto weSizwe (Spear ofthe Nation) or MK ofthe African National Congress (ANC). According to Mandela, his visits to Egypt were educational, whereas his encounters in Algeria served a different purpose. He received training in revolutionary strategy and tactics, as well as military instruction. All of these were crucial elements for him in shaping the ANC into a liberation movement. During a visit to Algeria following his release from prison, he declared that he deemed Algeria to be his home and that he regarded himself to be an Algerian. Algeria provided a great deal of military and diplomatic instruction to liberation movements. The Third World won a decisive diplomatic victory at Suez. The geopolitical implications of the crisis were thus widespread and significant. Several changes took place with regard to the policies of the nations involved and the climate of global affairs changed. The crisis resulted in significant geopolitical ramifications and had profound effects for the nations involved. Furthermore, within a wider regional framework, significant transformations occurred in the political structure of multiple nations. The crisis necessitated political decision modifications and the implementation of new policy ideas by the key stakeholders involved, including Egypt, Britain, France, and the USA. The crisis also had an influence on other countries, including South Africa. Undoubtedly, this particular juncture in history can be seen as being of significant consequence. Nasser emerged as a central figure in this crisis, garnering increased recognition both domestically and internationally. One notable accomplishment of his was his adeptness in retaining his position as the political leader of Egypt for a duration of 18 years, even in the face of significant opposition. He is generally recognised as an important political figure in modern Egyptian history and is highly respected as an emblematic figure in the Arab world. This is mostly due to his significant contributions to social justice, Arab unity, and unwavering resistance against colonialism and imperialism.

Tydens die Suezkrisis was die gedrukte media die primêre bron van kommunikasie en byvoorbeeld in Brittanje die belangrikste wyse waarop die publiek ingelig is. In die VSA het nuusberigte ook die krisis gedek, veral omdat dit President Eisenhower se grootste buitelandse beleidsuitdaging op daardie tydstip was. In Egipte het Nasser ywerig en behendig die pers en radio aangewend om sy binne- en buitelandse doelstellings te bereik. Toe die Veiligheidsraad verhinder is om internasionale vrede en veiligheid te handhaaf as gevolg van die vetoreg wat een van die permanente lede uitgeoefen het, het die Algemene Vergadering die aangeleentheid oorweeg en aanbevelings met die "Uniting for Peace"-prosedure gemaak, wat tot die stigting van die eerste vredesmag van die Verenigde Nasies gelei het. Kort voor die krisis is tweederdes van al Europa se olie deur die Suezkanaal verskeep. Die Suezkrisis het later aanleiding gegee tot die stigting van die Organisasie van Petroleum Uitvoerlande (OPUL) in 1960. Met die sluiting van die kanaal, is die aandag weereens op die strategiese waarde van die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig om die toenemende verkeer te kan akkommodeer. Teen daardie tyd was Suid-Afrika en Brittanje reeds besig om oor die vlootbasis te Simonstad te onderhandel wat later aan Suid-Afrika oorgedra is. Nelson Mandela het by die revolusionêre magte van Algerië aangesluit en militêre opleiding van hulle ontvang. Ander bevrydingsbewegings van Afrika het ook militêre en diplomatieke opleiding gekry. Die geopolitieke implikasies van die krisis was wydverspreid en betekenisvol.

Resumo O caso britânico tem sido um dos menos explorados na crescente literatura sobre as dimensões internacionais da mudança de regime em Portugal. Este artigo debruça-se sobre a análise da política externa do Governo trabalhista em relação a Portugal no período compreendido entre abril de 1974 e novembro de 1975. Qual foi a contribuição britânica para a manutenção dostatu quointernacional, a estabilização da crise política em Portugal e a ancoragem deste país à comunidade ocidental? Para abordar estas questões, o artigo investiga o papel da Grã-Bretanha na canalização da revolução portuguesa numa direção liberal e ocidental, alinhada com os interesses geopolíticos e económicos britânicos.

Abstract The British have been one of the least studied cases in the growing literature on the international dimensions of regime change in Portugal. This article is an analysis of the Labour government’s foreign policy towards Portugal from April 1974 to November 1975. What was the British contribution to maintaining the international status quo, to stabilizing the deep political crisis in Portugal, and to the anchoring of the country in the Western bloc? To answer these questions, this article examines Britain’s role in channeling the Portuguese revolution in a liberal and Western direction that coincided with British geopolitical and economic interests.

Resumen Este texto recupera y estudia las notas y opiniones sobre J. J. Rousseau y su obra, publicados en periódicos, panfletos y libros entre 1750 y 1800 en Inglaterra y Escocia. El objetivo es analizar la recepción que tuvieron, e identificar discursos y representaciones sobre el filósofo construidas en aquel entonces, en Gran Bretaña.

Abstract This text collects and studies the notes and opinions about J. J. Rousseau and his writings published in newspapers, pamphlets and books, from 1750 to 1800 in England and Scotland. The aim is to analyze their reception and to identify discourses and representations built then in Great Britain about the philosopher.

Resumen: Integrando las aportaciones de la sociología de los intelectuales desarrollada por la escuela bourdieusiana, que analiza la actividad en el campo de múltiples intermediarios (agentes literarios, traductores, editores, representantes políticos y académicos), este artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de algunas de las estrategias de importación y de apropiación crítica del pensamiento althusseriano en los territorios anglófonos en el periodo que va de los años sesenta, cuando comenzó a introducirse allí a través de traducciones y de comentarios críticos, en parte motivados por la situación política internacional, a los noventa aproximadamente, cuando sus agentes importadores tuvieron que hacer frente a la deslegitimación del marxismo y particularmente a cierto desprestigio público en torno a la figura del filósofo francés. Se presta especial atención a los movimientos acontecidos en el subcampo de los estudios literarios, algo sobre lo que no existen hasta el momento documentos sistemáticos y en lo que debe seguir incidiéndose en el futuro. Para ello, se toman en consideración tanto la trayectoria de ciertos agentes como las propuestas teóricas de algunos de los textos clave que se inscribieron formal o informalmente en esa tradición, y que intentaban configurar enfoques originales sobre nuevos objetos a partir del corpus althusseriano; se combina así el análisis externo de la historia intelectual con el análisis interno de los objetos de indagación teórica. Todo eso informa, por un lado, de la enorme capacidad de esa generación de agentes importadores para ejecutar traslaciones conceptuales del campo filosófico (donde se insertaba originalmente Louis Althusser) al campo literario (donde operaban aquellos). Por otro lado, proporciona información sobre la jerarquía constitutiva del campo intelectual internacional, pues las recepciones en Gran Bretaña y Estados Unidos, pese a la afinidad lingüística, son notablemente diferentes y refuerzan la idea de la autonomía de los campos.

Abstract: Integrating the contributions of the sociology of intellectuals developed by the Bourdieusian school, which analyses the activity in the field of multiple intermediaries (literary agents, translators, editors, political representatives, and academics), this article offers an overview of some of the strategies of importation and critical appropriation of Althusserian thought in English-speaking territories. The analysis begins in the 1960s, when it began to be introduced there through translations and critical commentaries, partly motivated by the international political situation, to the 1990s or so, when its importing agents had to face the delegitimization of Marxism and notably a certain public discrediting of the figure of the French philosopher. Special attention is paid to the movements occurring in the subfield of literary studies, something on which there are no systematic documents to date and which must continue to be addressed in the future. To this end, we take into consideration both the trajectory of certain agents and the theoretical proposals of some of the key texts that were formally or informally inscribed in that tradition, and which strove to configure original approaches to new objects based on the Althusserian corpus; thus combining the external analysis of intellectual history with the internal analysis of the objects of theoretical inquiry. All this sheds light, on the one hand, on the enormous capacity of that generation of importing agents to execute conceptual translations from the philosophical field (where Louis Althusser was originally inserted) to the literary field (where they operated). On the other hand, it provides information on the constitutive hierarchy of the international intellectual field, as the reactions in Great Britain and the United States, despite the linguistic affinity, are notably different and reinforce the idea of the autonomy of the fields.

Resumo: Integrando as contribuições da sociologia dos intelectuais desenvolvida pela escola bourdieusiana, que analisa a atividade no campo dos múltiplos intermediários (agentes literários, tradutores, editores, representantes políticos e acadêmicos), neste artigo, é oferecida uma visão panorâmica de algumas das estratégias de importação e de apropriação crítica do pensamento althusseriano nos territórios anglófonos no período que vai dos anos 1960, quando começou a ser introduzido aí por meio de traduções e de comentários críticos, em parte incentivados pela situação política internacional, aos 1990 aproximadamente, quando seus agentes importadores tiveram que enfrentar a deslegitimação do marxismo e particularmente a certo desprestígio público em torno da figura do filósofo francês. Presta-se especial atenção aos movimentos ocorridos no subcampo dos estudos literários, algo sobre o que não existem até o momento documentos sistemáticos e no qual deve continuar incidindo-se no futuro. Para isso, levam-se em consideração tanto a trajetória de certos agentes quanto as propostas teóricas de alguns dos textos-chave que se vincularam formal ou informalmente nessa tradição, e que tentavam configurar abordagens originais sobre novos objetos a partir do corpus althusseriano; assim, são combinadas a análise externa da história intelectual com a análise interna dos objetos de indagação teórica. Tudo isso informa, por um lado, sobre a enorme capacidade dessa geração de agentes importadores para executar translações conceituais do campo filosófico (em que Louis Althusser originalmente estava inserido) para o campo literário (onde atuavam). Por outro, proporciona informações sobre a hierarquia constitutiva do campo intelectual internacional, pois o acolhimento na Grã-Bretanha e nos Estados Unidos, apesar da afinidade linguística, são notavelmente diferentes e reforçam a ideia da autonomia dos campos.

This first of three articles discusses the geopolitical importance of Egypt, the geostrategic location of the Isthmus of Suez and the channel itself. It also focuses on the construction of the canal and the imperatives to both control and retain possession of it. In the late 1700s and throughout the 19th century, up until mid-1956, European powers were interested in Egypt for various reasons, including the canal. Intermittent intrigues and conflict occurred from time to time. Much was at stake, given the fact that this Isthmus and where the canal would later be constructed, has a particular strategic significance in connecting Europe and the East and also the Indian Ocean. It became increasingly more important for Britain to control this link. France's involvement in Egypt began in 1798 with Napoleon Bonaparte and later with Ferdinand de Lesseps who was granted permission to build the Suez Canal. It was opened in 1869 and it revolutionised the shipment of goods between Britain and its colonies. Initially, Britain was opposed to the construction of the canal, but later acquired a share in it. Given the execution of his foreign policy, Germany's Otto von Bismarck showed little interest in Egypt. In 1882, British troops were deployed in Egypt to suppress a nationalist uprising. The troops stayed on until after World War I. The Entente Cordiale ended 40 years of bitter rivalry between Britain and France. It granted Britain a free hand in Egypt and France the same in Morocco. In 1922, Egypt became independent, but British forces still stayed on to protect the Suez Canal. After the Second World War, Britain increased its military presence in the vicinity of the Suez Canal considerably, but Egyptians were dissatisfied about that arrangement. Britain transferred few of the advantages derived from the use of the canal to Egypt. A series of failures by Britain in the application of its foreign policy fuelled the ever growing and multifaceted conflict between Britain and Egypt. On 23 July 1952, King Farouk was dethroned in a military coup d'état in which the young Colonel Gamal Abdul Nasser played the leading role. After that Egypt was not the same anymore. Nasser established himself as an exceptional leader, not only in Egypt, but also internationally, and as one of the outcomes of his leadership, the canal was nationalised on 26 July 1956. The consequences stretched far and wide. The second article addresses such consequences in general, while the third focuses, in particular, on the effect(s) closure of the canal has had for South Africa. Attention is paid to the sea route around the Cape, as well as the closure of the canal in 1967, bearing in mind Britain's transference of its naval base, Simonstown to South Africa in the late 1950s.

In hierdie eerste van drie artikels word die geopolitieke belangrikheid van Egipte en die geostrategiese ligging van die landengte van Suez (Ismus) en daarná die kanaal self bespreek. Ook word gefokus op die bou van die kanaal en die noodsaaklikheid om beheer daaroor te verkry en te behou. In die laat 1700s en dwarsdeur die 19de eeu tot die middel van 1956 het Europese moondhede om verskeie redes in Egipte en dus ook die kanaal belanggestel. Intriges en konflik het by tye hoogty gevier. Baie was op die spel, gegewe die feit dat hierdie landengte en waar die kanaal later gebou sou word 'n besonder strategiese rol speel as verbindingslinie tussen Europa en die Ooste en ook die Indiese Oseaan. Dit het toenemend belangriker geword vir Brittanje om oor hierdie verbinding te beskik. Frankryk se betrokkenheid in Egipte begin in 1798 met Napoleon Bonaparte en later met Ferdinand de Lesseps wat die vergunning bekom het om die Suezkanaal te bou. Dit is in 1869 geopen en het 'n omwenteling in die verskeping van goedere tussen Brittanje en sy kolonies teweeggebring. Nadat Brittanje aanvanklik teen die bou van die kanaal gekant was, het hulle tog later 'n aandeel daarin verkry. In die toepassing van sy buitelandse beleid het Otto von Bismarck van Duitsland weinig belangstelling in Egipte getoon. Britse troepe word in 1882 in Egipte ontplooi om 'n nasionalistiese opstand te onderdruk. Die troepe bly aan tot na die Eerste Wereldoorlog. Die Entente Cordiale wat 40 jaar van bitter mededinging tussen Brittanje en Frankryk beëindig, het ook vir Brittanje 'n vrye hand in Egipte en vir Frankryk een in Marokko gegee. In 1922 het Egipte onafhanklik geword, maar Britse magte het aangebly om die Suezkanaal steeds te beskerm. Ná die Tweede Wereldoorlog het Brittanje sy militêre teenwoordigheid in die omstreke van die Suezkanaal aansienlik verhoog - iets wat Egiptenare geensins aangestaan het. Brittanje het min van die voordele wat uit die gebruik van die kanaal voortgespruit het aan Egipte oorgedra. 'n Reeks mislukkings in Brittanje se toepassing van sy buitelandse beleid het die basis vir die steeds groeiende en veelvlakkige konflik tussen Brittanje en Egipte aangevuur. Op 23 Julie 1952 word koning Faroek onttroon in 'n militêre staatsgreep waarin die jong kolonel Gamal Abdul Nasser die leidende rol speel. Daarná is Egipte nie meer dieselfde nie. Nasser het homself as 'n besondere leier nie net in Egipte nie, maar ook internasionaal gevestig, met een van die uitvloeisels van sy leierskap die nasionalisering van die Suezkanaal op 26 Julie 1956. Die gevolg hiervan strek vêr en wyd. In die tweede artikel word meer breedvoerig hierop ingegaan, terwyl die derde artikel oor die gevolge van die kanaalsluiting vir Suid-Afrika handel. Daar word gelet op die internasionale aandag wat op die seeroete om die Kaap gevestig is; die hersluiting van die kanaal in 1967 en Brittanje se oordrag van die vlootbasis by Simonstad in die laat 1950's aan Suid-Afrika.

Resumen El presente artículo se propone abordar el análisis de la disputa de soberanía en torno al peñón de Gibraltar entre el Reino de España y el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte desde los estudios que ponderan el valor del territorio como un factor explicativo para la perdurabilidad de las disputas territoriales. El mismo se enmarca en una investigación más amplia que estudia la perdurabilidad de los diferendos internacionales en torno al territorio haciendo énfasis no en las cuestiones jurídicas o el derecho internacional sino en la geografía desde la valorización propia del territorio en disputa para las partes involucradas considerando que es un factor fundamental para explicar la irresolubilidad de las mismas.

Abstract This article intends to approach the analysis of the sovereignty dispute around the rock of Gibraltar between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, based on the studies that take into consideration the value of the territory as an explanatory factor for the continued territorial disputes. This is part of a broader investigation that studies the durability of international disputes over the territory, emphasizing not legal issues or international law, but rather geography, as stemming from the way in which the territory in dispute is valued by the parties involved, considering that this is a fundamental factor to explain why they have not been solved yet.

ABSTRACT The distance that separates the traditions that give rise to the Peruvian economic system and the Great Britain economic system in the 18th century lies in the depths of modern mathematical reason and the inscrutable Peruvian colonial moral conscience. Nevertheless, there are theories that propose that the scholastic probabilism has been the source from which contemporary economic probability arose. The purpose of this article is to answer negatively to this hypothesis. This research is exploratory, but the analysis of the historical and economic texts will con-tribute to the confrontation of the hypothesis raised from philosophical theories that are formulated. Therefore, the method that has been used is demonstrative analytical. In sum up, the colonial economy cannot be thought mathematically, as in the case of probability, but rather in moral sense, which foundation was the probabilism that flourished in the newly discovered lands.

RESUMEN La distancia que separa a las tradiciones que dan origen a los sistemas económicos peruano colonial y el de gran Bretaña del siglo XVIII yace en las profundidades de la razón matemática moderna y la inescrutable conciencia moral colonial peruana. Sin embargo, algunas teorías proponen que el probabilismo escolástico ha sido la fuente de la que surgió la probabilidad económica contemporánea. El objetivo de este artículo es responder negativamente a esta hipótesis. Esta investigación es exploratoria, pero el análisis de textos históricos y económicos contribuirán a la confrontación de hipótesis planteadas desde teorías filosóficas que se formulen. Por lo tanto, el método que se llevará a cabo es el analítico demostrativo. Finalmente, se concluirá que la economía colonial no puede pensarse matemáticamente, como en el caso de la probabilidad, sino más bien en un sentido moral, cuyo fundamento fue el probabilismo que floreció en las tierras recién descubiertas.

Abstract For Paul Gilroy, Henry Louis Gates Jr. and others, Raymond Williams embraced notions of cultural authenticity and ethnic continuity compatible with the racisms of the Right. This influential critique is based on a fundamental misreading of Williams’ position. This text explores notions of identity in Williams’ criticism and novels to offer an alternative reading. Although often dismissed as a white, male, English critic, and a member of the dominant sector within British society, Williams was in fact Welsh and meditated throughout his life on the meaning of that identity. He never endorsed forms of British superiority and exceptionalism, since he noted explicitly in Politics and Letters (1979) that he never considered himself to be British. Furthermore, Williams consistently rejected racial and blood-based forms of identity and emphasized how his marginal formation on the Wales-England border led to an awareness of the always evolving and historically contingent nature of communal identification. Gilroy Jr others Right position reading white male critic society exceptionalism 1979 (1979 Furthermore bloodbased blood WalesEngland Wales England identification 197 (197 19 (19 1 (1 (

Resumo Segundo Paul Gilroy, Henry Louis Gates Jr., entre outros, Raymond Williams teria abraçado noções de autenticidade cultural e continuidade étnica comparáveis aos racismos da direita. Essa crítica influente se baseia em uma má interpretação da posição de Williams. O presente texto explora noções de identidade na crítica e nos romances de Williams para oferecer uma leitura alternativa. Embora frequentemente dispensado como um crítico inglês, branco, homem e membro do setor dominante da Grã-Bretanha, Williams era de fato galês e meditou ao longo de sua vida a respeito do significado dessa identidade. Jamais apoiou formas de superioridade ou excepcionalismo britânico, já que pontuou explicitamente em Politics and Letters (1979) que nunca se considerou britânico. Ademais, Williams rejeitou consistentemente formas de identidade racial e sanguíneas e enfatizou como sua formação marginal na fronteira País de Gales-Inglaterra o levou a uma conscientização do carácter sempre em evolução e historicamente contingente da identificação comunitária. Gilroy Jr Jr. outros direita alternativa inglês branco GrãBretanha, GrãBretanha Grã Bretanha, Bretanha Grã-Bretanha britânico 1979 (1979 Ademais GalesInglaterra Gales Inglaterra comunitária 197 (197 19 (19 1 (1 (

Abstract The aim of the paper was to analyze the participation of Rio de Janeiro’s wholesale traders and slave traders in the “ Donativos gratuitos, para as urgencias do Estado desde 31 de março até 18 de abril de 1817”, and the relationship of reciprocity between the Court and the mercantile class, particularly involving the defense of the interests of slave traders with the Convention of 1817, known as the Additional Convention to the Treaty of 22 January 1815, signed between King John VI of the United Kingdom Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves and George III of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Victorious in their action, the wholesale traders and slave traders organized the “Praça do Comércio do Rio de Janeiro”, a space of sociability, representation, and power, in 1820, with the sponsorship of the Court and financing of Banco do Brasil, and with D. João VI as patron Janeiros Janeiro s gratuitos 3 1 1817 , 1817” class 2 1815 Portugal Ireland action Praça Janeiro, Janeiro” sociability representation power 1820 Brasil D 181 182

Resumo O objetivo do texto consistiu em analisar a participação dos negociantes e traficantes de escravos do Rio de Janeiro nos “Donativos gratuitos, para as urgencias do Estado desde 31 de março até 18 de abril de 1817”, e a relação de reciprocidade entre a Corte e a classe mercantil, particularmente envolvendo a defesa dos interesses dos traficantes de escravos com a Convenção de 1817, conhecida com a Convenção Adicional ao Tratado de 22 de Janeiro de 1815, assinada entre o rei D. João VI do Reino Unido Portugal, Brasil e Algarves e Jorge III do Reino Unido da Grã Bretanha e Irlanda. Vitoriosos na sua ação, os negociantes de grosso trato e traficantes de escravos organizaram a Praça do Comércio do Rio de Janeiro, espaço de sociabilidade, de representação e de poder, em 1820, com o patrocínio da Corte e financiamento do Banco do Brasil, e tendo D. João VI como patrono. Donativos gratuitos 3 1 1817 , 1817” mercantil 2 1815 D Portugal Irlanda ação sociabilidade poder 1820 patrono 181 182

RESUMEN Objetivo. Comparar las características epidemiológicas de la resistencia a los antimicrobianos en cepas bacterianas aisladas de muestras de pacientes de servicios hospitalarios y ambulatorios en Ecuador. Métodos. Se realizó un análisis secundario de los datos sobre cepas bacterianas aisladas en muestras de pacientes de servicios hospitalarios y ambulatorios. Se recogieron los datos de la base de datos nacional del 2018 para la vigilancia de la resistencia a los antimicrobianos del Centro de Referencia Nacional para la Resistencia a los Antimicrobianos. Las variables incluidas fueron: edad, sexo, entorno hospitalario frente a entorno ambulatorio, tipo de muestra, especies bacterianas detectadas, patrón de resistencia a los antibióticos y zona geográfica. Resultados. En el estudio se incluyeron datos de 57 305 cepas aislamientos bacterianos: 48,8% fueron de pacientes hospitalizados, 55,7% fueron de mujeres y 60,1% fueron de pacientes mayores de 45 años. La orina (42,9%) y la sangre (12,4%) fueron las muestras clínicas más comunes. En general, 77,1% de las cepas bacterianas aisladas fueron gramnegativas (83% y 71% en pacientes de servicios ambulatorios y hospitalarios, respectivamente). Las especies grampositivas y gramnegativas más comunes fueron Staphylococcus aureus y Escherichia coli, respectivamente. Los niveles de resistencia a los antimicrobianos fueron elevados (hasta 80% en el caso de algunos fármacos antimicrobianos) y fueron más elevados en los pacientes de servicios hospitalarios en comparación con los pacientes de servicios ambulatorios. Se encontró que una variedad de carbapenemasas confiere resistencia a los carbapenémicos (antibióticos de último recurso) en bacterias gramnegativas. Conclusiones. Los resultados del estudio proporcionan una línea de base importante sobre la resistencia a los antimicrobianos en Ecuador, que permitirá el fortalecimiento de las directrices del sistema de vigilancia, la creación de políticas públicas para la estandarización de los métodos de laboratorio, una adecuada gestión de la información y la elaboración de orientaciones de tratamiento empírico basadas en las características epidemiológicas locales.

RESUMO Objetivo. Comparar a epidemiologia da resistência aos antimicrobianos em bactérias isoladas de amostras hospitalares e ambulatoriais no Equador. Métodos. Foi feita uma análise secundária de dados sobre bactérias isoladas de amostras hospitalares e ambulatoriais. Os dados foram obtidos do banco de dados nacional de vigilância da resistência aos antimicrobianos de 2018 do Centro Nacional de Referência para a Resistência aos Antimicrobianos. As variáveis incluídas foram: idade, sexo, ambiente hospitalar versus ambiente ambulatorial, tipo de espécime, espécies bacterianas identificadas, padrão de resistência a antibióticos e área geográfica. Resultados. Foram incluídos no estudo os dados de 57 305 isolados bacterianos: 48,8% eram de pacientes hospitalizados, 55,7% eram de mulheres e 60,1% eram de pacientes com mais de 45 anos. As amostras clínicas mais comuns foram urina (42,9%) e sangue (12,4%). No total, 77,1% dos isolados bacterianos eram gram-negativos (83% e 71% em pacientes ambulatoriais e pacientes internados, respectivamente). As espécies gram-positivas e gram-negativas mais comuns foram Staphylococcus aureus e Escherichia coli, respectivamente. Os níveis de resistência aos antimicrobianos foram elevados (até 80% para alguns antimicrobianos) e foram mais elevados em pacientes hospitalizados em comparação com pacientes ambulatoriais. Foram encontradas várias carbapenemases que conferem resistência aos carbapenêmicos (antibióticos de último recurso) em bactérias gram-negativas. Conclusões. Os resultados do estudo fornecem uma importante linha de base sobre a resistência aos antimicrobianos no Equador. Isto permitirá o fortalecimento das diretrizes do sistema de vigilância, a criação de políticas públicas para padronização de metodologias laboratoriais, o manejo adequado de informações e o desenvolvimento de diretrizes para a antibioticoterapia empírica com base na epidemiologia local.

ABSTRACT Objective. To compare the epidemiology of antimicrobial resistance in bacteria isolated from inpatient and outpatient samples in Ecuador. Methods. A secondary analysis was done of data on bacteria isolated from inpatient and outpatient samples. Data were taken from the 2018 national antimicrobial resistance surveillance database of the National Reference Center for Antimicrobial Resistance. The variables included were: age, sex, inpatient versus outpatient setting, type of specimen, bacterial species identified, pattern of resistance to antibiotics, and geographic area. Results. Data from 57 305 bacterial isolates were included in the study: 48.8% were from hospitalized patients, 55.7% were from women, and 60.1% were from patients older than 45 years. Urine (42.9%) and blood (12.4%) were the most common clinical samples. Overall, 77.1% of bacterial isolates were gram-negative (83% and 71% in outpatients and inpatients, respectively). The most common gram-positive and gram-negative species were Staphylococcus aureus and Escherichia coli, respectively. Antimicrobial resistance levels were high (up to 80% for some antimicrobial drugs), and were higher in hospitalized patients compared with outpatients. A variety of carbapenemases were found to confer resistance to carbapenems (antibiotics of last resort) in gram-negative bacteria. Conclusions. The study findings provide an important baseline on antimicrobial resistance in Ecuador. This will allow the strengthening of guidelines of the surveillance system, the creation of public policies for standardization of laboratory methodologies, the proper handling of information, and the development of empirical therapy guidelines based on local epidemiology.