Abstract The aim of the study is to analyze the activities, organizations, and actors that took part in the peace movement developed in Mexico between 1949 and 1953 at the initiative of the World Peace Council (wpc), attached to the Cultural Cold War and promoted by the Soviet Union. Such a movement for peace in Mexico was supported by the Mexican Communist Party (PCM), as well as intellectuals, artists, and politicians favorable to the socialist ideal. The main sources used for this purpose were the magazines Peace and Soviet Culture. The conclusion reached is that the peace movement partially fulfilled its objectives, since it did not achieve a massive response or participation from the Mexican population, but it did manage to gather a significant number of recognized intellectuals and artists in the National Council of Supporters for Peace, an organization that with the PCM was the support of the wpc in Mexico.

Resumen El estudio tiene por objetivo el análisis de las actividades, las organizaciones y los actores partícipes del movimiento por la paz efectuado en México entre 1949 y 1953, por iniciativa del Consejo Mundial de la Paz (CMP), en el marco de la Guerra Fría cultural e impulsado por la Unión Soviética. El movimiento por la paz en México se apoyó en el Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM), así como en intelectuales, artistas y políticos favorables al ideal socialista. Las principales fuentes utilizadas para tal propósito fueron las revistas Paz y Cultura Soviética. La conclusión a la que se arriba es que el movimiento por la paz cumplió parcialmente sus objetivos, pues, aunque no consiguió una respuesta o participación masiva de la población mexicana, sí logró reunir un importante número de reconocidos intelectuales y artistas en el Consejo Nacional de Partidarios por la Paz, organización que con el PCM fue el sostén del CMP en México.

Abstract The article analyzes the gender condition of men, the culture of peace, and the tensions with the traditional gender learning of men; validated in educational institutions and reinforced in families. The research was carried out in a public primary school in the State of Mexico. The method used was ethnographic from an epistemological perspective of the relationship and promoting a relationship and horizontal communication with the participants. The data presented are the results of participant observation and recreational activity that allowed empirical inquiry into the study topics. Among these are the tensions in educational discourses, the playful practices of students, the postulates of the culture of peace, and how families teach to resolve conflicts. The conclusion is reached that to promote nonviolent masculinities schools and families must inscribe their educational practices in the culture of peace.

Resumen El artículo analiza la condición genérica de los hombres, la cultura de paz y las tensiones con los aprendizajes de género tradicionales de los varones, validados en las instituciones educativas y reforzados en las familias. La investigación se realizó en una primaria pública del Estado de México. El método utilizado fue de corte etnográfico desde una perspectiva epistemológica de la relación y fomentando una interacción y comunicación horizontal con los participantes. Los datos presentados son resultado de la observación participante y de una actividad lúdica que permitió la indagación empírica sobre los tópicos de estudio. Entre éstos se encuentran las tensiones entre los discursos educativos, las prácticas lúdicas de los alumnos, los postulados de la cultura de paz y las formas en que las familias enseñan a resolver los conflictos. Se llega a la conclusión de que para promover masculinidades noviolentas es necesario que las escuelas y las familias inscriban sus prácticas educativas en la cultura de paz.

Abstract This article emphasizes the need for transformation that schools must undergo in countries going through a post-conflict stage, such as Colombia. One essential aspect of this transformation involves the very approach to administering justice in the educational context. In this regard, we propose a reflection on two streams of justice: retributive justice and restorative justice within the school setting, with a particular emphasis on the latter. We maintain that in a country like ours, where the armed conflict has been denied for decades and has, to some extent, permeated our way of relating to others, it is crucial for schools and teachers to be involved in this transformation. The transition from one model of justice to another has not been easy in Colombia; however, through the commitment of teachers, successful experiences of implementing restorative justice in schools have been achieved. We contend that the role of teachers is essential for building a culture of peace.

Resumen En este artículo resaltamos la necesidad de transformación de la escuela en países que transitan por una etapa de posconflicto, como Colombia. Uno de los aspectos esenciales de dicha transformación atraviesa la forma misma en que ejercemos la justicia en el contexto educativo. En ese sentido, proponemos una reflexión sobre dos corrientes de justicia: la justicia retributiva y la justicia restaurativa en el contexto escolar, haciendo énfasis en esta última. Sostenemos que, en un país como el nuestro, donde el conflicto armado ha sido negado por décadas y hasta cierto punto ha permeado nuestra forma de relacionarnos con el otro, es fundamental que la escuela y el docente se impliquen en esta transformación. El paso de un modelo de justicia a otro en el contexto escolar no ha sido fácil en Colombia. Sin embargo, a través del compromiso de los docentes se ha logrado concretar experiencias exitosas de implementación de la justicia escolar restaurativa. Concluimos que la figura del docente es esencial para la construcción de una cultura de paz.

Abstract The government of the State of Mexico implemented the Gender Equality Curricular Strategy (Estrategia Curricular en Igualdad de Género -ECIG) initiative starting in the 2022-2023 school year, in both basic and upper secondary education, in response to the gender-based violence recorded in the state. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), in agreement with the Secretariat of Education of the State of Mexico, participated in defining the curricular contents and in the first stage of implementing the strategy. This paper analyzes the context in which the ECIG is incorporated into the state’s educational system, the curricular components that make it up, and the results obtained in the application of the pedagogical approach in the classroom. The objective is to assess the contribution of the ECIG to gender equality, human rights and a culture of peace, for the education of compulsory education students, in order to recognize the results of this experience and, thereby, inspire other federal entities in the country to generate a cultural change from the perspective of human rights and peace education.

Resumen El gobierno del Estado de México implementó la iniciativa Estrategia Curricular en Igualdad de Género (ECIG) a partir del ciclo escolar 2022-2023, tanto en educación básica como en media superior, como respuesta a la violencia por razón de género registrada en la entidad. La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO), en convenio con la Secretaría de Educación del Estado de México, participó en la definición de los contenidos curriculares y en la primera etapa de la implementación de la estrategia. El presente trabajo analiza el contexto en el que se incorpora la ECIG al sistema educativo estatal, los componentes curriculares que la integran y los resultados obtenidos en la aplicación del enfoque pedagógico en aula. El objetivo es valorar la contribución de la ECIG con respecto a la igualdad de género, los derechos humanos y la cultura para la paz, para la formación de estudiantes de educación obligatoria, a fin de reconocer los resultados de esta experiencia y, con ello, inspirar a otras entidades federativas del país a generar un cambio cultural desde el enfoque de los derechos humanos y la educación para la paz.

Abstract This work examines proposals for inclusive education and the notion of vulnerability from a perspective of positive peace, arguing that building a culture of peace begins in the educational sphere, specifically through inclusive education. The latter is grounded in principles of social justice and human rights; however, its full implementation is hindered by the exclusion of certain individuals whose full participation is not deemed legitimate. This is because their social position and assigned status marginalize them from full participation in social life. In the school context, some identities are relegated to positions of inferiority due to categories such as special educational needs or learning difficulties, reinforcing their ontological and political exclusion. This production of ignorance perpetuates inequality and hinders recognition and social justice. Thus, there is a need to overcome these barriers to advance towards genuine inclusive education that promotes peace and equality.

Resumen Este trabajo examina las propuestas de educación inclusiva y la noción de vulnerabilidad desde una perspectiva de paz positiva, argumentando que la construcción de una cultura de paz comienza en el ámbito educativo, en específico a través de la educación inclusiva. Esta última se fundamenta en principios de justicia social y derechos humanos, sin embargo, su implementación plena es obstaculizada por la exclusión de ciertos individuos cuya participación plena no es considerada legítima. Esto se debe a que su posición social y el estatus asignado los marginan de la participación plena en la vida social. En el contexto escolar, algunas identidades son relegadas a posiciones de inferioridad debido a categorías como necesidades educativas especiales o problemas de aprendizaje, lo que refuerza su exclusión ontológica y política. Esta producción de ignorancia perpetúa la desigualdad y dificulta el reconocimiento y la justicia social. Así, se plantea la necesidad de superar estas barreras para avanzar hacia una educación inclusiva genuina que promueva la paz y la igualdad.

Abstract The participatory workshop that is presented arises as part of the participatory action research method, of a larger study under the critical paradigm and qualitative approach. It was carried out with girls and boys from three communities in the Tierra Caliente Region in the state of Michoacan, Mexico, located in contexts of high violence due to organized crime. Participatory action research involves a series of phases, the most important, the action. It is precisely in this where the design, application and assessment of the proposal described here is positioned. The objective is to present the systematization of the experience of the participatory workshop with the smell of lemon green. The workshop as a whole allowed to direct the participants in the search for autonomy, reflective and democratic participation. The investigation allows us to conclude that interventions of this nature are a tool that contributes to the construction of conditions that allow the emergence of a culture of peace, integrating the knowledge of those involved.

Resumen El taller participativo que se presenta surge como parte del método de investigación acción participativa, de un estudio de mayor alcance bajo el paradigma crítico y el enfoque cualitativo. Se llevó a cabo con niñas y niños de tres comunidades de la Región de Tierra Caliente en el estado de Michoacán, México, ubicadas en contextos de alta violencia por crimen organizado. La investigación acción participativa implica una serie de fases, la de mayor trascendencia, la acción. Es justamente en esta en donde se posiciona el diseño, aplicación y valoración de la propuesta aquí descrita. El objetivo es presentar la sistematización de la experiencia del taller participativo Con olor a verde limón. El taller en su conjunto permitió encaminar a los participantes en la búsqueda de autonomía, participación reflexiva y democrática. La investigación permite concluir que intervenciones de esta naturaleza son una herramienta que contribuye en la construcción de condiciones que permitan el surgimiento de una cultura de paz, integrando los saberes de los implicados.

Tolstoy'sfiction is part of the cultural background of the South African intelligentsia. Moreover, generations of South Africans have been introduced to Tolstoy through screen adaptations of hisfiction, including Hollywood blockbusters and acclaimed TV series such as Anna Karenina (1935, 1948 and 2012) and War and Peace (1956 and 2016). Such exposure may well be the reason why, in the late 1990s, a survey among South African students of their perceptions of Russia showed that Tolstoy was the best-known Russian writer. During his lifetime, Tolstoy's work and personality were discussed extensively in Russia and abroad, including South Africa. He was one of the most influential and authoritative writers in the world and remained the best-known Russian author in South Africa. Tolstoy was the only writer of Imperial Russia who, for decades, received letters and guests from South Africa. His statements on the Anglo-Boer War of1899-1902 (also known as the South African War) attracted international attention which none of his Russian colleagues could match. Tolstoy wrote on South Africa, and his work was widely read there. Thanks to his erudition, ability to discern global trends, and interest in world culture and philosophy, Tolstoy had a profound understanding of political events in countries that he never visited and inspired leaders of liberation movements that he never met. His influence on South African realist literature can be traced throughout the twentieth century. This study of Tolstoy's and South Africans' views of each other focuses on Afrikaners, because in the last ten years of his life the Russian author often wrote and spoke about them, as is evident from his published works, correspondence and the archival material in the Tolstoy museums in Moscow and Yasnaya Polyana in Russia that were used for this paper. Furthermore, Afrikaner authors seem to have referred to Tolstoy's work remarkably often. By exploring these references, one can ascertain why Tolstoy's writing remained relevant to Afrikaners and other South Africans for more than a century. In the 1890s and 1900s, Tolstoy continued to develop his doctrine of not resisting evil with violence. He used information on the Anglo-Boer War to test his radical pacifist ideas. His protest against British imperialism in Africa echoed that of other world-famous humanist writers, such as Bjornstjerne Bjornson, Theodore Dreiser, Anatole France, Romain Rolland, Bernard Shaw, Bertha von Suttner and Mark Twain. But, unlike most of them, Tolstoy refused to support the Boers unconditionally. He sympathised with the defenders of the Boer republics, but as a principled opponent ofviolence he condemned those Christian people for engaging in armed struggle and killing, which he regarded as a mortal sin. During the transitional and guerrilla phases of the war, Tolstoy came to regard the continued Boer resistance to British invasion as a triumph of moral strength over immorality. He viewed the South African military conflict in a global context, as a typical war of a new era. Reflecting on the news from South Africa, he concluded that such wars were characterised by immoral goals and methods of warfare, and by non-participation in hostilities by those who directly benefitted from the hostilities (big entrepreneurs manipulating the government). Tolstoy argued that European governments were not interested in eradicating militarism, but nonviolent protest by ordinary people could well put an end to war. However, Tolstoy believed Russians, unlike participants in mass pro-Boer campaigns, were not to concern themselves with such protest because instead their main tasks were moral self-improvement and tackling injustice in their homeland. His concern with affairs in South Africa was limited to the Anglo-Boer War and the Indian civil rights campaign of the 1900s led by Gandhi, whose doctrine of satyagraha was partly based on Tolstoy's ethical teachings. Still, Tolstoy's influence on Afrikaner culture has been evident for over a century. Apartfrom direct contact, such as visits and letters to the Russian writer, Afrikaner cultural figures promoted his work, translated his fiction into Afrikaans and published their translations in almost every decade up to the 1990s. Along with other distinguished novelists of the late Imperial Russia, Tolstoy was viewed by Afrikaans authors as an exemplary realist writer who set standards that they aspired to but often regarded as unattainable. It only applied to his fiction, because Tolstoy's confessional writings and philosophical treatises did not seem to be recognised by Afrikaans authors, especially not after the Second World War. For these authors, Tolstoy was primarily a fiction writer. Tolstoy's work featured in South African literary debates with regard to resistance to abusive state authority and grappled with censorship. His fiction reminded South Africans of the humanist ideals that were meant to guide those who wanted to bring about positive change in an unjust, deeply divided society. Tolstoy's work stimulated introspection and reflection on literary mastery, the ethical standards of a writer and one's purpose in life.

Tolstoi was die enigste skrywer in Imperiale Rusland wat oor dekades briewe en gaste uit Suid-Afrika ontvang het. Sy stellings oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899-1902 het internasionaal aandag getrek op 'n wyse wat geeneen van sy Russiese kollegas kon ewenaar nie. Tolstoi het oor Suid-Afrika geskryf, waar sy werk wyd gelees is. Tolstoi se invloed op Suid-Afrikaanse realistiese¹ letterkunde is deur die hele twintigste eeu merkbaar. Hierdie studie van Tolstoi en Suid-Afrikaanse skrywers se sieninge van mekaar fokus op Afrikaners, want Tolstoi het in die laaste tien jaar van sy lewe dikwels oor hulle geskryf en gepraat. Afgesien van regstreekse kontak, soos besoeke en briewe aan die Russiese skrywer, het Afrikaner-kultuurfigure sy werk bevorder, sy fiksie in Afrikaans vertaal en hul vertalings in feitlik elke dekade tot die 1990's gepubliseer. Tolstoi, soos ook ander vooraanstaande romansiers in laat Imperiale Rusland, is deur Afrikaanse skrywers beskou as 'n toonbeeld van 'n realistiese skrywer wat standaarde gestel het waarna hulle gestreef het maar wat hulle dikwels ook as onhaalbaar beskou het. Tolstoi se werk het in Suid-Afrikaanse literêre debatte oor weerstand teen onregmatige staatsgesag en sensuur gefigureer. Sy fiksie het Suid-Afrikaners herinner aan die humanistiese ideale wat as rigsnoere moes dien vir diegene wat positiewe verandering in 'n onregverdige en diep verdeelde samelewing teweeg wou bring. Tolstoi se werk het introspeksie en nadenke oor literêre uitnemendheid, die etiese standaarde van 'n skrywer en 'n mens se lewensdoel gestimuleer.

Abstract: This article explores the articulations between peace, the State and politics, with an ethnography of the Secretariat of Peace and Citizen Culture of Santiago de Cali, Colombia. Methodologically, participant observation was carried out during the months of January and April 2019, together with a documentary and press review. Theoretically, the proposals of the anthropology of politics and the State are used, incorporating some discussions by Cris Shore and Chantal Mouffe to deepen the findings. The results obtained allow us to describe the formation of the State in this Secretariat, problematizing the deployment of censors- hip practices on the interpretation of peace and its relationship with government projects in dispute within it. From a historical perspective, the censorships carried out configure a post-democratic or post-political vision of peace, by disputing the political and contentious features of peace mythologies in Colombia and replacing them with technical and moral conceptions of citizen coexistence.

Resumen: Este artículo explora las articulaciones entre paz, estado y política, con una etnografía de la Secretaría de Paz y Cultura Ciudadana de Santiago de Cali, Colombia. Metodológicamente, se realizó observación participante durante los meses de enero y abril de 2019, junto con una revisión documental y de prensa. Teóricamente, se utilizan las propuestas de la antropología de la política y del estado, incorporando algunas discusiones de Cris Shore y Chantal Mouffe para profundizar los hallazgos. Los resultados obtenidos permiten describir la formación del estado en esta Secretaría problematizando el despliegue de prácticas de censura sobre la interpretación de la paz y su relación con proyectos de gobierno en disputa en su interior. En perspectiva histórica, las censuras operadas configuran una visión posdemocrática o pospolítica de la paz, al disputarse los rasgos políticos y contenciosos de las mitologías de la paz en Colombia y reemplazarlos por concepciones técnicas y morales de la convivencia ciudadana.

Peace education is the basis for global peace and a prerequisite for attaining sustainable development and global goals. Considering the widespread physical and structural violence and destructive protests across South African higher education, it is crucial to embrace peace education to deal with violence in all its forms. This article explores the need for peace education in the South African higher education curriculum. A qualitative critical review of the literature reveals widespread gender-based violence, sexual exploitation, destructive student protests at and the militarisation of universities through military force to quell violent student protests nationwide in South Africa. Lack of peace skills indicates that both lecturers, university management and students are in need peace education. Peace education must be incorporated in South African higher education. As part of a model for it, this article recommends the establishment of peace as a stand-alone subject, extra-curricular activities for peace and storytelling to deliver peace education and inculcate a culture of peace in both educators and students. More so, there is a need to embrace the pedagogy of peace education and establish institutes for peace and conflict resolution at every higher education institution in South Africa.

Resumen Este artículo aborda aborda la Educación para la Paz basada en las virtudes aristotélicas con niños en situación de riesgo. El problema de investigación es la violencia en la escuela y la necesidad de construir allí la paz. La hipótesis es la posibilidad de la Educación para la Paz en zonas de riesgo. El objetivo es que los alumnos de cuarto año puedan aprender y practicar la virtud de la Amistad. El lugar de la investigación es una escuela primaria pública en un área de riesgo en la ciudad de Río de Janeiro, Brasil. El proyecto Living Peace es el concepto central de esta investigación sobre Educación para la Paz. Concluimos que la práctica de la Ética y la Educación para la Paz a través de la Virtud es posible si los estudiantes aprenden a practicar las virtudes como base de una Cultura de Paz. paz Amistad Janeiro Brasil

Abstract This article discusses Education for Peace based on Aristotelian virtues with children in situation of risk. The problem of the research is violence at school and the necessity of building peace there. The Hypothesis is the possibility of Education for Peace at areas of risk. The objective is that 4th grader students can learn and practice the virtue of Friendship. The locus of the research is a public Elementary School in an area of risk in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The Living Peace project is the core concept for this research on Education for Peace. We concluded that the practice of Ethics and Education for Peace through Virtue is possible if the students learn to practice virtues as the basis of a Culture of Peace. there th Friendship Janeiro Brazil

Resumo Este artigo discute a Educação para a Paz baseada nas virtudes aristotélicas com crianças em situação de risco. O problema da pesquisa é a violência na escola e a necessidade de ali ser construída a paz. A hipótese é a possibilidade da Educação para a Paz em áreas de risco. O objetivo é que alunos do quarto ano possam aprender e praticar a virtude da Amizade. O locus da pesquisa é uma Escola pública municipal em uma área de risco na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. O projeto Living Peace é o conceito central para esta pesquisa sobre Educação para a Paz. Concluímos que a prática da Ética e a Educação para a Paz por meio da virtude é possível se os estudantes aprendem a praticar virtudes como a base de uma Cultura da Paz. paz Amizade Janeiro Brasil

ABSTRACT This article proposes to reflect on the relevance of the militarization process in educational centers in Honduras, in its relationship with the paradigm of peace education. Considering a documentary review and the analysis of data on the events following the 2009 coup d'état from a content analysis, militarization is approached as a more subtle phenomenon that is not only based on the imposition of force, but also occurs invisibly in society. This perspective raises significant concerns, such as the possible worsening of social inequalities and the erosion of fundamental rights. The connection between the military and education poses an ethical dilemma since it can put children's rights at risk and limit opportunities to develop spaces for democratic learning and harmonious coexistence. The vision of militarizing society continues to occupy and invade spaces in multiple Honduran social settings.

RESUMEN Este artículo propone reflexionar sobre la relevancia del proceso de militarización en los centros educativos de Honduras, en su relación con el paradigma de la educación para la paz. Considerando una revisión documentaria y el análisis de los datos sobre los acontecimientos posteriores al golpe de Estado de 2009 desde un análisis de contenido, se aborda la militarización como un fenómeno más sutil que no solo se basa en la imposición de la fuerza, sino que también se presenta de manera invisible en la sociedad. Esta perspectiva plantea preocupaciones significativas, como el posible recrudecimiento de las desigualdades sociales y la erosión de los derechos fundamentales. La conexión entre lo militar y lo educativo plantea un dilema ético, ya que puede poner en riesgo los derechos de la niñez y limitar las oportunidades de desarrollar espacios de aprendizaje democrático y de convivencia armoniosa. La visión de militarizar la sociedad continúa ocupando e invadiendo espacios en múltiples escenarios sociales hondureños.

Resumo Este artigo apresenta uma interpretação das políticas públicas em matéria de Educação para a paz. Para tanto, por meio da análise de fontes documentais e do contexto, inicialmente é relembrado o fundamento filosófico que dá conta da condição humana, como seres políticos em relação. Em seguida, traz-se à tona a teoria das políticas públicas em geral e, a seguir, mostram-se detalhadamente as vicissitudes de sua aplicação ao caso específico colombiano em termos de Educação para a paz. O texto culmina com algumas reflexões que dão conta de pontos críticos, encontros e desentendimentos. Desta forma, chama-se a atenção para o fato de que, numa perspectiva republicana democrática, as transformações não dependem apenas dos movimentos da política regular, mas que a Educação para a paz, como política pública, é um compromisso social amplo, participativo, em que todos se unem com um propósito comum. paz tanto contexto humana relação seguida trazse traz seguir mostramse mostram críticos desentendimentos forma chamase chama democrática regular pública amplo participativo comum

Abstract This article presents an interpretation of public policies on Education for peace. For this purpose, through an analysis of documentary sources and context, the philosophical foundation that accounts for the human condition as a political being in relationships is initially recalled. Then the theory of public policies in general is introduced and, the vicissitudes of its application to a specific Colombian case in terms of peace Education are described in detail. The text culminates with some reflections on critical points, encounters, and disagreements. In this way, attention is drawn to the fact that, from a democratic republican perspective, the transformations do not depend only on the movements of regular politics, but that peace Education, as a public policy, is an extensive, participatory, social commitment in which everyone comes together for a common purpose. purpose context recalled detail points encounters disagreements way perspective politics policy extensive participatory

Resumen Este artículo presenta una interpretación sobre las políticas públicas en materia de Educación para la paz. Con este propósito, a través del análisis de fuentes documentales y del contexto, inicialmente se recuerda el fundamento filosófico que da cuenta de la condición humana, en cuanto seres políticos en relación. Luego se trae a colación la teoría de las políticas públicas en general y, seguidamente, se muestra en detalle las vicisitudes de su aplicación al caso específico colombiano en materia de Educación para la paz. El texto culmina con algunas reflexiones que dan cuenta de puntos críticos, encuentros y desencuentros. De esta manera se llama la atención para que, desde una perspectiva republicana democrática, las transformaciones no dependan solamente de los movimientos de la política regular, sino que la Educación para la paz, en cuanto política pública, sea un compromiso social extenso, participativo, en el que todos confluyan como propósito común. paz contexto humana relación seguidamente críticos desencuentros democrática regular pública extenso participativo común

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo foi avaliar o estágio de implementação dos ODS nos municípios que pertencem ao Mosaico do Jalapão (MJ), explorando as oportunidades e obstáculos à concretização dos ODS neste território. A base metodológica ocupa-se de uma abordagem quantitativa de clusters hierárquicos e matriz de correlação com base em dados secundários, identificando os ODS mais relevantes para a região e os desafios para sua efetivação. O estudo revela 15 ODS com alta relevância para o MJ, com destaque para os ODS 1 (Fim da Pobreza), 2 (Fome Zero), 3 (Saúde de Qualidade), 4 (Educação de Qualidade), 8 (Trabalho Decente e Crescimento Econômico), 10 (Redução das Desigualdades), 13 (Ação Climática), 15 (Vida Terrestre) e 16 (Paz, Justiça e Instituições Sólidas). No entanto, diversos desafios impedem a plena implementação desses objetivos, como a escassez de recursos financeiros e humanos, as acentuadas desigualdades sociais, a degradação ambiental, as fragilidades na governança e a baixa participação social. Os resultados mostraram que os municípios da região estão distantes de cumprir as metas da Agenda 2030, apesar de terem desempenho alto em ODSs do Eixo Econômico. Apesar dos obstáculos, o estudo também apresenta perspectivas positivas para o futuro do TCJ. A região possui um rico potencial para o desenvolvimento sustentável, impulsionado por sua rica biodiversidade e recursos naturais. Além disso, o crescente interesse pelo turismo ecológico na região pode gerar oportunidades para o desenvolvimento local. Para superar os desafios e alcançar os ODS no TCJ, o estudo apresenta algumas recomendações, como o aumento de investimentos em políticas públicas sociais e ambientais, o fortalecimento da governança local e da participação social, a promoção da educação ambiental e da valorização da cultura local, e o apoio ao desenvolvimento de atividades econômicas sustentáveis. Como considerações finais, propõe-se que os gestores e stakeholders locais sejam capacitados para a compreensão destas metas, de forma a nortear políticas públicas, de maneira que os municípios observem as melhores práticas dentro e fora do Tocantins para o Desenvolvimento Socioeconômico. Além disso, as conclusões e recomendações do estudo podem ser úteis para a formulação de políticas públicas mais eficazes e para a promoção do bem-estar das populações locais, contribuindo para a construção de um futuro mais próspero e sustentável para a região. MJ , (MJ) território ocupase ocupa se secundários efetivação Fim Pobreza, Pobreza Pobreza) Fome Zero, Zero Zero) Saúde Qualidade, Qualidade Qualidade) Educação Trabalho Econômico, Econômico Econômico) Redução Desigualdades, Desigualdades Desigualdades) Ação Climática, Climática Climática) Vida Terrestre Paz, Paz (Paz Sólidas. Sólidas . Sólidas) entanto objetivos humanos social 2030 TCJ naturais disso ambientais sustentáveis finais propõese propõe Socioeconômico bemestar bem estar (MJ 203 20

Abstract The objective of this article was to evaluate the stage of implementation of the SDGs in the municipalities that belong to the Jalapão Mosaic (JM), exploring the opportunities and obstacles to achieving the SDGs in this territory. The methodological basis involves a quantitative approach of hierarchical clusters and a correlation matrix based on secondary data, identifying the most relevant SDGs for the region and the challenges for their implementation. The study reveals 15 SDGs with high relevance for the JM, with emphasis on SDGs 1 (End Poverty), 2 (Zero Hunger), 3 (Quality Health), 4 (Quality Education), 8 (Decent Work and Growth Economic), 10 (Reducing Inequalities), 13 (Climate Action), 15 (Life on Earth) and 16 (Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions). However, several challenges prevent the full implementation of these objectives, such as the scarcity of financial and human resources, marked social inequalities, environmental degradation, weaknesses in governance and low social participation. The results showed that municipalities in the region are far from meeting the goals of the 2030 Agenda, despite having high performance in SDGs of the Economic Axis. Despite the obstacles, the study also presents positive perspectives for the future of the TCJ. The region has rich potential for sustainable development, driven by its rich biodiversity and natural resources. Furthermore, the growing interest in ecological tourism in the region can generate opportunities for local development. To overcome the challenges and achieve the SDGs in the JM, the study presents some recommendations, such as increasing investments in social and environmental public policies, strengthening local governance and social participation, promoting environmental education and valuing local culture, supporting the development of sustainable economic activities. As final considerations, it is proposed that local managers and stakeholders be trained to understand these goals, in order to guide public policies, so that municipalities observe the best practices inside and outside Tocantins for Socioeconomic Development. Furthermore, the study's conclusions and recommendations can be useful for formulating more effective public policies and promoting the well-being of local populations, contributing to the construction of a more prosperous and sustainable future for the region. JM , (JM) territory data End Poverty, Poverty Poverty) Zero Hunger, Hunger Hunger) Quality Health, Health Health) Education, Education Education) Decent Economic, Economic) Reducing Inequalities, Inequalities Inequalities) Climate Action, Action Action) Life Earth Peace, Peace (Peace Institutions. Institutions . Institutions) However objectives resources inequalities degradation participation 203 Agenda Axis TCJ Furthermore culture activities considerations Development studys s wellbeing well being populations (JM 20

In 1996, Mozambican photographer Sérgio Santimano travelled to Cabo Delgado to carry out photographic work, with the objective of documenting the province in a time of peace and renewal. His travels resulted in the exhibition, Cabo Delgado: A Photographic Story about Africa (Cabo Delgado: uma história fotográfica sobre África), which consolidated his international renown. In this photo-essay, we revisit a selection of Santimano's photographs on Cabo Delgado, with the aim of offering an image different from that of devastation and death which has dominated the national and global news since an Islamist insurgency erupted in the province in October 2017. While providing a pathway into memories of Cabo Delgado as a place rich with life, history, culture and individuality, Santimano's photographs also offer eerie forebodings of the present.

Abstract This review presents a brief analysis about democracy and violence in Honduras based on the more recent academic studies published by the University Institute for Democracy, Peace and Security (IUDPAS by its acronym in Spanish) pertaining to the National Autonomous University of Honduras. This discussion is guided by a core publication by Julieta Castellanos entitled Honduras: Persistencia y cambios en la cultura política, 1980-2020 [which could be translated as Honduras: Persistence and Changes in Political Culture, 1980-2020]. This book has triggered reflections about the current and upcoming socio-political landscape regarding the rule of law, governance, and citizen security in Honduras and the Central American region, along with potential lines for future research in IUDPAS.

Resumen En el texto presento un breve análisis de la democracia y la violencia en Honduras a través de las publicaciones académicas más recientes del Instituto Universitario en Democracia, Paz y Seguridad (IUDPAS) de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras. La discusión gira alrededor de un texto en particular, el libro Honduras. Persistencia y cambios en la cultura política, 1980-2020 de Julieta Castellanos. Apoyadas en esta contribución, se plantean algunas reflexiones sobre el panorama sociopolítico actual y próximo en cuanto al estado de derecho, la gobernanza y la seguridad ciudadana en Honduras y en la región Centroamericana, así como posibles líneas de estudio para el IUDPAS.