ABSTRACT This research aims to analyze the impact of the urban landscape on street crime, and therefore citizen security, in Mexico City’s Álvaro Obregón district. We focus on the objective aspect of security using a quantitative methodology with four analytical dimensions: geospatial, sociodemographic, urban structure, and typology of the neighborhood. The results show that the heterogeneous manifestation of physical-environmental components and social and economic dynamics create socio-spatial patterns associated with an increase in street crime and a decrease in safety in public spaces. In conclusion, the holistic exploration of the four aspects of an urban landscape allows us to visualize its particularities according to specific times and places, which in turn can be the basis for interweaving and sustaining situational prevention and environmental design by local government planners.

RESUMEN El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar el impacto que tiene el escenario urbano en el delito callejero, por ende, en la seguridad ciudadana, en la demarcación Álvaro Obregón, Ciudad de México. La vertiente objetiva de la seguridad se aborda con la metodología cuantitativa a partir de cuatro dimensiones de análisis: geoespacial, sociodemográfica, estructura urbana y tipología del lugar. Los resultados muestran que la manifestación heterogénea de los componentes físico-ambientales y las dinámicas sociales y económicas originan patrones socioespaciales que, en cierta medida, hacen repuntar el delito callejero y la falta de seguridad del espacio público. En conclusión, la exploración integral de los componentes del delito callejero y la seguridad urbana permite visualizar sus particularidades de acuerdo a momentos y lugares concretos, cuya caracterización puede ser el sustento para entretejer y apuntalar la prevención situacional y el diseño ambiental a escala de la planeación urbana.

Abstract Between 37 and 63% of the logged timber in Peru has an illegal origin. This study aims to describe this supply chain in Ucayali region. The main contribution is the elaboration (and diagramming) of a sequence of processes, activities, and tasks (supported by the collection of management documents, field interviews and observation, based on the crime-script methodology), and the identification of mechanisms of evasion of environmental, tax and labour controls which explain the illegal origin. The severe gap between the supply chain and the regulatory structure developed by the State shows formal instruments supported by declarative mechanisms that lead to proposing the idea of a State that performs control, carrying out a formal theatricalization of surveillance, while assuming the existence of a widespread illegal logic.

Resumo Entre 37 e 63% da madeira extraída no Peru tem origem ilegal. Este estudo tem como objetivo descrever essa cadeia de suprimentos na região Ucayali. A principal contribuição é a elaboração (e diagramação) de uma sequência de processos, atividades e tarefas (apoiada na coleta de documentos de gestão, entrevistas de campo e observação, com base na metodologia crime-script), e a identificação de mecanismos de evasão de crimes. controles ambientais, fiscais e trabalhistas que explicam a origem ilegal. A grave lacuna entre a cadeia de abastecimento e a estrutura regulatória desenvolvida pelo Estado evidencia instrumentos formais apoiados em mecanismos declarativos que levam a propor a ideia de um Estado que exerce o controle, realizando um processo de teatralização formal da vigilância, ao mesmo tempo que assume a existência duma estendida lógica ilegal.

Resumen Entre 37 y 68% de la madera peruana tendría origen ilegal. El objetivo de este estudio es describir esta cadena de suministro en la región de Ucayali. El principal aporte es la elaboración y diagramación de una secuencia de eslabones, actividades y tareas (sostenida en la recolección de documentos de gestión, entrevistas en terreno y observación, basada en la metodología de los crime-scripts), mediante la cual se identifican mecanismos de evasión de los controles ambientales, tributarios y laborales, que explicarían el origen ilegal. Se identifica una severa brecha entre la cadena de suministro y la estructura normativa desarrollada por el Estado, lo que muestra instrumentos formales sostenidos en mecanismos declarativos que conducen a plantear la idea de un Estado que “performa” el control, realizando una teatralización formal de la vigilancia, mientras asume la existencia de una lógica ilegal extendida.

Child sexual abuse affects children and caregivers all around the world. According to the South African Police Service's (2020/21) crime statistics report, child sexual abuse is common in South Africa, particularly the township of Tsakane. Tsakane, located in Ekurhuleni, Gauteng, is predominantly comprised of IsiZulu-speaking residents and has a significant child sexual abuse problem. Child sexual abuse may be perceived differently by IsiZulu-speaking caregivers than by other cultural groups and hence a qualitative study was carried out to explore this phenomenon. The study employed an exploratory design and semi-structured individual interviews. Thematic content analysis was conducted in analysing the data. The findings revealed that isiZulu caregivers in Tsakane are hesitant to report incidences of child sexual abuse because of cultural, environmental and psychological cost factors. This means that social work should address child sexual abuse in a comprehensive, culturally sensitive and community-focused manner.

Abstract This study aims to analyze the protective and destructive critical processes of 34 water women in the municipalities of Cabo de Santo de Agostinho and Ipojuca, Pernambuco, Brazil, from February/21 to August/22. The work process stages were systematized by the work flowchart, and we employed Breilh’s critical processes matrix to organize the data. The destructive processes identified in the general domain were injustice and socio-environmental vulnerability, such as the economic development model, the Suape Industrial Port Complex, the 2019 oil spill crime disaster, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the difficult access to public policies; in the particular domain: overloads and extended working hours, use of rudimentary equipment and tools, and unequal gender, class, and race relationships; in the singular domain: physical and mental illnesses and deaths. The protective processes identified in the general domain were sustainable development objectives, public health, and social assistance policies; in the particular domain, group work and processing, consumption for subsistence; in the singular domain, fishing as a therapeutic, pleasurable, and sharing process. The study highlighted the central issues of the water women and the need to establish public policies targeting their care.

Resumo Objetivou-se analisar os processos críticos, protetores e destrutivos do trabalho de 34 mulheres das águas nos municípios de Cabo de Santo de Agostinho e Ipojuca (PE), de fevereiro de 2021 a agosto de 2022. As etapas do processo de trabalho foram sistematizadas pelo fluxograma do trabalho e organizadas na matriz de processos críticos de Breilh. Os processos destrutivos, no domínio geral, foram: injustiça e vulnerabilização socioambiental como modelo de desenvolvimento econômico, o Complexo Industrial Portuário de Suape, o desastre-crime de petróleo ocorrido em 2019, a pandemia de COVID-19 e dificuldade de acesso às políticas públicas; no particular: jornadas e sobrecargas de trabalho, uso de equipamentos e ferramentas rudimentares e relações desiguais de gênero, classe e raça; no singular: adoecimentos físicos, mentais e mortes. Os processos protetores, no domínio geral: os objetivos de desenvolvimento sustentável, políticas públicas de saúde e assistência social; no particular: trabalho e beneficiamento em grupo, consumo para subsistência; no singular: a pesca como processo terapêutico, prazeroso e de partilha. O estudo destacou os problemas centrais das mulheres das águas e a necessidade do estabelecimento de políticas públicas voltadas ao seu cuidado.

ABSTRACT Objective: To describe the sociodemographic, socio-occupational profile, and effects on the health of artisanal fishers from the state of Pernambuco, Brazil, affected by the oil disaster-crime in Brazil in 2019. Methods: This is a cross-sectional epidemiological study, carried out in 16 municipalities on the coast of Pernambuco, with a sample made up of 1,259 artisanal fishers. A questionnaire containing 14 blocks was used, including socioeconomic issues, exposure to oil, among others. A descriptive analysis was carried out with calculation of simple frequencies and percentages. Results: Of those interviewed, 95.1% considered fishing as their main occupation and 97% were carrying out this activity. Among fishers, the most common fishing spot was the mangrove, and wood fire was used in the work process by around 60% of the population. Regarding health issues, 34.4% reported a severe headache or migraine and 28.2% reported burning eyes, within one to three months after the oil spill. Conclusion: According to the results, working, health, and lifestyle conditions were impacted by the oil disaster-crime. Further research should be carried out to better understand the damage caused by exposure to oil and its effects on the health of fishers. Observing the profile of people who live in artisanal fishing territories in Pernambuco is paramount for public policies and government actions that promote safe and sustainable territories.

RESUMO Objetivo: Descrever os perfis sociodemográfico e socio-ocupacional e efeitos na saúde dos pescadores artesanais de Pernambuco afetados pelo desastre-crime do petróleo no Brasil em 2019. Métodos: Estudo epidemiológico transversal, realizado em 16 municípios do litoral pernambucano, com amostra composta por 1.259 pescadores artesanais. Foi utilizado um questionário contendo 14 blocos, incluindo questões socioeconômicas, de exposição ao petróleo, entre outras. Foi realizada uma análise descritiva com cálculo de frequências simples e percentual. Resultados: No total, 95,1% das pessoas consideram a pesca como seu principal trabalho e 97% estavam exercendo essa atividade. Entre os pescadores, o local de pesca mais comum foi o mangue, e o fogo à lenha foi utilizado no processo de trabalho por cerca de 60% da população. Em relação a problemas de saúde, 34,4% relataram dor de cabeça forte ou enxaqueca e 28,2%, ardência nos olhos, no período de 1 a 3 meses após o derramamento de petróleo. Conclusão: As condições de trabalho, de saúde e de estilo de vida foram impactadas pelo desastre-crime do petróleo. Outras pesquisas deverão ser desenvolvidas para melhor compreender os danos da exposição ao petróleo e seus efeitos na saúde dos pescadores. Observar o perfil das pessoas que vivem nos territórios da pesca artesanal em Pernambuco é fundamental para políticas públicas e ações governamentais que promovam territórios saudáveis e sustentáveis.

Resumo No contexto de crise socioambiental que se evidencia na Amazônia Legal, este artigo tem como objetivo geral identificar vínculos entre as ações do governo brasileiro vigente (2019-2022) e a necropolítica socioambiental. Dentre os objetivos específicos, a investigação proposta visa a demonstrar a participação do governo federal em vigor no aumento dos incêndios, desmatamentos, invasões a territórios indígenas, garimpo ilegal e violência na Amazônia Legal. Com base na obra de Achille Mbembe, este estudo busca delimitar uma crise humanitária originada na necropolítica do governo Bolsonaro. Fazendo uso de uma metodologia quantitativa, esta pesquisa partiu da coleta de dados relacionados à desarticulação de normas ambientais garantidoras de políticas públicas, discursos oficiais de incitação à violação de normas ambientais e inércia no combate a crimes ambientais na Amazônia e contra os povos indígenas no período de janeiro de 2019 a agosto de 2022. Em uma análise qualitativa, tais dados foram inseridos em um quadro analítico derivado da obra de Mbembe sobre a necropolítica. Como resultado, restam reforçadas e justificadas as denúncias de crime contra a humanidade que tramitam contra o Presidente da República perante o Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI).

Abstract Within the context of the socio-environmental crisis evident in the Legal Amazon region, this article aims to identify links between the actions of the current Brazilian government (2019-2022) and socio- -environmental necropolitics. Among the specific objectives, the proposed investigation seeks to demonstrate the involvement of the current federal government in the increase of fires, deforestation, invasions of Indigenous territories, illegal mining, and violence in the Legal Amazon region. Drawing from Achille Mbembe’s thesis, the study aims to delineate a humanitarian crisis stemming from the necropolitics of the Bolsonaro government. Employing a quantitative methodology, the research involved collecting data related to the dismantling of environmental norms that guarantee public policies, official discourses inciting the violation of environmental norms, inertia in combating environmental crimes in the Amazon and against Indigenous peoples, spanning from January 2019 to August 2022. In a qualitative analysis, these data were integrated into the analytical framework derived by the authors from Mbembe’s work on necropolitics. As a result, the accusations of crimes against humanity filed against the Brazilian president the International Criminal Court (ICC) are further reinforced and justified.

Resumen En el contexto de la crisis socioambiental en la Amazonia Legal, este artículo tiene como objetivo identificar los vínculos entre las acciones del actual gobierno brasileño (2019-2022) y la necropolítica socioambiental. Entre los objetivos específicos, la investigación propuesta pretende demostrar la participación del actual gobierno federal en el aumento de los incendios, la deforestación, las invasiones de territorios indígenas, la minería ilegal y la violencia en la Amazonia Legal. A partir del trabajo de Achille Mbembe, este estudio busca delimitar una crisis humanitaria originada en la necropolítica del gobierno Bolsonaro. Utilizando una metodología cuantitativa, esta investigación comenzó con la recolección de datos relacionados con la desarticulación de las normas ambientales que garantizan las políticas públicas, los discursos oficiales que incitan a la violación de las normas ambientales y la inercia en la lucha contra los delitos ambientales en la Amazonía y contra los pueblos indígenas desde enero de 2019 hasta agosto de 2022. En un análisis cualitativo, tales datos se insertaron en un marco analítico derivado de la obra de Mbembe sobre la necropolítica. Como resultado, se refuerzan y justifican las acusaciones de crímenes contra la humanidad contra el Presidente de la República ante el Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI).

Abstract. The problem of the anthropogenic destruction of nature fundamentally links the notions of Anthropocene and ecocide. It not only implies a crime against biodiversity, but also a form of environmental self-destruction that involves human beings. Humanity, which in its development has built history and left symbolic advancements based on the degradation of the environment, is an agent of the nature it faces, just as (by extension) a microcosm affects the macrocosm in which it is inserted without being outside or independent of it. The aim of this article is to explain how, thanks to an understanding of nature and to nature itself as reason, it is possible to analyze in depth, from the global complex of self-destruction addressed, the need for an ecosuicidology. To do this, I present the philosophical meaning and significance of the term.

Resumen. El problema de la destrucción antropogénica de la naturaleza vincula en lo fundamental las nociones de “Antropoceno” y “ecocidio”. Este no solo implica un crimen contra la biodiversidad, sino también una forma de autodestrucción ambiental que involucra al ser humano. Una humanidad que en su desarrollo ha construido la historia y legado simbólicos avances sobre la base de la degradación del entorno es agente de esa naturaleza a la cual se enfrenta, así como (por extensión) el microcosmos incide en el macrocosmos en que está inserto sin encontrarse fuera ni ser independiente de él. El objetivo de este artículo es explicar cómo, gracias a la comprensión de la naturaleza y a la naturaleza misma en cuanto razón, es posible sondear a profundidad, desde el complejo global autodestructivo, la necesidad de una ecosuicidología. Para ello, presento el sentido y el significado filosófico del término.

Abstract This article addresses Central American climate migration from a human, gender, and environmental (HUGE) security approach. It examines documents, government reports, press publications, international and national statistical data, and interviews to establish complex interrelationships between migration, disasters, poverty, pandemic, and survival dilemma. Militarized borders, pressure from the U.S. government, and transnational organized crime have increased the dangers and costs of undocumented migration. Could a U.S. immigration reform overcome this maelstrom of illegal migration and generate development in Northern Central America by sending remittances to their families? The article explores multiculturalism, ecosystem restoration, climate change adaptation, gender recognition, and a culture of care that would offer vulnerable people in Central America an alternative livelihood agenda in their country of origin.

Resumen En este artículo se aborda la migración climática centroamericana desde un enfoque de seguridad humana, de género y ambiental (seguridad HUGE). Se examinan documentos, reportes gubernamentales, publicaciones de prensa, datos estadísticos internacionales y nacionales, así como entrevistas para establecer interrelaciones complejas entre migración, desastres, pobreza, pandemia y dilema de supervivencia. Las fronteras militarizadas, las presiones del gobierno estadounidense y el crimen organizado transnacional han incrementado los peligros y el costo de la migración indocumentada. ¿Pudiera una reforma migratoria en Estados Unidos superar esta vorágine de migración ilegal y generar desarrollo en el norte de Centroamérica por medio del envío de remesas a las familias que se quedan? El artículo explora la multiculturalidad, la restauración de ecosistemas, la adaptación al cambio climático, el reconocimiento de género y una cultura del cuidado que ofrecería a personas vulnerables de Centroamérica una agenda alternativa de vida en sus lugares de origen.

Abstract: The damage inflicted on ecosystems requires more legal tools that contribute to compliance with the treaties that protect the environment. One of these tools is criminal law through the criminalization of ecocide at international level. Several voices have proposed amending the Rome Statute to extend the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to ecocide, considering it a crime against peace, security and the welfare of mankind. Unlike the four crimes currently under the Court's mandate, the new one would not have an anthropocentric approach, but would instead have the environment at the center of international criminal justice. The current legal framework allows the ICC to prosecute environmental damage as an extension of war crimes, which is insufficient when the damage is not linked to war. This paper proposes that including ecocide in the Rome Statute would allow the ICC to investigate cases linked to the climate crisis in which individuals have been

Resumen: El daño infligido a los ecosistemas requiere de más herramientas legales que contribuyan al cumplimiento de los tratados que tutelan el medio ambiente. Una de estas herramientas es el derecho penal a través de la tipificación del ecocidio a nivel internacional. Diversas voces han propuesto enmendar el Estatuto de Roma con el objeto de extender la jurisdicción de la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) al ecocidio, considerándolo como un crimen contra la paz, la seguridad y el bienestar de la humanidad. A diferencia de los cuatro delitos actualmente bajo el mandato de la Corte, el nuevo no tendría un enfoque antropocéntrico, es decir no se centraría solo en el bienestar de los seres humanos, sino que tendría al medio ambiente en el centro de la justicia penal internacional. El marco jurídico actual permite a la CPI enjuiciar daños ambientales como una extensión de los crímenes de guerra, lo cual es insuficiente cuando se presenten daños no vinculados a acciones bélicas. El presente trabajo propone que incluir el ecocidio en el Estatuto de Roma permitiría a la CPI investigar casos vinculados a la crisis climática en los que hubieran participado individuos de manera intencional, imprudente o negligente, en tiempos de guerra o paz.

Vicarious liability has been introduced in Scottish environmental law to strengthen the fight against wildlife crime, in particular against birds of prey. Accordingly, landowners can now incur liability for wildlife crime perpetrated by the landowners' employees. Conservation organisations have lauded this development, and this raises the question of whether a similar application of vicarious liability in South African environmental law could enhance the legal conservation status of birds of prey. Vicarious liability is well established in the South African law of delict but is controversial in the context of criminal law. South African environmental law already makes provision for a form of vicarious liability, inter alia also against wildlife crime, but this liability is not strict like the traditional form of vicarious liability known in the law of delict and can accordingly only be referred to as vicarious liability in a wider sense. Unlike traditional strict vicarious liability, which is regarded as undesirable in criminal law by the courts and authors, the wider form of vicarious liability in environmental law may well pass constitutional muster. Nonetheless, the direct liability of a landowner, based on a statutory legal duty to prevent the perpetration of wildlife crime by its employees, would arguably be a more satisfactory solution.

PURPOSE: Corruption, which includes payments of bribes to government officials, poses a serious impediment to the advancement of developing countries. In this study, a model is developed based on anomie theory and research on ethical behaviour, culture and decision making to predict whether and to what extent small business owners bribe government officials DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: Using hierarchical linear modelling on a large World Bank data set, the study hypothesises that the business environmental conditions of crime prevalence, theft and disorder, transportation difficulties, and time-resource requirements for dealing with the government, function as obstacles that enhance small business owners' informal payments to government officials. The study further proposes that the national culture constructs of masculinity and power distance moderate the relationship between business environment conditions and small business owners' bribes FINDINGS/RESULTS: The study found support for the role of the proposed business environment conditions, as well as partial support for the role of masculinity and power distance as factors that strengthen the positive relationship between challenging business environments for small business owners and corrupt behaviour PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: The study proposes ways governments can address structural uncertainties which are impediments to small business survival. It also offers ways small businesses can counteract cultural and economic challenges that influence corrupt behaviour VALUE: This study improves the understanding of the role of the supply-side of corruption. It also explains how the lens of anomie theory leads to a better understanding of the mechanism of action of inducements to deviate from the norm, as happens in corrupt behaviour practices

South Africa's suite of environmental laws contains many criminal sanctions and penalty provisions. Whether the criminal sanction is an effective tool that realises the constitutionally protected environmental right depends on how it is practically enforced and whether potential offenders become aware of such enforcement measures. This article reports on research aimed at collecting and analysing prosecutions for industrial-related transgressions (conducted mainly in Magistrates' Courts) and involving offences under the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA), the Waste Act, the Air Quality Act and the National Water Act. An analysis of 53 prosecutions shows that most cases resulted in convictions, half were concluded through plea and sentence agreements, half involved the conviction of individuals, no direct imprisonment penalties were imposed, and low fines were imposed in most cases. The findings include that there is some inconsistency in how different listed activities or water uses are treated as separate or consolidated criminal charges, and the exact number, outcome, or trends arising from such cases are difficult to determine as there is no central, readily accessible database of concluded prosecutions. Increased access to such information will improve knowledge, implementation and the effective use of the criminal sanction through prosecutions. In turn, this will contribute to the improved realisation of the constitutionally protected environmental right.

Abstract Despite its potential to transition toward a green economy, the country became an environmental villain in recent years. The anti-environmentalist and anti-indigenist administration of President Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) partly dismantled environmental governance. The Amazon and its more-than-human populations were severely hit by Bolsonaro’s predatory agenda, which supported and legitimized the interests of the anti-conservationist forces within economic sectors such as agribusiness and mining, and fueled organized crime and violence in the region. This paper provides an overview and analysis of Amazonian politics and policy during this period, and discusses the importance of, and possibilities for, a transformative approach to the governance of the region.

Resumo Apesar do seu potencial para transitar para uma economia verde, o Brasil tornou-se nos últimos anos um vilão ambiental. O Governo antiambiental e anti-indígena do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) desmantelou parcialmente a governança ambiental. A Amazónia e as suas populações mais que humanas foram severamente atingidas pela agenda predatória de Bolsonaro, que apoiou e legitimou os interesses de forças anticonservacionistas no seio de setores económicos como o agro-negócio e a mineração, e alimentou o crime organizado e a violência na região. O artigo analisa as políticas amazónicas durante aquele período e discute a importância e as possibilidades de uma abordagem transforma- dora para a governança da região.

Resumo Apesar do seu potencial para transitar para uma economia verde, o Brasil tornou-se nos últimos anos um vilão ambiental. O Governo antiambiental e anti-indígena do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) desmantelou parcialmente a governança ambiental. A Amazónia e as suas populações mais que humanas foram severamente atingidas pela agenda predatória de Bolsonaro, que apoiou e legitimou os interesses de forças anticonservacionistas no seio de setores económicos como o agronegócio e a mineração, e alimentou o crime organizado e a violência na região. O artigo analisa as políticas amazónicas durante aquele período e discute a importância e as possibilidades de uma abordagem transformadora para a governança da região.

Abstract Despite its potential to transition toward a green economy, the country became an environmental villain in recent years. The anti-environmentalist and anti-indigenist administration of President Jair Bolsonaro (2019-22) partly dismantled environmental governance. The Amazon and its more-than-human populations were severely hit by Bolsonaro’s predatory agenda, which supported and legitimized the interests of the anti-conservationist forces within economic sectors such as agribusiness and mining, and fueled organized crime and violence in the region. This paper provides an overview and analysis of Amazonian politics and policy during this period, and discusses the importance of, and possibilities for, a transformative approach to the governance of the region.

Abstract The objective of this article is to analyze climate migration from Mesoamerica, integrating systemic factors of poverty, pandemic, environmental disasters, survival dilemma, insecurity, and violence within a gender perspective. Climate disasters have increased systemic risks and generated cascading processes due to weak governmental policies of prevention, mitigation and adaptation. In addition, U.S. anti-migrant policies, border militarization, and organized crime have increased regional violence, forcing poor people to migrate within caravans. During these journeys, women through their support have achieved greater equity, justice and empowerment in highly adverse conditions. These learnings have generated recognition and more inclusive cultural norms that were demanded even when the migrants were repatriated to their countries, where they have promoted a care economy. They were able to adapt to climate disasters and participate in local politics, where they have promoted sustainable productive practices that have improved the economy and equity in their society. They are overcoming extreme poverty and violent-discriminatory patriarchal patterns by improving their family economy and protecting the community from increasingly more severe climate impacts.

Resumen El objetivo es analizar la migración climática desde Mesoamérica, integrando factores sistémicos de pobreza, pandemia, desastres ambientales, dilema de supervivencia, inseguridad y violencia dentro de una perspectiva de género. Desastres climáticos han aumentado los riesgos sistémicos y generado procesos en cascada por insuficientes políticas gubernamentales de prevención, mitigación y adaptación. Adicionalmente, políticas norteamericanas anti-migrantes, una militarización de las fronteras y el crimen organizado han aumentado la violencia regional, forzando a personas pobres a emigrar dentro de caravanas. Durante estos trayectos, las mujeres, por sus apoyos, han alcanzado mayor equidad, justicia y capacitación en condiciones altamente adversas. Estos aprendizajes han generado reconocimiento y normas culturales más incluyentes, que fueron aplicados aun cuando los migrantes fueron repatriados hacia sus países, donde han promovido una economía del cuidado. Esta permitió adaptarse a desastres climáticos y participar en la política local, donde se han promovido prácticas productivas sustentables que han mejorado la economía e igualdad en la sociedad. Están superado pobreza extrema y patrones patriarcales violento-discriminatorios al mejorar la economía familiar y proteger a la comunidad ante impactos climáticos crecientemente más severos.