This article submits that the 1963 Charter of the Organisation of African Unity provided a legal foundation for continental economic integration. This was followed by successive declarations and legal agreements such as the Lagos Plan of Action, the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community and the Constitutive Act of the African Union, all of which became more explicit. While the Organisation of African Unity of 1963 and the African Union of 2002 respectively pronounced the direction of the continental organisations, the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community was then established to translate the vision into actionable activities towards a continental economic community through the establishment of the Regional Economic Communities that would ultimately be the foundation blocks for the integration of the continent. The article shows that all the Regional Economic Communities have a strong legal appeal to achieve African unity and the desire to integrate African economies. Consequently, the African Union has to date attained a continental Free Trade Area and is still to attain a continental customs union and the common market using the same legal architecture, these being stages in developing an African Economic Community. The article also demonstrates that the various Regional Economic Communities owe their existence to the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity or the Lagos Plan of Action or the Abuja Treaty, all under the umbrella of the Constitutive Act of the African Union.

The contribution provides an explanation of inner-African xenophobia as being rooted in the countermovements to 19th century imperialism. Distinctive property rights constituted different modes of production and notions of a common society among Basotho and Tswana people on the one hand and Trekboers on the other, which made them resist the incorporation into an imperial world market by the British Empire. Although the moderate expansive mode of Basotho and Batswana seemed more compatible with the free market approach of the Britons than the exclusive property concept of the Trekboer, the political result was different. We argue that finally the British expansion without conquest could be allied with the Trekboer conquest without integration due to the invention of SACU as the first customs union of the world, which began as Customs Union Convention in 1889. It allowed for a continuation of a pre-Enlightenment exclusionary property right that fuels xenophobia until today.

Resumo: Com base nas implicações sociais, jurídicas e econômicas impostas pela globalização, bem como a integração entre nações, o presente trabalho se propõe a discutir o conceito de desenvolvimento a partir da análise das Constituições do Brasil, Paraguai, Argentina e Chile, tendo em vista que emerge um debate entre academia e demais instituições no contexto da integração da América Latina. Trata-se de um diálogo urgente e necessário para nortear os possíveis rumos dessa região. Países dos mais diversos continentes já acenam para uma quebra de tarifas alfandegárias e ascensão de novos acordos econômicos, inclusive aproximando os países componentes da RILA dos países do maior e mais sólido bloco econômico da atualidade, a União Europeia. Isso abre um precedente para a ideia que a RILA está se tornando um macro território de crescente notoriedade econômica, social e jurídica, razão pela qual pensar o desenvolvimento regional é tarefa prioritária, bem como traçar estudos e reflexões que levem à uma possível harmonização e integração de normas jurídicas. Essas são tarefas dos governos, academias, empresas e sociedade civil. Ademais, discute-se nesse trabalho, a necessidade de uma pavimentação jurídica envolvendo os países que compõem a RILA, a fim de proporcionar maior segurança jurídica e dignidade dos sujeitos envolvidos neste intenso processo.

Abstract: Based on the social, legal and economic implications imposed by globalization, as well as the integration between nations, this paper proposes to discuss the concept of development by analyzing the constitutions of Brazil, Paraguay, Argentine, and Chile, considering that a debate between academia and other institutions emerges in the Latin America integration context. This is an urgent and necessary dialogue to guide possible courses for this region. Countries from the most diverse continents already indicate a break in customs tariffs and the rise of new economic agreements, bringing countries of the Latin-American Integration Route (RILA) closer to the countries of today’s greatest and most solid economic bloc, the European Union. This sets a precedent for the idea that RILA is becoming a macro-territory of increasing economic, social and legal visibility, which is a reason why thinking about regional development is a priority task, as well as drawing up studies and reflections that lead to a possible harmonization and integration of legal norms. These are tasks of the governments, academia, companies, and civil society. Furthermore, the present work discusses the need for legal grounds involving countries that make up the RILA, in order to provide greater legal security and dignity for the subjects involved in this intense process.

Resumen: A partir de las implicaciones sociales, legales y económicas que impone la globalización, así como la integración entre naciones, este trabajo propone discutir el concepto de desarrollo a partir del análisis de las constituciones de Brasil, Paraguay, Argentina y Chile, considerando que un debate entre la academia y otras instituciones surge en el contexto de la integración de América Latina. Es un diálogo urgente y necesario para orientar los posibles rumbos de esta región. Los países de los continentes más diversos ya apuntan a una ruptura de los aranceles aduaneros y al surgimiento de nuevos acuerdos económicos, entre ellos el acercamiento de los países miembros de RILA a los países del bloque económico más grande y sólido de la actualidad, la Unión Europea. Esto sienta un precedente para la idea de que RILA se está convirtiendo en un macroterritorio de creciente notoriedad económica, social y jurídica, por lo que pensar en el desarrollo regional es una tarea prioritaria, así como la elaboración de estudios y reflexiones que conduzcan a una posible armonización. e integración de normas legales. Estas son tareas para los gobiernos, el mundo académico, las empresas y la sociedad civil. Además, este trabajo discute la necesidad de un pavimento legal que involucre a los países que integran la RILA, a fin de brindar mayor seguridad jurídica y dignidad a los sujetos involucrados en este intenso proceso.

Abstract This article presents a description of the MERCOSUR during its first ten years of life. A conceptual account of that first decade is made, focusing on the institutional evolution of the regional block (always linked to the discussion of different integrationist models) and on recording the emphasis noted in each context. Moreover, what is particularly investigated is the persistence of the “flexibilization” proposal in the functioning of the block, which has been reconsidered in today’s context as an already very present demand in that decade, not only as a logical aspiration of the “smallest” members, but also very often as a form of imposition by the “largest” members when faced by difficult situations.

Resumen En el artículo se presenta una descripción de la trayectoria del MERCOSUR en sus primeros 10 años. Se desarrolla un relato conceptual sobre esa primera década, con centro en la evolución institucional del bloque (siempre vinculada con la discusión de diferentes modelos integracionistas) y en el registro de los distintos énfasis advertidos en cada coyuntura. Se indaga, en especial, la persistencia del tópico de la propuesta de “flexibilización” en el funcionamiento del bloque, replanteado en la coyuntura más actual como una demanda ya muy presente en aquella década, no solo como aspiración lógica de los “más pequeños”, sino a menudo como imposición de los “más grandes” ante coyunturas difíciles.

BACKGROUND: Trade facilitation is important for the South African Customs Union (SACU) countries because the expansion of international trade is a priority to enhance their economic growth. Unfortunately, the high trade compliance costs facing importers and exporters operating in SACU are in conflict with this objective. AIM: This article aims to quantify the annual economic welfare gains that the member countries of SACU could realise from reforms that would reduce the documentary and border compliance time and costs. METHODS: We use a partial equilibrium welfare economics framework of up-to-date sets of general equilibrium estimates of the import demand and the export supply elasticity in a country. The impact on the volume of trade flow and economic welfare is quantified to reduce documentary and border compliance time and trade compliance costs. RESULTS: The economic welfare changes from reducing the documentary and border compliance time and costs for imports and exports would be between US$2.2 billion and US$3.7 billion (2018 prices), or between 0.54% and 0.90% of GDP of the SACU countries. The economic welfare gains from reducing the excess administrative costs in imports and exports of SACU members would be between US$2.2 billion and US$3.7 billion (2018 prices), or between 0.54% and 0.90% of the GDP of the SACU. CONCLUSION: The most important reforms needed to realise these cost savings include a single window administrative structure. In this case, both customs, health, welfare, and controls, as well as the payment of all duties, taxes, and licenses are handled by a single administrative office. Failure to move fast regarding such changes would have a negative impact on the well-being of SACU members.

Abstract: This article aims to provide an ethnographic description of the patron saint festivities ("Fiesta Patronal") in the XV Region of Arica and Parinacota, held annually on August 15 in Putre, a town located in the Andean foothills. This celebration is de scribed as a union between Christian religiosity and indigenous Aymara customs and rituals. These festivities have a significance in the life of the Andean people, not only as a reflection of their belief systems, but also in the way they relate to the social-economic sphere and their communal way of life, in which sharing among neighbors, friends and family is an important part of everyday life. It is important to highlight the idea of protecting a cultural identity and the institution of marriage, as the men and women who preside over this festival are symbols of the complementary duality always present in the various traditions of Andean culture.

Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo entregar una descripción etnográfica de una fiesta patronal de la Región de Arica y Parinacota, que se realiza anualmente cada 15 de agosto en la localidad precordillerana de Putre. Se describe en ella la unión de la religiosidad cristiana con las costumbres y rituales autóctonos de la cultura aimara. Las fiestas tienen un significado y un sentido relevante en la vida de los pobladores andinos, ya que, además de ser un reflejo de sus sistemas de creencias, también se relacionan directamente con los aspectos social y económico, y con su modo comunitario de vida, en el cual el compartir entre vecinos, amigos y familia es parte importante del día a día. Es importante destacar la idea del resguardo de una identidad cultural y la figura del matrimonio, pues el hombre y la mujer, que presiden esta festividad, son símbolos de la dualidad compenetrada y siempre presente en las diversas tradiciones de los pueblos andinos.

ABSTRACT The relevance of the chosen topic related to the study of the modern foundations of customs control during the movement of goods and vehicles to the customs territory of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the identification of the main directions for its improvement is due to the increasing volumes of foreign trade, increasing freight traffic across the borders of the customs Union, as well as increase in volumes of customs clearance of foreign trade cargo. Modern requirements and international standards require the state’s customs service not to hinder foreign trade, but to support its development, without prejudice to the national security interests of the country. In recent years, the Russian customs service has taken tremendous steps in this direction, namely, in the direction of integration into the international economic space.

RESUMEN La relevancia del tema elegido relacionado con el estudio de los fundamentos modernos del control aduanero durante el movimiento de mercancías y vehículos al territorio aduanero de la Unión Económica Euroasiática (EAEU) y la identificación de las principales direcciones para su mejora se debe al aumento volúmenes de comercio exterior, aumento del tráfico de mercancías a través de las fronteras de la Unión aduanera, así como aumento de los volúmenes de despacho de aduanas de carga de comercio exterior. Los requisitos modernos y las normas internacionales requieren que el servicio de aduanas del estado no obstaculice el comercio exterior, sino que apoye su desarrollo, sin perjuicio de los intereses de seguridad nacional del país. En los últimos años, el servicio de aduanas ruso ha dado tremendos pasos en esta dirección, es decir, en la dirección de la integración en el espacio económico internacional.

El presente documento busca determinar si la suscripción de la unión aduanera de la CAN en el año 1995 dio lugar a un proceso de creación/desviación del comercio intrarregional y extrarregional para sus miembros. Por tal motivo, se estima el modelo estructural de gravedad de comercio, con datos de panel de 83 países, que comprende el periodo que va de 1967 a 2017, con una desagregación de doce tipos de cadenas productivas de bienes, mediante el método de estimación "Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood". Las estimaciones sugieren que la suscripción de la unión aduanera de la CAN da lugar a un proceso de creación de comercio intrarregional y creación de importaciones procedentes de países no miembros. Entre otros resultados, se identifica que la suscripción de esta unión aduanera incrementa el comercio intrarregional en las siguientes cadenas productivas de bienes: papel y madera, acero y hierro, metales no ferrosos y electrónicos. También, se encuentra que en los grupos de cadenas productivas de energía, químicos, vehículos y eléctricos se genera un proceso de creación de exportaciones hacia países no miembros.

This paper seeks to determine whether the signing of the CAN customs union in 1995 gave rise to a process of creation/diversion of intra-regional and extra-regional trade for its members. For this reason, estimates of the structural gravity trade model are developed, with panel data from 83 countries, which includes the period 1967-2017, with a disaggregation of twelve types of goods production chains, using the estimation method "Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood". Estimates suggest that signing the CAN customs union leads to a process of intraregional trade creation and the creation of imports from non-member countries. Among other results, the signing of this customs union increases intra-regional trade in the following productive chains of goods: paper and wood, steel and iron, non-ferrous metals and electronics. Also, it is identified that the groups of productive chains of energy, chemicals, vehicles and electric, a process of creation of exports to non-member countries is generated.

In an attempt to determine the significance of Brexit, I analyse both the internal (national) and international consequences of Prime Minister (PM) Theresa May's ongoing attempts at negotiating the United Kingdom's (UK's) withdrawal from the European Union (EU). At the time of writing this article (May 2019), it has become clear that Brexit is a foreign-policy issue for the rest of Europe. In London, however, it revolves primarily around a battle for domestic power and the survival of the UK as a political unit. Seldom before has the impact of domestic affairs on foreign affairs been so vividly demonstrated as in the case of political divisions in the UK driving foreign-policy positions on Brexit and, in particular, PM May's hard line position with respect to the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Because of this fixation on and preoccupation with the ECJ the UK views many of its position points through this ECJ-prism. The issue of the Irish border touches the soul of the UK. The continuation of its four united entities is at stake. As are peace arrangements that have lasted now for more than 30 years. Of all the remaining EU countries the Republic of Ireland (RI) will experience the consequences of Brexit the most - in whatever shape or form it materialises. The emergence of the Irish backstop border issue as a deal breaker during the parliamentary debates on Brexit in the latter part of 2018 caused havoc. In the final analysis Brexit is not just about tariffs or trade and their consequences: it is about history, and making sure it is not repeated. This is a real concern. The backstop was an attempt to avoid renewed instability in Northern Ireland (NI) and is an effort to avoid a hard border between the RI and NI. Opponents argue that it could keep the UK trapped in the EU's customs union and keep the UK enmeshed in the EU. The siren call of the Brexit campaign was for the UK to "take back control". It was stubbornly determined to regain its distinctive identity in the world, how it chooses to proceed in the world and to formulate a previously untested approach. To achieve that PM May adopted a hard line approach to Brexit. She drew red lines and endorsed previous ones. Each one of them - and the one on the ECJ in particular - was incompatible with the relationship between the UK and the EU. But, she drew them nevertheless. More so in an effort to appease the anti-EU wing of her party. Brexiteers mobilised around the slogan of regaining control which then became a policy objective. Three years later nobody was in control. The failure to take back control was due to the PM failing to take and keep control. With her laid down contradictory red lines, breaking them was inevitable. Removing the UK from the purview of the ECJ is a delicate and sensitive issue with questions being raised over whether the UK can totally sever all ties with the Court without harming relations with the EU. The reasons why any future relationship with the EU will be nearly impossible without the Court are equally numerous. Whatever position the UK adopted it would not escape ECJ-related consequences. Considered from PM May's hard line standpoint on the Court it was a fact that she could hardly bear to contemplate. The EU has one common purpose. Foremost, it was determined to ensure that its Court continues to be the protector of all that have been created by the Union for the well-being of its Member States and their citizens, whether the negotiations with the UK succeeded or failed. European integration has brought peace and prosperity to Europe and allowed for an unprecedented level of cooperation on matters of common interest in a rapidly changing world. For the EU economic and political integration are intertwined and have been advanced and enhanced by the ECJ. PM May's red line on the ECJ overshadowed the negotiations and caused her headaches both internally and with the EU. Her negotiations with the EU on this issue and other crucial matters required patience, diplomatic ability and skill, together with an in depth understanding of the workings of all the EU institutions. The UK displayed no sign of any of these qualities. The Withdrawal Agreement, which PM May negotiated would be legally binding once it was approved by the UK Parliament and EU Members and ratified by the EU Parliament. It will thereafter govern the terms of the UK's departure from the EU. Its draft provisions include a transition period ending on 31 December 2020. Coupled with this Agreement is the non-binding Political Declaration. It details the UK's longer-term relationship with the EU. It envisages an ambitious, broad, deep and flexible partnership. On Brexit the EU stands united as never before; the UK is regarded simply as a divisive entity. To exarcerbate matters, the UK government consistently underestimated the EU's resolve to stay united. Furthermore, it tried and failed dismally to drive a wedge between Member States and the EU Commission. Its Ministers misled themselves and the public in the UK into believing that the continentals would cave in because of their trade surplus with the UK. Ministers were either not briefed or ignored briefings on critical core features of the EU that conditioned the latter's approach and drove its ambition to stay united and speak with one voice. Seldom before have 27 States acted in such unison. By contrast, divisiveness characterised the UK's performance. UK officials knew right from the start that a leaving state was required to accept the EU position as the basis for the talks. In the Brexit talks, it was 27 to one. But their Ministers and not least of all their PM gave the impression that the UK had equal political weight to the EU in the negotiations. They minimised the difficulties. They implied the talks would be a walkover. When reality dawned, they accused the EU of stubbornness and unwillingness to cooperate. They questioned the good faith of their EU interlocutors. When they were not doing that they cried victory after every encounter with the EU negotiators. It would serve the UK well to approach the new round of negotiations with a new frame of mind so as to give substance to a future relationship with the EU. One that would treat their European counterparts as worthy negotiating partners and not as foil for use in domestic politics.

Hierdie oorsigartikel is nie 'n kronologiese weergawe van alles wat rondom Brexit gebeur het nie. Dit gee eerder die hooftemas weer wat op hul beurt onvermydelik lei tot duplikasie van verwysings en gevolgtrekkings in sekere gevalle. Waar Brexit vir die Europese Unie (EU) 'n ernstige buitelandse beleidsonderwerp is, gaan dit vir die Verenigde Koninkryk (VK) amper meer oor 'n oorlewingstryd om binnelandse politieke mag en die voortbestaan van die VK as 'n politieke eenheid. Die impak van binnelandse aangeleenthede op buitelandse beleid word gedemonstreer deur eerste minister May se onversetlike standpunt oor die Europese Geregshof (EG).1 Die VK ervaar die EG as 'n soewereiniteitsbedreiging. Daarom is die wekroep van die Brexit-veldtog vir die VK om "weer volle beheer terug te kry". Om die VK van die EU se menige instellings en beleidsvoorskrifte los te maak en te organiseer, sou altyd 'n moeilke taak wees. Die aanvanklike pogings om volle betekenis aan Brexit te gee en ook 'n toekomstige verhouding met die EU te bewerkstellig - een sonder die EG se betrokkenheid - is kil deur die Europese gespreksgenote ontvang. Aangesien die eerste minister se ononderhandelbare voorwaardes en rooilyne dwaaslik en teenstrydig neergelê is, was dit onvermydelik dat hulle nie sou steekhou nie. Dat die EG in die proses sou verdwyn, was wensdenkery aan die kant van die VK. Daarenteen was die EU nou meer vasberade dat geen voorstel wat die EG se rol minimaliseer, nog minder die Hof se betrokkenheid uitsluit, oorweeg sou word nie. Om die VK se oordrewe fokus op die EG te verstaan, is dit belangrik om die gebeure voor en na die referendum in ag te neem.

RESUMEN Este artículo responde a dos cuestionamientos: a) ¿el proceso de integración regional en el Mercosur, desde su lanzamiento con el Tratado de Asunción (1991), ha contribuido a la reducción de las disparidades en el ingreso per cápita entre los países de la región?, b) ¿se ha dado convergencia vía el comercio intrazona? Para responderlos, fue necesario revisar el marco teórico de la integración y buscar explicaciones que justificaran el proceso de integración en el Mercosur bajo el esquema de unión aduanera y su vinculación con la convergencia. Se entiende la integración como un proceso económico influenciado por las estructuras productivas de los países y cuyo patrón de comercio responde a la asignación de recursos de la estructura sectorial de la producción. Utilizando el modelo por efectos fijos, se observó que las regresiones no evidencian existencia de β-convergencia en el PIB per cápita del conjunto de países. Adicionalmente, se estimó un modelo en el que se incluye el índice de apertura global y el índice de apertura interregional. Los resultados no revelan presencia de β-convergencia condicional para el conjunto de países. Se puede concluir que el Mercosur no ha favorecido el crecimiento de los países en términos de PIB per cápita. JEL: F11, F15, O47.

ABSTRACT This article seeks to answer two questions: Has the process of regional integration in Mercosur since its launch with the Treaty of Asunción (1991) contributed to reducing disparities in per capita income among countries in the region? Has there been convergence via intra-zone trade? To do this, it was necessary to review the theoretical framework of integration and to seek explanations that would justify the Mercosur integration process under the customs union scheme and its link with convergence. Integration is understood here as an economic process influenced by the productive structures of countries, whose pattern of trade responds to the allocation of resources of the sectoral structure of production. Using the fixed effects model, it was observed that regressions do not show the existence of β-convergence in the GDP per capita of the set of countries. Additionally, a model was estimated based on the global open data index and intra-regional openness index. The results do not reveal conditional β-convergence for the set of countries. The paper concludes that Mercosur has not favored the growth of countries in terms of GDP per capita.

RESUMO Este artigo responde a dois questionamentos: 1) o processo de integração regional no Mercosul, desde seu lançamento com o Tratado de Assunção (1991), contribuiu para reduzir as desigualdades no ingresso per capita entre os países da região?, 2) ocorreu convergência por meio do comércio intrazona? Para responder a essas perguntas, foi necessário revisar o referencial teórico da integração e buscar explicações que justificassem o processo de integração no Mercosul sob o esquema de união alfandegária e sua vinculação com a convergência. Entende-se a integração como um processo econômico influenciado pelas estruturas produtivas dos países e cujo padrão de comércio responde à designação de verbas da estrutura setorial da produção. Com base no modelo por efeitos fixos, foi observado que as regressões não demonstram existência β-convergência no PIB per capita do conjunto de países. Além disso, foi estimado um modelo em que foram incluídos o índice de abertura global e o índice de abertura intrarregional. Os resultados não revelam presença β-convergência condicional para o conjunto de países. Pode-se concluir que o Mercosul não favoreceu o crescimento dos países em termos de PIB per capita.

Traditionally, women's rights have always been of low priority in Africa. Women have been subordinated under the auspices of deep-rooted African customs and cultural practices, compromising their fundamental rights. Accordingly, member states of the African Union developed the African Women's Protocol, with article 5 to guide states towards the elimination of harmful practices against women. This article assesses the implementation of article 5 of the Women's Protocol in Zimbabwe, in relation to legal, constitutional and policy reforms instituted after ratification of the Protocol in 2008. Although the assessment noted a positive domestic influence of the Protocol in Zimbabwe, the country still has a long way to go in the process of eliminating harmful practices. For the effective implementation of article 5, the article recommends the rapid alignment of marriage and customary laws to the Constitution and the African Women's Protocol. The article also vouches for effective multi-sectoral approaches which include litigation and widespread awareness raising on the Constitution and other mechanisms against harmful practices.

BACKGROUND: Understanding and assessing fiscal sustainability is essential in ensuring financial and macro-economic stability. Fiscal sustainability has emerged as an important subject for Swaziland given the increasingly volatile government revenues especially those coming through the South African Customs Union (SACU), which threw the country into a severe fiscal crisis between 2010 and 2012, as well as the pressures on increased government spending in the post-fiscal crisis era. AIM: This article primarily focuses on studying whether Swaziland's fiscal policy remains on a sustainable path or whether corrective measures would be required. SETTING: Study focuses on Swaziland, a small open economy that is vulnerable to external shocks. The country also relies heavily on South African Customs Union (SACU) revenues. METHODS: The study employs a broad approach to assessing fiscal sustainability in Swaziland covering both deterministic and stochastic analysis. On the deterministic analysis, the article studies the evolution of debt given macro-economic variables and further estimates fiscal sustainability indicators such as the primary gap and tax-gap. From a stochastic analysis, the article uses the Trehan and Walsh Methodology as well as Hakkio and Rush Methodology. RESULTS: Fiscal sustainability indicators reflected that the country is on an unsustainable path with a primary gap and tax-gap of about 7% of gross domestic product (GDP) that has to be corrected. The econometric results also portray an evidence of 'weak-form' sustainability in the long-run. This is because public expenditures are rising at a faster pace than revenues thereby rendering government deficits unsustainable in the medium term. The econometric results also suggest a tax-spend hypothesis in the long-run, while short-run developments point to a spend-tax hypothesis. In both instances the correction measure is cutting expenditure, mainly recurrent expenditure. CONCLUSION: The study recommends corrective measures (mainly cuts in government expenditure) for fiscal policy to be brought back into a sustainable path without which a fiscal crisis is imminent. The recommendations are mainly based on the fiscal sustainability indicators as they are more forward looking for the short to medium term. The article suggests fiscal rules based on these indicators.

Resumen El Mercosur atraviesa hoy su crisis más grave. Todos los Gobiernos, sin excepción, se han pronunciado sobre la necesidad de desandar los compromisos previos, convirtiendo a la unión aduanera en una mera zona de libre comercio. Esta no es su primera crisis ni tampoco predice el fin del bloque; sin embargo, nos lleva a preguntar sobre el porqué de este derrotero zigzagueante que contribuye a la perdida de legitimidad y credibilidad entre las elites políticas y la opinión pública, en general. Para la mayoría de los estudiosos de las ciencias políticas o de la economía internacional, la explicación de ese fracaso se encuentra en la ausencia de voluntad política y de complementariedad estructural entre los países miembros. La idea que buscamos demostrar en estas páginas es que si bien dichas explicaciones son válidas y hasta complementarias, son insuficientes. En ese sentido, sostenemos la necesidad de superar las teorías que se apoyan en factores de índole endógenos para incluir factores exógenos -tales como la dependencia externa, la incertidumbre financiera y las estrategias cambiantes de las grandes corporaciones transnacionales- que ejercen un peso determinante sobre las fluctuaciones que caracterizan los intentos de integración latinoamericanos.

Abstract Mercosur today traverses its most severe crisis. All Governments, without exception, have spoken about the need to retrace the previous commitments, turning the customs union into a mere free trade area. This is not the first crisis and it does not predict the end of the block. However, leads us to ask about the why of this zigzagging course that contributes to the loss of legitimacy and credibility among political elites and public opinion in general. For the majority of scholars of political science and/or the international economy, the explanation for this failure lies in the absence of political will and structural complementarity between Member countries. The idea that we seek to demonstrate in these pages is that these explanations are valid and even complementary, they are insufficient In this regard, we hold, the need to overcome the theories which rely on endogenous factors to include exogenous factors such as the external dependency, financial uncertainty and changing strategies of transnational corporations exert a decisive weight fluctuations that characterize American integration efforts.

Despite progress towards improved cooperation within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), it can be argued that real economic integration is still lacking. Cross-border value chain (VC) development has been proposed as a potential enabler of regional economic integration. This article draws on a systems thinking process to explore the dynamic process of regional economic integration and value chain development. Through an inductive approach, we consider pathways for value chain development using the agro-processing and automotive sectors within SACU as case studies. The outcome of the dynamic hypothesis is to inform a framework for strategic decision-making to support policy action towards developing cross-border value chains in SACU.

Ten spyte van vooruitgang in beter samewerking binne die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-Unie (SADU), kan dit aangevoer word dat ware ekonomiese integrasie nog ontbreek. Die ontwikkeling van oorgrens-waardekettings word beskou as 'n moontlike drywer van plaaslike ekonomiese integrasie. Hierdie artikel maak gebruik van 'n stelseldenke proses om die dinamiese proses van streekswye ekonomiese integrasie en waardeketting ontwikkeling te ondersoek. Ons gebruik 'n induktiewe benadering om roetes tot waardeketting ontwikkeling deur middel van gevallestudies in landbou-verwerking en die motorsektor, te ondersoek. Die uitkoms van die dinamiese hipotese is om 'n raamwerk te ontwikkel om strategiese besluitneming en beleidsaksie vir die ontwikkeling van oorgrens-waardekettings in SADU te ondersteun.

What does influence a small state its decision to join an economic integration process? The last fifteen years re-unification and integration efforts in the territory of the former Soviet Union finally yielded results with Russia's reassertion putting an end to its isolation. In Eastern Europe the Eurasian Economic Union has become an alternative to the European Union and a center of gravity. Eurasian Economic Union expansion efforts in Eastern Europe have started to clash with the European Union's enlargement policy. For many Central Asian countries, the Eurasian Economic Union has also emerged as an alternative. This article analyzes the possible positive and negative effects of Kyrgyzstan's accession to the Eurasian Customs Union. As positive results, trade with the Eurasian Customs Union countries and customs revenues will increase, border security will be ensured, investment and the labor remittances will increase. Among negative effects are the unemployment and the rise in prices of the consumer goods, due to the loss of Kyrgyzstan's re-exporter character. The thesis of this paper is that Kyrgyzstan decided to join the Eurasian Customs Union because its dependence on Russia, its security concerns, its fear of China, and because of the continuation of Russia's cultural hegemony. Despite the negative economic consequences, Kyrgyzstan's participation in the Eurasian Customs Union is conceived as a political decision due to the absence of other alternatives.

¿Qué influencia a un Estado pequeño a decidirse a sumarse a un proceso de integración económica? Los esfuerzos de integración y reunificación de los últimos 15 años en el territorio de la ex Unión Soviética finalmente dieron resultado con la decisión de Rusia de poner fin a su aislamiento. En Europa del Este la Unión Económica Euroasiática se ha convertido en una alternativa a la Unión Europa y en un centro de gravedad. Los esfuerzos de expansión de la Unión Económica Euroasiática en Europa del Este han comenzado a chocar con la política de expansión de la Unión Europea. Para muchos países de Asia Central, la Unión Económica Euroasiática también ha emergido como una alternativa. El artículo analiza los posibles efectos positivos y negativos del acceso de Kirguistán a la Unión Aduanera Euroasiática. Como resultados positivos, aumentará el comercio con los países de la Unión Aduanera Euroasiática y los ingresos aduaneros, la seguridad fronteriza será asegurada y las inversiones y las remesas laborales crecerán. Entre los efectos negativos se encuentran el desempleo y el aumento de los precios de los bienes de consumo, debido a la pérdida del carácter re-exportador de Kirguistán. La hipótesis de este artículo es que Kirguistán decidió unirse a la Unión Aduanera Euroasiática debido a su dependencia respecto de Rusia, a sus preocupaciones securitarias, a su temor a China y debido a la continua hegemonía cultural rusa. A pesar de las negativas consecuencias económicas, la participación de Kirguistán en la Unión Aduanera Euroasiática es concebida como una decisión política debida a la ausencia de otras alternativas.