ABSTRACT This article addresses the controversy created by the public reconfiguration of medical Cannabis in Brazil. The play character Antigone is borrowed to make sense of this transformation, reconstructed based on activist manifestations, especially of patients and their families. Public insurgent declarations emerge against prohibitionist legal provisions, referred to by the activists themselves as “peaceful civil disobedience,” under a moral key that breaks with the language of individual freedom, articulating notions of duty and necessity. Brazil transformation manifestations families provisions peaceful disobedience, disobedience freedom necessity

RESUMO O artigo trata da controvérsia instaurada pela reconfiguração do problema público da Cannabis medicinal no Brasil. Mobiliza-se a personagem Antígona para dar sentido a essa transformação, reconstruída a partir de manifestações de ativistas, em especial pacientes e familiares de pacientes. Percebe-se a emergência de declarações públicas de insurgência contra os dispositivos legais proibicionistas, referidos pela própria militância como “desobediência civil pacífica”, em uma chave moral que rompe com a linguagem da liberdade individual, articulando noções de dever e necessidade. Brasil Mobilizase Mobiliza se transformação ativistas Percebese Percebe proibicionistas desobediência pacífica, pacífica , pacífica” individual necessidade

ABSTRACT This paper examines the role that the notion of political obligation has in the thought of the Italian philosopher of politics and law Alessandro Passerin d’Entrèves (1902 - 1985), especially in its relationship with the democratic regime and forms of resistance on the part of citizens. By analyzing the author’s main arguments in this regard, it seeks to demonstrate the flexibility of the author’s concept of State, and the importance of philosophy as a point of intersection between morality and law, constituting itself as an instrument of phenomenological approach to the forms of human association. dEntrèves d Entrèves 1902 (190 1985, 1985 , 1985) citizens authors author s regard State association 190 (19 198 19 (1 1 (

RESUMO O artigo examina a função da noção de obrigação política no pensamento do filósofo italiano da política e do direito Alessandro Passerin d’Entrèves (1902-1985), especialmente em sua relação com o regime democrático e as formas de resistência por parte dos cidadãos. Pela análise dos principais argumentos do autor a esse respeito, o artigo procura demonstrar a flexibilidade do conceito de Estado do autor e a importância da filosofia enquanto ponto de intersecção entre a moral e o direito, constituindo-se como instrumento de abordagem fenomenológica das formas de associação humana. dEntrèves d Entrèves 19021985, 19021985 1902 1985 , (1902-1985) cidadãos respeito constituindose constituindo se humana 1902198 190 198 (1902-1985 190219 19 (1902-198 19021 1 (1902-19 (1902-1 (1902- (1902 (190 (19 (1 (

Resumen. El darse muerte o el asumir un riesgo de muerte en nombre de un motivo ético-político, evitando la producción de heridas, morales o físicas, contra terceros, ha sido recurrente en la historia. La inestabilidad del individuo que se deriva de esas acciones puede someter al Estado u otro poder a una suerte de estupefacción que debilite el ejercicio de su voluntad. No siempre el autosacrificio del tipo mencionado busca crear un contrapoder. Es más, su eficacia puede provenir de que no lo intente y genere una situación no opuesta a la previa, sino distinta, con resultados más cercanos a los deseados. A algunos autosacrificios políticos les es más propio el desplazar la relación con el Estado que enfrentarse a él. En el contexto de una soberanía estatal amenazada, analizo quién está en el corazón del autosacrificio ético-político, la naturaleza significativa del hecho, algunos de los prejuicios individualistas que oscurecen su interpretación y su relación con otras formas de darse muerte.

Abstract. Killing oneself or assuming the risk of death in the name of an ethical-political aim, avoiding the infliction of moral or physical wounds on others, has been a recurrent fact throughout history. The instability of the individual resulting from such actions can submit the state or other power to a stupefaction that weakens the exercise of its will. Self-sacrifice of this kind does not always seek to create a counter-power. Indeed, its effectiveness may come from the fact that it does not attempt to create a counter-power and generates a situation that is not the opposite of the previous one, but rather different, with its results getting closer to those desired. Some political self-sacrifices are more appropriate to displace the relationship with the state than to confront it. In the context of threatened state sovereignty, I analyze who is at the heart of political-ethical self-sacrifice, the meaningful nature of the act, some of the individualistic prejudices that obscure its interpretation, and its relationship to other forms of killing oneself.

Abstract This paper aims to comment on the classic theorical traditions of civil disobedience that present a deep, argumentative effort to reconcile disobedient actions with the law. Attempting to break the limits imposed on civil disobedience by such traditions, the present study proposes an approach to political disobedience, guided by a libertarian bias that includes disobedient movements in action outside the institutional spheres of the law. deep law

Resumo Buscou-se no presente artigo realizar uma crítica às tradições teóricas clássicas da desobediência civil que apresentam um profundo esforço argumentativo para compatibilizar as ações desobedientes com o direito. Visando romper os limites impostos à desobediência civil por tais tradições, o presente estudo propõe uma abordagem da desobediência política, pautada por um viés libertário que compreende os movimentos desobedientes em ação fora da esfera institucional do direito. Buscouse Buscou se direito política

ABSTRACT The text exposes, in general terms, Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience, in order to highlight the definition of civil disobedience as a right. It is intended to show that it is an individual right, although its exercise may also present political traits. Next, it presents Raz’s theory in the sense of denying that civil disobedience is a right. Ad argumentandum tantum, Raz’s objection is taken as well-founded, in order to scrutinize some consequences that such a formulation have for Rawls’ theory, specifically regarding the justification of civil disobedience as a right. Finally, it scrutinizes possible responses that could be offered in response to Raz, especially from Rawls’ perspective. It is argued that this implies the need for a reconstruction of Rawls’ theory of disobedience as a theory of resistance. exposes terms Rawls right traits Next Razs Raz s tantum wellfounded, wellfounded well founded, founded well-founded Finally perspective resistance

RESUMO O texto expõe, em traços gerais, a teoria da desobediência civil de Rawls, com a finalidade de destacar a definição da desobediência civil como sendo um direito. Pretende-se mostrar que se trata de um direito individual, ainda que seu exercício possa também apresentar traços políticos. Em seguida, apresenta a teoria de Raz no sentido da negativa de que a desobediência civil seja um direito. Ad argumentandum tantum, toma-se como procedente a objeção de Raz, com a finalidade de escrutinar algumas consequências que uma tal formulação acarretaria para a teoria de Rawls, especificamente no que diz respeito à fundamentação da desobediência civil, como sendo um direito. Por fim, analisa possíveis respostas que poderiam ser ofertadas a Raz, a partir especialmente da perspectiva de Rawls. Defende-se que isso implica a necessidade de reconstruir a teoria da desobediência de Rawls, como teoria da resistência. expõe gerais Rawls Pretendese Pretende individual políticos seguida tantum tomase toma fim Defendese Defende resistência

#ThisFlag movement was started by Pastor Evan Mawarire in April 2016 bemoaning the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy at the hands of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government under President Robert Mugabe. Although it started off as accidental, it, however, galvanised disparate groups and enabled them to transform anger against the state from online media to the streets. #ThisFlag movement officially started on the 20th of April 2016, when Pastor Mawarire wearing the Zimbabwean flag posted a video to his Facebook page decrying the state of the economy and what he felt was government's neglect of its duties to serve the citizens of Zimbabwe. Although one government minister described Mawarire's actions as a 'pastor's fart in the corridors of power', the reaction by the state security agents points to the contrary. Street protests have been banned. This article interrogates the transformation of #ThisFlag movement from an online struggle to street protests that have turned violent. It also looks at other movements that are complementing #ThisFlag and how the state is responding to these protests both on the social media and on the ground. Evan Mawarire may be considered as an unusual voice from the ever mushrooming new church establishments. As such, it becomes a point of interest to find out what voice there is, which represents what is commonly viewed as mainline churches. Such a voice is identified as coming from Bishop Raymond Mpandasekwa of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Chinhoyi who in one of his sermons delivered an acerbic attack on Mnangagwa's government as a 'blood thirsty' government. The study explored the messages of Mawarire and Mpandasekwa using the socio-theological lenses as guided by Rawls' theory of civil disobedience. CONTRIBUTION: This study locates #ThisFlag activism in the context of toxic transformative politics in Zimbabwe. In addition, it contributes to our understanding of the relationship between religion and politics in an unstable political and economic setting. It calls for a re-thinking of the role of the church in Zimbabwean society and discusses the state's response to those deemed to be not towing the line. It shows that while some religious organisations and groups are too keen to be co-opted by the regime, some have effectively resisted this and have become combative as they fight for people's rights. Another important contribution is located in how these pastor-cum-activists have harnessed social media to amplify their voices and to reach huge audiences beyond the pulpit. The study is important because it contextualises the role of religion in the country's contemporary politics, and this fits into the scope of the journal in that it is a multidisciplinary study of both religion and politics.

Resumen El artículo se aproxima a los hechos y protagonistas de la revuelta de octubre de 2019 en Santiago de Chile. A partir de la perspectiva de los estudios de la ciudad y los movimientos de desobediencia civil, se pregunta por el resurgimiento del ágora, y cómo este tipo de conflicto entraña una productividad política para la ciudad. Además, se observan las corrientes y propiedades que caracterizan este tipo de movimientos sociales, las referencias espaciales y los actos morales que configuran una experiencia de cité, de ciudadanía, inédita desde el retorno a la democracia en 1990.

Résumé L'article aborde les événements et les protagonistes de la révolte d'octobre 2019 à Santiago du Chili. Dans la perspective des études sur la ville et des mouvements de désobéissance civile, il s'interroge sur la résurgence de l'agora, et sur la manière dont ce type de conflit entraîne une productivité politique pour la ville. Il examine également les courants et les propriétés qui caractérisent ce type de mouvement social, les références spatiales et les actes moraux qui configurent une expérience de cité, de citoyenneté, inédite depuis le retour à la démocratie en 1990.

Summary The article approaches the events and protagonists of the October 2019 revolt in Santiago de Chile. From the perspective of City Studies and civil disobedience movements, it asks about the resurgence of the ágora, and how this type of conflict entails a political productivity for the city. In addition, it looks at the currents and properties that characterize this type of social movements, the spatial references and the moral acts that configure an experience of cité, of citizenship, unprecedented since the return to democracy in 1990.

Resumo O artigo aborda os eventos e protagonistas da revolta de outubro de 2019 em Santiago do Chile. Da perspectiva dos estudos da cidade e dos movimentos de desobediência civil, ela pergunta sobre o ressurgimento da ágora e como este tipo de conflito implica em uma produtividade política para a cidade. Também se refere sobre as correntes e as propriedades que caracterizam este tipo de movimento social, as referências espaciais e os atos morais que configuram uma experiência de cité, de cidadania, inaudita desde o retorno à democracia em 1990.

Resumo A epidemia de coronavírus desencadeou uma vasta epidemia de vírus ideológicos que se insinuavam há algum tempo a partir da psicopolítica atual, dominada pelo avanço neoliberal e tecnológico, conducentes a ampliar os fenómenos que caracterizam a denominada época da pós-verdade. Pondo a tónica nos discursos dos grupos que reinventam a pandemia através dessa lógica, desenvolve-se o conceito de desobediência alternativa, entendido como uma reificação das novas formas de subjetividades impulsionadas pela psicopolítica segundo Byung-Chul Han, questionando-se acerca da sua legitimidade moral tendo em consideração as definições distintas de desobediência civil de Henry David Thoreau e Hannah Arendt. Conclui-se que a pandemia veio revelar não só desigualdades e contradições que atravessam o mundo, mas também os entraves ao surgimento de um projeto comum assente numa consciência global. Neste sentido, a crescente falta de comprometimento para com a verdade é geradora de mudanças políticas e sociais que colocam em causa a própria democracia liberal.

Abstract The spread of the coronavirus epidemic eventually triggered ideological reactions that had been taking hold for some time as a consequence of neoliberal and technological advances, conducive to amplifying the phenomena that characterize what has been called the Post-truth Era. Focusing on the discourses of the groups that reinvent the pandemic through of this logic, we seek to develop the concept of alternative disobedience, understood as a reification of the new forms of subjectivities driven by psychopolitics, according to Byung-Chul Han, questioning their moral legitimacy taking into consideration Henry David Thoreau’s and Hannah Arendt’s distinct definitions of civil disobedience. It can be concluded that the pandemic has revealed not only inequalities and contradictions across the world, but also the obstacles to the emergence of a common project based on a global conscience. In this sense, the growing lack of commitment to the truth generates political and social changes that call into question liberal democracy itself.

ABSTRACT This article indicates that modern network technologies facilitate the combination of institutionalized forms of civic participation with informal practices through social networks. New activities have emerged in the modern digital world: civil disobedience through hacktivism, viral launching of hashtags and challenges, monitoring of electoral proceedings by webcams, etc. The possibilities of Internet technologies contribute to creating pockets of fake activism, as people engage in a virtual imitation of citizen participation and disengage from real problems. The article provides an analysis of a new form of citizen activity - online rallies - and concludes that these will gradually be introduced into the Russian political process. In this respect, the online space becomes more polarized and politically dangerous.

RESUMEN En este artículo se indica que las modernas tecnologías de redes facilitan la combinación de formas institucionalizadas de participación cívica con prácticas informales a través de las redes sociales. Nuevas actividades han surgido en el mundo digital moderno: desobediencia civil a través del hacktivismo, lanzamiento viral de hashtags y challenges, monitoreo de los procedimientos electorales por cámaras web, etc. Las posibilidades de las tecnologías de Internet contribuyen a crear focos de activismo falso, pues las personas se involucran en una imitación virtual de participación ciudadana y se desvinculan de los problemas reales. El artículo proporciona un análisis de una nueva forma de actividad ciudadana ‒los mítines en línea‒, y llega a la conclusión de que estos se introducirán de forma gradual en el proceso político ruso. A este respecto, el espacio en línea se hace más polarizado y políticamente peligroso.

Abstract In 1934 Gadamer delivered the lecture Plato und die Dichter. Its central topic was the relationship between poetry, philosophy and politics in Plato’s thought. Gadamer developed an original phenomenological investigation on Plato’s ethical-political philosophy and the role that art played in it, in which the dimension of language and the meaning of utopia are structural for his arguments. This article aims, in the first place, to elucidate some political dimensions of Plato und die Dichter. In order to do this, I will carry out a critical review of Donatella Di Cesare’s and Dennis Schmidt’s contemporary readings of these aspects. In the conclusions, after briefly analysing in the third section the relationship between phrónēsis, aretḗ and andreía in the Platonic dialogues, I will try to demonstrate how these notions illuminate the question of the seduction of power (neglected by Schmidt in his reading of Gadamer’s Plato), as well as the inseparability of this problem with respect to the dialectical conception of utopia. It will be suggested that it is possible, from and beyond the Gadamerian reading of Plato, to rethink the idea of civil disobedience and the political value of the myth from standpoint of utopia.

Resumen En 1934 Gadamer pronunció la conferencia Plato und die Dichter, cuyo tema central era la relación entre poesía, filosofía y política en el pensamiento platónico. Allí desarrolló una original investigación fenomenológica sobre la filosofía ético-política de Platón y el lugar que el arte ocupaba en ella, en la que la dimensión del lenguaje y el significado de la utopía son estructurales para sus argumentaciones. El presente artículo se propone, en primer lugar, elucidar algunos aspectos de la dimensión política de Plato und die Dichter. Para ello, se realizará una revisión crítica de las lecturas contemporáneas de estos aspectos por parte de Donatella Di Cesare y Dennis Schmidt. En las conclusiones, tras analizar brevemente en el tercer apartado la relación entre phrónēsis, aretḗ y andreía en los diálogos platónicos, intentaré demostrar cómo estas nociones alumbran la cuestión de la seducción del poder (descuidada por Schmidt en su lectura del Platón gadameriano), así como la inseparabilidad de este problema con respecto a la concepción dialéctica de la utopía. A partir de esto último se sugerirá que es posible, a partir y más allá de la lectura gadameriana de Platón, repensar la idea de “desobediencia civil” y el valor político del mito desde el punto de vista de la utopía.

Resumen El presente ensayo de filosofía política procura exponer la idea del derecho de resistencia en sus distintas variantes, así como indagar en los presupuestos que lo justifican. Por este motivo, procede a desarrollar una revisión histórica de los principales exponentes del derecho de resistencia a lo largo de la historia de la filosofía. En él se desarrollan temas como el tiranicidio, la desobediencia civil, la objeción de conciencia y la revolución de Estados Unidos.

Abstract The present essay of political philosophy intends to explain the idea of the right of resistence in its various forms, and to look into the assumptions that justify it. For this reason, it proceeds to expound on the main exponents of the right of resistence throughout the history of philosophy. In it, the author sets forth themes like tyrannicide, civil disobedience, conscientious objection and the revolution of the United States.

Abstract The United States of America has the highest number of detained immigrants in the world. This article argues that detention centers are racist institutions. Hence an analytical framework was used to integrated studies of mass incarceration and migrant struggles; therefore, it was created a model. Which identifies four factors that make racism possible at immigrant detention centers: 1) mass incarceration system; 2) criminalization of immigrants; 3) racialization; and 4) gender. The analysis is completed with the conclusion of migrant struggle, which challenge, reject and resist racism. Sometimes they defeat it, that is the case of the civil disobedience strategies of infiltrating detention centers.

Resumen Estados Unidos de América tiene el sistema de detención para migrantes más grande del mundo. Este artículo argumenta que esos centros son instituciones racistas. Usando un marco analítico novedoso que integra los estudios de encarcelamiento y las luchas migrante, se creó un modelo. El cual, identifica cuatro factores que posibilitan el racismo sistemático en los centros de detención para migrantes: 1) sistema de encarcelamiento masivo; 2) criminalización hacia personas migrantes; 3) racialización; y 4) género. Se completa el análisis con la conclusión de que las luchas migrantes, desafían, rechazan y resisten el racismo. Y algunas veces lo derrotan, ese es el caso de la estrategia de desobediencia civil de infiltrarse en centros de detención.

Resumo Introdução Apesar de lutar para se estabelecer como uma profissão autônoma, a terapia ocupacional permanece amplamente regulamentada e controlada por autoridades discursivas dentro e fora da disciplina. Depois de superar os ideais reformistas da profissão, o governo militar, que apoiou sua rápida expansão, se transformou em instituições civis, mas ambos foram baseados em fundamentos semelhantes: os terapeutas ocupacionais devem obedecer a um conjunto estrito de regras enquanto a desobediência e a dissidência são consistentemente reprimidas ou silenciadas. Objetivo O objetivo deste artigo é desconstruir os discursos dominantes (consensuais) que configuram o status quo na terapia ocupacional e vislumbrar caminhos alternativos para o desenvolvimento da disciplina. Método Com base na obra de Erich Fromm e Jacques Rancière, propomos uma análise teórica (crítica) dos conceitos de desobediência e dissenso conforme se aplicam aos terapeutas ocupacionais. Resultados Os conceitos de desobediência (Fromm) e dissenso (Rancière) podem ser usados para revisitar o consenso formado por autoridades discursivas dentro e fora da terapia ocupacional e expor a natureza política de tais processos. Argumentamos que as forças opressivas remanescentes semelhantes às de um regime de guerra persistem na regulamentação da prática e do conhecimento da terapia ocupacional por meio de uma forma de 'propaganda disciplinar'. Em vez de ameaçar o desenvolvimento da disciplina, a desobediência e o dissenso constituem respostas críticas para interromper os discursos dominantes e dar origem a conceitos mais saudáveis. Conclusão O uso de termos politicamente carregados, como desobediência ou dissenso, pode ser visto como controverso e inquietante para uma profissão como a terapia ocupacional, mas acreditamos que sejam necessários para o futuro de nossa disciplina.

Abstract Introduction Despite struggling to establish itself as an autonomous profession, occupational therapy remains extensively regulated and controlled by discursive authorities inside and outside the discipline. After overcoming the profession’s reformist ideals, the military governance that supported its rapid expansion morphed into civil institutions but both were based on similar grounds: occupational therapists should obey a strict set of rules while disobedience and dissent are consistently repressed or silenced. Objective The objective of this article is to deconstruct dominant (consensual) discourses that shape the status quo in occupational therapy and envision alternative paths for the development of the discipline. Method Drawing on the work of Erich Fromm and Jacques Rancière, we propose a (critical) theoretical analysis of the concepts of disobedience and dissensus as they apply to occupational therapists. Results The concepts of disobedience (Fromm) and dissensus (Rancière) can be used to revisit the consensus shaped by discursive authorities inside and outside occupational therapy and expose the political nature of such processes. We argue that remaining oppressive forces similar to those of a warfare regime persist in regulating occupational therapy practice and knowledge by enacting a form of ‘disciplinary propaganda.’ Rather than threatening the development of the discipline, disobedience and dissensus constitute critical responses to disrupt dominant discourses and give rise to healthier concepts. Conclusion The use of politically charged terms such as disobedience or dissensus can be seen as controversial and unsettling for a profession like occupational therapy but we believe they are necessary for the future of our discipline.

Numbers 12:9-16 deals with a situation that deserves an urgent response. It defines leadership and collaboration in the period of crisis. The pericope provides roadmaps on how Nigerians can tackle the contemporary coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in Nigeria. Miriam was struck with an incurable illness from God. Moses, with his leadership skills, was able to consult God, who insisted that Miriam be isolated and quarantined for seven days to prevent an escalation of the infectious disease. Using the narrative analysis, the study demonstrates that Moses' display of transparent and systematic profiling, effective leadership and collaboration of all Israelites helped to curb the pandemic from escalating. Having observed this phenomenon, the researcher believes that the pericope will speak anew to the current fight against the coronavirus pandemic in Nigeria. Findings reveal that infective leadership and collaboration led to increased poverty, insecurity and domestic abuse in Nigeria during the coronavirus era. INTRADISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS: The research is based on the rising cases of the coronavirus in Nigeria. It was discovered that a lack of transparency, a lack of leadership, and civil disobedience are the major factors causing a failure in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria. Disciplines implicated include Sociology, Old Testament and Dogmatics.

Resumen El presente artículo, pretende esbozar un análisis historiológico, iusfilosófico y sociológico de cómo las sociedades a lo largo de la historia han estado relacionadas a la lucha popular como medio de acción ante la cosmología que le acaece. Se inicia desde el punto del constitucionalismo como análisis desde Inglaterra, donde se comprueba que la lucha popular acompañó este momento de la historia, se aterriza en el pensamiento de Gargarella sobre el derecho a la resistencia y finalmente se hace una reflexión acerca de las realidades sociales contemporáneas. El diseño metodológico se encausó por el paradigma hermenéutico e histórico-crítico, con un método deductivo y enfoque cualitativo, apoyados en la técnica de análisis documental, sobre todo de fuentes bibliográficas específicas y generales sobre el derecho a la resistencia y sentencias de la Corte Constitucional. Como resultado, se obtiene que la lucha popular, siempre estuvo y estará presente en la historia para la redefinir y garantizar los derechos.

Abstract The present article tries to sketch a historiological, iusfilosófico and sociological analysis of how societies throughout history have been related to the popular struggle as a means of action against the cosmology that occurs. It begins from the point of constitutionalism as an analysis from England, where it is found that the popular struggle accompanied this moment in history, it lands on Gargarella’s thinking about the right to resistance and finally a reflection is made about social realities contemporary. The methodological design was prosecuted by the hermeneutical and historical-critical paradigm, with a deductive method and qualitative approach, supported by the documentary analysis technique, especially from specific and general bibliographic sources on the right to resistance and judgments of the Constitutional Court . As a result, it is obtained that the popular struggle has always been and will be present in history to redefine and guarantee rights.