Resumen: El presente artículo se propone explorar las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y Argentina durante la segunda misión diplomática del escritor mexicano Alfonso Reyes (1936 y 1937), momento en que la guerra civil española alcanzó un impacto transnacional. La indagación de las huellas registradas permite sugerir que las articulaciones, las redes y conexiones entre ambas naciones excedieron el espacio diplomático oficial constituyendo, lo que aquí se denomina, redes subalternas. Los desencuentros y oposiciones entre las cancillerías no sólo no impidieron que las relaciones internacionales se expandieran, sino que incluso las representaciones simbólicas sobre la política exterior de México, que se cristalizaron en la opinión pública argentina, actuaron como un factor adicional de legitimidad para el bando republicano en defensa de la España sitiada. En este entramado complejo e inestable, vislumbramos en la actuación de Reyes su dimensión más política y de escritor comprometido.

Abstract: This article aims to explore the diplomatic relations between Mexico and Argentina during the second diplomatic mission of the Mexican writer Alfonso Reyes (1936 and 1937), when the Spanish civil war had a transnational impact. The investigation of the registered traces allows us to suggest that the articulations, networks and connections between both nations exceeded the official diplomatic space, constituting what is called here subaltern networks. The disagreements and oppositions between the foreign ministries not only did not prevent international relations from expanding, but even the symbolic representations of Mexico’s foreign policy that crystallized in Argentine public opinion acted as an additional factor of legitimacy for the Republican side. in defense of besieged Spain. In this complex and unstable framework, we glimpse in Reyes’ performance his most political dimension and that of a committed writer.

Resumen Jesús Terán Peredo fue el representante plenipotenciario de la República Mexicana ante las naciones europeas, encomienda otorgada por el presidente Benito Juárez en plena confrontación con el imperio de Maximiliano, precisamente con la finalidad de procurar el reconocimiento de la República y la deslegitimación de la intervención militar francesa. El abogado masón, ex gobernador del estado de Aguascalientes, se valió del también iniciado español Juan Prim y Prats para gestionar una entrevista con el príncipe de la casa de los Habsburgo, a fin de que desistiera de su proyecto imperial, cosa que no sucedió. Hay versiones de que Terán se apoyó en la masonería para su labor diplomática confidencial, cuestión sobra la que se reflexiona en el presente artículo.

Abstract Jesus Teran Peredo was the plenipotentiary representative of the Mexican Republic to the European nations, a mission entrusted to him by President Benito Juarez during the confrontation with Maximilian of Habsburg, head of the Second Mexican Empire. His main objective was to seek recognition for the Republic and undermine the legitimacy of the French military intervention. As a freemason and former governor of the state of Aguascalientes, Teran Peredo enlisted the support of the Spanish Freemason Juan Prim y Prats to arrange a meeting with the prince of the Habsburg dynasty, in hopes of dissuading him from pursuing his imperial project. However, this attempt was unsuccessful. There are accounts suggesting that Teran Peredo relied on freemasonry for his confidential diplomatic work, a matter that is further discussed in the present article.

Abstract: In 1726 Francisco Mendes de Goes was appointed Agent at the Parisian court by D. João V to perform the function of the king’s orderly, being assigned the mission of manager of orders made by the royal family. In this article, we will use two sets of documents that end up revealing the troubled stay of Mendes de Goes. The letters sent to Cardinal da Mota reveal the difficulties faced in order to respond to the volume of orders coming from the Portuguese monarchy. The other set of documents reveals that members of the Portuguese aristocracy also overloaded the agent with personal orders. In this set of documents, the content of the orders allows us to glimpse aspects of material culture, as well as the sociability relations established by Mendes de Goes. Both reveal new facets of the diplomatic career that, until then, have been little explored in the History of Diplomacy. Abstract 172 D kings king s orderly family article monarchy culture then Diplomacy 17 1

Resumo: Em 1726 Francisco Mendes de Goes foi nomeado agente na corte parisiense por dom João V para desempenhar a função de encomendeiro do rei, sendo atribuída a missão de gestor das encomendas feitas pela família real. Utilizaremos, neste artigo, dois conjuntos documentais que acabam por revelar a atribulada estadia de Mendes de Goes. As cartas enviadas ao cardeal da Mota revelam as dificuldades enfrentadas para conseguir responder ao volume de encomendas vindas da monarquia portuguesa. O outro conjunto documental revela que também membros da aristocracia portuguesa sobrecarregaram o agente com encomendas pessoais. Neste conjunto documental o teor das encomendas permite-nos vislumbrar aspetos da cultura material, assim como as relações de sociabilidade estabelecidas por Mendes de Goes. Ambos revelam novas facetas da carreira diplomática que, até então, têm sido pouco exploradas na história da diplomacia. Resumo 172 rei real Utilizaremos artigo pessoais permitenos permite nos material então diplomacia 17 1

Abstract This article explores the history of Brazilian diplomacy abroad during its formative period, investigating addresses, buildings and neighbourhoods where the first agents lived and worked specifically in London between 1822 and 1829, and why they installed the first legation at Park Crescent, Regent’s Park. The objective is to discuss the meaning of local spaces for the history of the diplomatic mission and the representation of the Empire of Brazil in other territories. The article demonstrates that the first legation in London was installed in a new, rich and modern district at the time, presenting itself in a different space from the other legations and embassies. In conclusion, it is argued that this action expressed a policy of seeking legitimacy and fortifying of relationship with a specific sector of that society, namely, bankers, investors and merchants, who had business in Brazil. period addresses 182 1829 Crescent Regents Regent s territories new time embassies conclusion society namely bankers merchants 18 1

Resumo O artigo explora a história da diplomacia do Brasil no exterior, no período de sua formação, investigando endereços, edifícios e bairros em que os primeiros agentes moraram e trabalharam especificamente em Londres, entre 1822 e 1829, e por que instalaram a primeira legação em Park Crescent, Regent’s Park. O objetivo é discutir o significado dos espaços locais para a história da missão diplomática e da representação do Império do Brasil em outros territórios. O artigo demonstra que a primeira legação em Londres foi instalada em um novo, rico e moderno bairro da época, apresentando-se em um espaço distinto das demais legações e embaixadas. Na conclusão, argumenta-se que essa ação expressou uma política de busca por legitimação e estreitamento de relações com um setor específico daquela sociedade, a saber, banqueiros, investidores e mercadores, que tinham negócios no Brasil. exterior formação endereços 182 1829 Crescent Regents Regent s territórios novo época apresentandose apresentando se embaixadas conclusão argumentase argumenta sociedade saber banqueiros mercadores 18 1

Resumen El presente artículo examina la presencia del escritor mexicano Alfonso Reyes en las revistas culturales argentinas durante su estancia diplomática en este país (1927-1930 y 1936-1938). El análisis de las representaciones discursivas e iconográficas permite desentrañar los sentidos asociados a su misión diplomática y considerar los trasvases entre la opinión pública y los círculos de sociabilidad intelectual. Se sostiene que en la mayoría de las ocasiones las interpretaciones acentuaron su doble representación de escritor diplomático. Con este fin se buscó dilucidar las connotaciones en el campo cultural y político argentino.

Abstract This article examines the presence of the Mexican writer Alfonso Reyes in Argentine cultural magazines during his diplomatic stay in this country (1927- 1930 and 1936-1938). The analysis of the discursive and iconographic representations allows for the unraveling of the meanings associated with his diplomatic mission and the consideration of the transfers between public opinion and circles of intellectual sociability. It is argued that on most occasions the interpretations accentuated his double representation as a diplomatic writer. To this end, we sought to elucidate the connotations in the Argentine cultural and political field.

Résumé Cet article examine la présence de l´écrivain mexicain Alfonso Reyes dans les revues culturelles argentines pendant son séjour diplomatique dans ce pays (1927- 1930 et 1936-1938). L´analyse des représentations discursives et iconographiques permet de démêler les sens associés à sa mission diplomatique et considérer les transvasements entre l´opinion publique et les cercles de sociabilité intellectuelle. On soutient que, dans la plupart des cas, les interprétations ont renforcé la double représentation de l´écrivain diplomatique. Dans ce but, on a cherché à dilucider les connotations dans le domaine culturel et politique argentin.

Abstract: After twelve years of Portuguese-Brazilian domination of the Banda Oriental (1817—1828), Uruguay became an independent state in 1828. In the following decade, with the appointment of Manuel Almeida Vasconcellos, the Brazilian Empire installed its first legation in Montevideo, thus inaugurating diplomatic relations with Uruguay. From the study of the main geopolitical transformations in the Southern Cone in the 30s, linked to a broader context of consolidation of the Imperial State and the construction of the Uruguayan National State, this paper seeks to know the issues that stood out in the diplomatic pattern between the two States. For this purpose, the investigation was based on the qualitative analysis of primary sources, i.e. the offices of the Brazilian consulate, the correspondence with the Imperial Regency and the articles published in the newspaper El Universal. It is concluded that the Vasconcellos’ mission offers a complex and enriching panorama of the processes that reconfigured the actions of the hegemonic political forces that disputed power from the 1830s onwards in both countries.

Resumen: Después de 12 años de presencia luso-brasileña de la Banda Oriental (1817—1828), Uruguay se formó como un Estado independiente en 1828. Durante la década siguiente, con el nombramiento de Manuel Almeida Vasconcellos, el Imperio del Brasil instaló su primera legación en Montevideo, inaugurando así relaciones diplomáticas con Uruguay. A partir del estudio de las principales transformaciones geopolíticas en el Cono Sur en los años ‘30 del 800, vinculadas con un contexto más amplio de consolidación del Estado imperial y de construcción del Estado nacional uruguayo, el presente trabajo busca investigar los temas destacados en la pauta diplomática entre ambos Estados. Para ello se ha tomado como base el análisis cualitativo de los informes del consulado brasileño, la correspondencia con la Regencia Imperial y los artículos publicados en el periódico El Universal. Se concluye que la misión Vasconcellos ofrece un panorama complejo y enriquecedor de los procesos que reconfiguraron la actuación de las fuerzas políticas hegemónicas que disputaron el poder a partir de la década de 1830 en ambos países.

RESUMEN Este artículo tiene como objetivo indagar sobre la historia del asesinato de un grupo de ciudadanos colombianos pertenecientes a la Orden Hospitalaria de San Juan de Dios y a los Hijos del Corazón de María durante la Guerra Civil española. Se pretende contrastar detalladamente la información presentada sobre estos hechos en la historiografía colombiana, en fuentes inéditas conservadas en el Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica de España, con trabajos actualizados enfocados en preocupaciones teológicas y martiriológicas, así como prensa anarquista, republicana y colombiana, para describir los últimos días de los religiosos colombianos en la península ibérica. A través de este caso, se pretende ilustrar el funcionamiento de la violencia política de corte anticlerical protagonizada por los sectores revolucionarios en la Barcelona posterior al golpe de estado fallido de julio de 1936, y la respuesta humanitaria del cuerpo diplomático colombiano frente a estos acontecimientos.

ABSTRACT The objective of this paper is to investigate the story of the assassination of a group of Colombian citizens belonging to the Hospitaller Order of Saint John of God and the Sons of the Immaculate Heart of Mary during the Spanish civil war. The aim is to provide a detailed comparison of information published in the Colombian historiography, based on unpublished sources kept at the Historical Memory Records Center in Spain, with that of up-to date research papers focusing on theological and martyrological issues, like the anarchist, republican, and Colombian press, to describe the last days of the Colombian religious leaders in the Iberian Peninsula. This case study has been carefully selected to illustrate the anti-clerical violence carried out by the revolutionary sectors after the military uprising in July 1936 in Barcelona, and the humanitarian response of the Colombian diplomatic mission regarding these events.

RESUMO Este artigo tem como objetivo averiguar a história do assassinato de um grupo de cidadãos colombianos pertencentes à Orden Hospitalaria de San Juan de Dios e aos Hijos del Corazón de María durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola. Pretendese contrastar as informações apresentadas sobre essos fatos na historiografia colombiana, em fontes inéditas preservadas no Centro Documental da Memória Histórica da Espanha, com trabalhos atualizados focados em questões teológicas e martirológicas, bem como a imprensa anarquista, republicana e colombiana, para descrever os últimos dias dos religiosos colombianos na Península Ibérica. Em particular, este caso visa ilustrar o funcionamento da violência política de natureza anticlerical realizada pelos setores revolucionários em Barcelona após o fracassado golpe de estado em julho de 1936, e a resposta humanitária do corpo diplomático colombiano a esses eventos.

Abstract Intellectuals were fundamental in Latin-American diplomacy. Some of them took part in the diffusion of their own culture. Luis Chico Goerne was one of these, an academic and former rector in charge of a mission in Paris in the end of 1938. He designed, unsuccessfully, a plan based on the two currents of Mexican cultural diplomacy, one of propaganda and one more cultural. The goal is to show how was thought the Mexican cultural diplomacy and how Chico Goerne participated in its renovation. Thanks to the investigation based on French and Mexican diplomatic sources, it was possible to present how Chico Goerne tried to make an advantageous propaganda to the Mexican government, and to create a Mexican institute in Paris, in order to have Mexico better known in France. The interest of this article is to understand how was made the institutionalization of the cultural diplomacy, or how it changed from an individual action to a collective and institutional policy and how it reduced the importance of intellectual action in cultural diplomacy.

Resumen Los intelectuales fueron clave en la diplomacia latinoamericana. Varios de ellos participaron en la difusión cultural de sus países, como Luis Chico Goerne, académico y ex rector que tuvo una misión en París a finales de 1938. Chico Goerne formuló, aunque sin éxito, un proyecto basado en las dos corrientes de la diplomacia cultural mexicana, una propagandística y otra más cultural. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar cómo se pensaba la diplomacia cultural mexicana en la época, y cómo Chico Goerne participó en su renovación. Gracias a la investigación realizada en fuentes diplomáticas francesas y mexicanas se pudo ver cómo intentó hacer una propaganda favorable para el gobierno mexicano, así mismo, impulsó la creación de un instituto mexicano en París para que Francia conociera más sobre aquel país. El interés de este artículo es ver cómo se hizo la institucionalización de las diplomacias culturales o cómo pasaron de una acción individual a una colectiva, y cómo redujo la importancia de la acción de los intelectuales en la diplomacia cultural.

This article is a historical study that contrasts two cases of economic diplomacy during the Great War, in Mexico and Argentina, both neutral countries, around the trading of hard fibers: jute and henequen.The article aims to reconstruct and analyse the diplomatic interactions that the governments of Argentina and Mexico undertook between 1917 and 1918 to overcome the problems that the allied organization of the economic war imposed on the global traffic of fibers, particularly binder twine and jute sacks. To do this, it examines the place of both economies in the fiber market - Mexico as a supplier of henequen, and Argentina as a consumer of jute and sisal hemp. 1917 was a critical year for the trade in hard fibers in the world. This study crosses the analysis of two coincident episodes that took place from late 1917 and the beginning of 1918: the “crisis of the jute sacks” in the Pampas, and the diplomatic mission of the Mexican Luis Cabrera in Buenos Aires. Its aim is to demonstrate that Argentina and Mexico were both part of the global framework of the fiber-cereals complex, which connected America, Europe and Asia. The article focuses on the connection and interplay of the global and regional dynamics with Mexican and Argentine processes, in order to improve knowledge about the impact of the Great War in Latin America.

Este artículo es un estudio histórico contrastado de dos casos de diplomacia económica durante la Gran Guerra, de México y de Argentina, dos países neutrales, en torno al comercio de fibras duras: yute y henequén. Se propone reconstruir las interacciones diplomáticas emprendidas por los gobiernos de Argentina y México entre 1917 y 1918 para superar los problemas que la conflagración y la organización aliada de la guerra económica impusieron al flujo global de fibras duras, particularmente restricciones al tráfico de hilo sisal y bolsas de arpillera, que afectaban la marcha de sus economías exportadoras. Para ello, examina su lugar en el mercado de fibras -México como proveedor de henequén, y Argentina como consumidora de yute e hilo sisal-. 1917 fue un año crítico para el comercio de fibras duras en el mundo. El trabajo cruza el análisis de dos episodios coincidentes entre fines de ese año y comienzos de 1918, la “crisis de las bolsas” en las pampas, y la misión diplomática del mexicano Luis Cabrera en Buenos Aires, con el objetivo de demostrar que ambos forman parte del entramado del complejo global fibras-cereales, que conectaba América, Europa y Asia. Se enfoca en destacar la conexión, cruce y desencuentro de las dinámicas globales y regionales con los procesos mexicanos y argentinos, pretendiendo contribuir así al mejor conocimiento del impacto de la Gran Guerra en Latinoamérica.

ABSTRACT In 1961, the USA severed diplomatic relations with Cuba, and in 1962 an embargo was imposed on trade and financial relations with that country. It was not until five decades later that the USA and Cuba would reestablish relations. This opened the way for the New York State Trade Mission to Cuba in April 2015, during which Cuba’s Molecular Immunology Center and Buffalo, New York’s Roswell Park Cancer Institute signed a formal agreement that would set in motion biotechnology research collaboration to address one of the most important causes of death in both countries. Significant research from Cuba led to this groundbreaking collaboration. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the development of this cooperation, from the Molecular Immunology Center’s initial investigations, through the opening of a phase I clinical trial at Roswell Park Cancer Institute with therapies developed at the Center. This cooperation was responsible for the first clinical trial for CIMAvax-EGF involving advanced-stage non-small cell lung cancer patients in the USA. A license was also approved by the US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control authorizing a commercial partnership for development of biotechnology products, combining the cancer research efforts of both institutions. This unusual collaboration between Cuba and the USA—the US economic embargo and travel restrictions not withstanding—opens good prospects for expanded medical research between the two countries. While political and logistical challenges remain, the shared mission and dedication of these Cuban and US scientists points the way towards relationships that can lead to development, testing, approval and use of promising new therapies for cancer patients.

Tanto los Estados Unidos como la Iglesia católica brasileña fueron agentes decisivos durante la dictadura militar que gobernó a Brasil entre 1964 y 1985. Por tanto, una comprensión de la relación entre estos dos influyentes actores políticos parece imperativa. Este artículo explora las visiones estadounidenses de la Iglesia católica brasileña, así como sus intereses en ella, mediante el análisis crítico, la tematización, el análisis del discurso y la periodización de los telegramas de la misión diplomática norteamericana en Brasil entre 1964 y 1972. Se sostiene que, en el contexto ideológico de la doctrina de Seguridad Nacional, los Estados Unidos consideraban al movimiento progresista católico y, en cierta medida, a la Iglesia en su conjunto como una amenaza. Sin embargo, a partir de 1969, después del endurecimiento de la represión política y del creciente compromiso institucional de la Iglesia con la defensa de los derechos humanos, el enfoque estadounidense pasó de la sospecha a la colaboración desarrollista. Este artículo arroja luz sobre el cambiante escenario político durante el régimen militar brasileño

Both the United States and the Brazilian Catholic Church played decisive roles during the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil between 1964 and 1985. Therefore, an understanding of the relationship between these influential political actors is imperative. This article explores American views of and interests in the Brazilian Catholic Church through a critical examination, categorization, discourse analysis and periodization of cables produced by the U.S. diplomatic mission in Brazil from 1964 to 1972. It maintains that, in the ideological context of National Security doctrine, the U.S. regarded the progressive Catholic movement, and at some level the Church as a whole, as a threat. Nonetheless, starting in 1969, after an intensification of political repression and the growing institutional commitment of the Church to human rights defense, the American approach changed from suspicion to collaboration for development. This article sheds light on the changing political context during the Brazilian military regime

Tanto os Estados Unidos quanto a Igreja católica brasileira foram agentes decisivos durante a ditadura militar que governou o Brasil entre 1964 e 1985. Por tanto, uma compreensão da relação entre esses dois influentes atores políticos parece imperativa. Este artigo explora as visões e os interesses norteamericanos sobre a Igreja católica brasileira por meio da análise crítica, da tematização, da análise do discurso e da periodização dos telegramas da missão diplomática norte-americana no Brasil entre 1964 e 1972. Sustenta-se que, no contexto ideológico da doutrina de Segurança Nacional, os Estados Unidos consideravam o movimento progressista católico e, em algum nível, a Igreja em seu conjunto como uma ameaça. Contudo, em 1969, depois do endurecimento da repressão política e do crescente compromisso institucional da Igreja com a defesa dos direitos humanos, a abordagem norte-americana passou da suspeita à colaboração desenvolvimentista. Este artigo esclarece o cenário político em transformação durante o regime militar brasileiro

Abstract The 1998 Brasilia Peace Agreement ended a territorial dispute between Ecuador and Peru that, due to the size and location of the contested area, had remained a source of regional instability and continental tensions for decades. This paper examines the circumstances that finally allowed negotiations, beginning in 1995, to overcome an almost two-centuries-old conflict, long after almost all territorial disputes in South America had been laid to rest. It will focus in particular on the diplomatic endeavours by the guarantor countries of the 1942 Rio de Janeiro Protocol, which involved a unique set of negotiations, and the setting up of the first effective multilateral peace operation in South America. It also suggests that the peace agreement benefited from the dynamics of economic integration underway since the 1980s. Finally, it considers the implications for regional security arrangements, as well as Brazil’s leadership credentials in South America.

The type specimen of Australopithecus sediba (MH1) is a late juvenile, prompting some commentators to suggest that had it lived to adulthood its morphology would have changed sufficiently so as to render hypotheses regarding its phylogenetic relations suspect. Considering the potentially critical position of this species with regard to the origins of the genus Homo, a deeper understanding of this change is especially vital. As an empirical response to this critique, a developmental simulation of the MH1 cranium was carried out using geometric morphometric techniques to extrapolate adult morphology using extant male and female chimpanzees, gorillas and humans by modelling remaining development. Multivariate comparisons of the simulated adult A. sediba crania with other early hominin taxa indicate that subsequent cranial development primarily reflects development of secondary sexual characteristics and would not likely be substantial enough to alter suggested morphological affinities of A. sediba. This study also illustrates the importance of separating developmental vectors by sex when estimating ontogenetic change. Results of the ontogenetic projections concur with those from mandible morphology, and jointly affirm the taxonomic validity of A. sediba.

This article presents the role of Georges Dumas in the development of Brazilian psychology in the first half of the twentieth century. France had at that moment a major influence on Brazilian cultural and scientific development, including the field of psychology. Georges Dumas had a prominent presence in Brazil, acting as a gatekeeper when choosing French scholars to give conferences and classes in Brazil between 1908 and 1940 as a representative of the French cultural tradition. The bibliography of Georges Dumas's Traité de Psychologie, published in 1922-1923, shows a selection of Brazilian scholars who interacted with the author 1900's ans 1940's. The political context of French-Brazilian exchanges and the names of professors involved in the French mission in Brazil in the field of psychology were studied. The French cultural influence in Brazil is interpreted as a strategy aimed at contributing to the solution of Brazilian problems, and it helped to change the image of Brazil in Europe. In addition, scientific exchanges promoted the extension of the French diplomatic network.

Abstract At the time of the “great navigations” promoted by the Iberian powers of Spain and Portugal, East and West hemispheres became linked. Shortly after the consolidation of its hegemony in the Pacific Ocean, the Spanish Crown began contacts with Japan. Religious principles and trade with European countries (called “Nanban-Boeki”) had a great influence in the transition of Japan from the Middle Age to a Modern Age. Thus began the diplomatic relations between Japan, Spain and the colony so called New Spain. The government of Tokugawa Ieyasu shogunate undertook the great task of opening negotiations with the Spanish government in Manila, Philippines, as well as the authorities in New Spain. Moreover, at that time, Dutch and English delegations approached the shogunate in a political tactic directed against the Spanish power. Later, in such circumstances, the feudal lord “Daimyo” Date Masamune of Sendai, under the authority of the shogunate, with the collaboration of fray Luis Sotelo, sent an embassy in charge of Hasekura Tsunenaga to New Spain, Spain and the Vatican to meet with Pope Paul V, in order to strengthen friendly and commercial relations.

Resumen En la época de las “grandes navegaciones” realizadas por las potencias ibéricas de España y Portugal, se enlazaron los mundos del Oriente y el Occidente. Poco después, una vez establecida su hegemonía en el Océano Pacífico, la Corona española realizó su avance hasta el territorio de Japón y empezó a tener contactos directos con ese país en la época de los poderosos gobernantes de Oda Nobunaga y de Toyotomi Hideyoshi. A través de la predicación y del comercio con los países ibéricos de España y Portugal, llamado “Nanban-boeki”, se divulgó en Japón la “cultura Nanban” y su influencia fue definitiva en el llamado “siglo cristiano” en la historia de Japón, época en que este país pasó de la Edad Media a la Moderna. Así empezaron las relaciones diplomáticas directas y dinámicas entre Japón, la Nueva España y España. En particular, el gobierno del shogunato de Tokugawa Ieyasu emprendió la gran tarea de abrir negociaciones con el gobierno español de Manila, Filipinas, así como con el virrey de la Nueva España y con la Corona española, intercambiando misiones o embajadas. Por otra parte, en ese momento los holandeses e ingleses se aproximaron al shogunato sin tocar el tema religioso, en una maniobra política dirigida contra los españoles. Posteriormente, en dichas circunstancias el señor feudal “Daimyo” Date Masamune de Sendai, bajo la autorización del shogunato, también con la colaboración de fray Luis Sotelo, envió la embajada Hasekura Tsunenaga a la Nueva España y España, así como al Vaticano para entrevistarse con el papa Paulo V, con el objeto de concretar las relaciones amistosas y el comercio con ellos.