Resumen En este artículo proponemos narrar un acontecimiento político‒cultural relacionado a la trama de solidaridad internacional en torno al exilio español republicano una vez finalizada la Guerra Civil en aquel país. Para ello nos referiremos a una intervención desarrollada en la ciudad de Rosario en abril de 1939, cuya finalidad fue la de recaudar fondos para el traslado de españoles hacia Chile en el vapor Winnipeg. La principal figura e impulsor de esta travesía fue el escritor y embajador cultural de Chile en Francia, Pablo Neruda. Con su presencia, sumada a la de otras figuras de la cultura, tanto locales como internacionales, se llevó a cabo un acto bajo el título «Por la defensa de las democracias en América» en el Teatro Cine Real de esta ciudad. El evento dejó trascender algunos aspectos que nos interesan explorar. Por un lado, el impacto local de las prácticas de solidaridad internacional asociada al antifascismo; por otro, la emergencia de espacios asociativos culturales conformados por intelectuales comprometidos ideológicamente; por último, planteamos una reconstrucción del panorama político cultural a partir de un cruce entre diversas fuentes hemerográficas como la prensa local, los diarios de las organizaciones, el Boletín de Cultura Intelectual y los prontuarios policiales en la descripción de dicho evento.

Abstract In this article we propose to narrate a political‒cultural event related to the plot of international solidarity around the Republican Spanish exile once the Civil War in that country ended. For this we will refer to an intervention carried out in the city of Rosario in April 1939, whose purpose was to raise funds for the transfer of Spaniards to Chile on the steamship Winnipeg. The main figure and promoter of this journey was the writer and cultural ambassador of Chile in France, Pablo Neruda. With his presence, added to that of other cultural figures, both local and international, an event was held under the title «For the defense of democracies in America» at the Teatro Cine Real in this city. The event revealed some aspects that we are interested in exploring. On the one hand, the local impact of international solidarity practices associated with anti‒fascism; on the other, the emergence of cultural associative spaces made up of ideologically committed intellectuals; Finally, we propose a reconstruction of the cultural political panorama based on a cross between various newspaper sources such as the local press, the organizations' newspapers, the Intellectual Culture Bulletin and the police records in the description of said event.

Resumo No contexto da atual guerra da Rússia contra a Ucrânia, torna-se cada vez mais urgente a necessidade de o mundo europeu divulgar um conhecimento sistemático sobre a cultura e a arte da Ucrânia, que durante muito tempo foi considerada pelos europeus exclusivamente no contexto da cultura do país agressor. Assim, é crucial distinguir a cultura/mentalidade ucraniana e restaurar e reforçar a imagem positiva da Ucrânia na cena mundial, em particular, através da promoção da identidade da cultura ucraniana. O objetivo da investigação é identificar e fundamentar as prioridades do desenvolvimento pessoal e profissional de um sujeito socialmente responsável da diplomacia cultural e artística na Ucrânia, com base no valor da educação artística nacional, que pode revelar/formar a humanidade numa pessoa. O estudo utilizou os métodos de análise, síntese, dedução, comparação e abstração. O valor científico dos resultados da investigação reside numa compreensão actualizada da formação profissional do sujeito da diplomacia cultural - um embaixador cultural que satisfaz as necessidades da comunidade mundial moderna para uma nova visão e uma nova motivação para o sistema de formação de pessoal artístico e criativo. Em primeiro lugar, uma trindade de direcções básicas como o desenvolvimento de um caso de novo conhecimento que determinará o potencial criativo da educação artística nos processos de democratização da sociedade ucraniana; justificando a viabilidade de criar estratégias de diálogo através do respeito pelo Outro; refutando os argumentos introduzidos por sistemas autoritários que tendem a produzir histeria de guerra híbrida. O estudo revela a importância de formar artistas como embaixadores culturais para estabelecer o verdadeiro significado da cultura da Ucrânia a nível internacional e identifica formas de melhorar a imagem do Estado através da implementação de uma educação artística eficaz. As conclusões do estudo serão úteis para os académicos num estudo aprofundado do conceito de "diplomacia cultural", bem como para os políticos e críticos culturais na escolha de abordagens para restaurar uma coloração emocional positiva da imagem da Ucrânia na consciência pública mundial através da cultura e da arte ucranianas.

Abstract In the context of Russia’s current war against Ukraine, the need for the European world to disseminate systematic knowledge about the culture and art of Ukraine, which for a long time has been considered by Europeans exclusively in the context of the culture of the aggressor country, is becoming more urgent. Thus, it is crucial to distinguish Ukrainian culture/mentality and restore and strengthen Ukraine’s positive image on the world stage, in particular, by promoting the identity of Ukrainian culture. The purpose of the research is to identify and substantiate the priorities of personal and professional development of a socially responsible subject of cultural and artistic diplomacy in Ukraine, based on the value of national art education, which can reveal/form humanity in a person. The study used the methods of analysis, synthesis, deduction, comparison, and abstraction. The scientific value of the research results lies in an updated understanding of the professional formation of the subject of cultural diplomacy - a cultural ambassador who meets the needs of the modern world community for a new vision and new motivation for the system of training artistic and creative personnel. First of all, a trinity of such basic directions as developing a case of new knowledge that will determine the creative potential of art education in the processes of democratisation of Ukrainian society; justifying the feasibility of creating strategies of dialogue through respect for the Other; refuting the arguments introduced by authoritarian systems that tend to produce hybrid war hysteria. The study reveals the importance of training artists as cultural ambassadors to establish the true significance of Ukraine’s culture at the international level and identifies ways to improve the image of the state through the implementation of effective art education. The conclusions of the study will be useful for scholars in an in-depth study of the concept of “cultural diplomacy”, as well as for politicians and cultural critics in choosing approaches to restoring a positive emotional colouring of the image of Ukraine in the world public consciousness through Ukrainian culture and art.

ORIENTATION: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic forced organisations to rapidly redesign workplace structures to adapt to a changed and disrupted business world and improve stakeholder relationships. The relational bureaucracy theory (RBT) provides a valuable foundation for increasing stakeholder participation. RESEARCH PURPOSE: We investigate how a relational bureaucracy's organisational structure promotes internal stakeholders' involvement in a post-Covid workplace. MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY: Limited frameworks illustrate how a newly emergent relational bureaucratic structure can enhance stakeholder involvement and engagement in the new world of work. RESEARCH APPROACH/DESIGN AND METHOD: The researchers followed a literature review to derive shared meanings in constructing an RBT framework for promoting stakeholder involvement. MAIN FINDINGS: According to our preliminary research, the organisational type known as the engaged ambassador could be named the relational bureaucratic stakeholder prototype. Seven zones crucial to the business's overall operation are identified in the stakeholder landscape. Additionally, we illustrate the relational bureaucracy design ideas that promote stakeholder participation PRACTICAL/MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS: We propose that organisations could benefit from stakeholder engagement through interpersonal coordination mechanisms that create, maintain and improve stakeholder relationships through strategic human resource management (HRM) frameworks and RBT. We further argue that a relational bureaucracy's structure raises stakeholder participation for organisational leadership, coordination and coproduction. CONTRIBUTION/VALUE-ADD: This article integrates some main effects of relational bureaucratic theory to provide a landscape for the needs of internal stakeholders in a disrupted workplace.

Abstract This article explores the relations between Brazil and the United States during the 1910s and revisits Brazil’s participation at the 1919 Peace Conference. It argues that the Brazilian delegation would not have succeeded as it did in Paris had it not been for the construction of close and respectful diplomatic relations between Brazil and the United States over the decade of the 1910s, a rapprochement to which Domício da Gama, the Brazilian ambassador to Washington between 1912 and 1918, contributed decisively. s Brazils 191 Conference Gama 1918 decisively 19 1

Abstract The Asinus is one of the late dialogues of the Neapolitan humanist Giovanni Pontano (1429-1503). Although the text follows in several points the genre of humanist dialogue as it had been shaped in the Quattrocento from the influence of Plato, Cicero, and Luciano de Samosata, the Asinus presents a structure in many ways similar to a theatrical comedy. Set shortly after the peace agreement between King Ferrante I and Pope Innocent VIII in 1486, the dialogue deals with presenting the figure of its author from the perspective of characters belonging to different social circles. The objective of this article is to analyze the way in which Pontano builds a self-parody of himself that nevertheless has the function of legitimizing his role as ambassador in Ferrante's court.

Resumen El Asinus es uno de los diálogos tardíos del humanista napolitano Giovanni Pontano (1429-1503). Si bien el texto sigue en varios puntos el género del diálogo humanista tal como había sido conformado en el Quattrocento a partir de la influencia de Platón, Cicerón y Luciano de Samosata, el Asinus presenta una estructura en muchos sentidos similar a una comedia teatral. Ambientado poco después del acuerdo de paz entre el rey Ferrante I y el papa Inocencio VIII en 1486, el diálogose ocupa de presentar la figura de su autor desde la perspectiva de personajes pertenecientes a distintos círculos sociales. El objetivo de este artículo consiste en analizar la forma en la que Pontano construye una imagen autoparódica de sí mismo que sin embargo tiene la función de legitimar su rol como embajador en la corte de Ferrante.

Resumen Dos pasajes de las Historiae de Curcio Rufo pueden ser leídos en el marco de la tradición de la historiografía romana de incluir discursos de enemigos extranjeros para expresar visiones críticas del imperialismo romano. El discurso de Darío antes de la batalla de Gaugamela (4.14.9-26) y el de un embajador escita (7.8.12-30) son analizados en este trabajo para demostrar que, detrás de una lectura literal de censura a Alejandro Magno, aparece un fuerte reproche a la expansión imperial de Roma.

Abstract Two passages in Curtius Rufus' Historiae can be read within the context of a tradition in Roman historiography of including speeches by foreign enemies to voice critical views of Roman imperialism. In this paper, Darius’ pre-battle speech at Gaugamela (4.14.9-26) and the Scythian ambassador’s speech before Alexander (7.8.12-30) will be analyzed to show that behind an apparent rebuke of Alexander the Great emerges a strong criticism of Rome’s imperial expansion.

This article will examine Nnedi Okorafor's Lagoon (2014) - a tale of shapeshifting aliens arriving off the coast of Lagos, Nigeria - as a quintessential Africanfuturist novel replete with disruptions of traditional science fiction tropes, transcorporeal mutations and endogenous African epistemologies. Our theoretical framework brings together two seemingly disparate thinkers whose work challenges essentialist identity politics: American ecocritical feminist, Donna Haraway, and Cameroonian anthropologist, Francis Nyamnjoh. Haraway's (1985) myth of the cyborg resonates with Okorafor's aliens and their dissolution of the boundaries separating human/machine, man/woman, and self/other. Nyamnjoh (2015:6-7) presents a similarly liminal figure in the 'frontier African' to whom 'everyone and everything is malleable, flexible and blendable, from humans and their anatomies, to animals and plants, gods, ghosts and spirits'. Okorafor's counter-hegemonic representations of gender and selfhood are inextricably interwoven into a decolonising literary project of 'ontological osmosis' that transforms superficially 'fixed' markers of difference into permeable thresholds of becoming. These concepts reflect Okorafor's Africanfuturist goals, as we show through a detailed analysis of the alien ambassador, Ayodele, and other key characters. This article will also consider Okorafor's allusions to Mami Wata (a feminine west African water deity or witch) in relation to the protean Ayodele. This analysis will underline Okorafor's thematic concerns with the question of gender and its relationship with the broader ecological and cultural forces of this society.

ABSTRACT When Fernando Carlos de Vera y Figueroa, 2nd Count of la Roca, took up the embassy in Venice, the memory of his famous father was present since the moment of his arrival. It could not have been otherwise, as the projection of his father at the court of Madrid was fundamental to understanding the concession of this position to his son. In this paper, we intend to explore the importance of lineage and patronage networks in developing a political career in the Spanish Monarchy. To this end, we will examine the process by which our protagonist was chosen to occupy this embassy and his stay in Venice.

RESUMEN Cuando Fernando Carlos de Vera y Figueroa, II conde de la Roca, pasó a ocupar la embajada en Venecia, el recuerdo de su afamado padre estuvo presente desde el momento de su llegada. No podía ser de otra forma, ya que la proyección que este había logrado en la corte madrileña resulta fundamental para entender la concesión de este cargo a su hijo. En el presente artículo, pretendemos ahondar en la importancia del linaje y las redes clientelares de cara a desarrollar una carrera política al servicio de la corona española. Para ello, abordaremos el proceso por el que nuestro protagonista fue elegido para ocupar esta legación y se gestó su arribo a Venecia.

Abstract: World War I expired European hegemony and empowered the United States, Japan, and in the following years the Union of Soviet Republics. In this framework of changes that were already being considered in 1919 regarding the future of the international system, the British decline and the American rise took place, which questioned the Phil-British perspective of Chilean foreign policy. The United States entered the war with more decisive weight and that implied a greater political and economic presence worldwide. The document sent by the Chilean ambassador to the United Kingdom, Agustín Edwards McClure entitled Memorandum on whether New York will be the world’s new financial center of July 9, 1919, provides tools, the analysis of which is carried out by also transcribing the original.

Resumen: La Primera Guerra Mundial caducó la hegemonía europea y potenció a Estados Unidos, a Japón y, en los años siguientes, a la Unión de Repúblicas Soviéticas. En ese marco de cambios que ya estaban planteándose en 1919 sobre el futuro del sistema internacional, se produjo el descenso británico y el ascenso estadounidense que cuestionó la perspectiva filobritánica de la política exterior chilena. Estados Unidos entraba a la guerra con más peso decisorio, y eso implicaba una mayor presencia política y económica a nivel mundial. Presentamos el documento enviado por el embajador chileno en Reino Unido, Agustín Edwards McClure, titulado Memorándum sobre si Nueva York será el nuevo centro financiero del Mundo del 9 de julio de 1919, cuyo análisis se realiza transcribiendo, además, el original.

Abstract In 1927, a new American ambassador arrived in Mexico from the world of finance. The disagreements between the two countries were many. Furthermore, in Mexico a religious war was being waged against the established government. The friendship that Ambassador Morrow quickly forged with President Calles helped enormously to smooth over the differences between Mexico and the United States and even contributed to solving the religious conflict. The article investigates the personal characteristics that allowed the new ambassador these achievements in a minimum of time and the scope of his efforts. For this, we have followed the portrait technique, that is, the punctual description of specific features that outline the character obtained from nearby sources, which has finally allowed us to delve into the different edges that singled out Morrow.

Resumen En 1927 llegó a México un nuevo embajador estadounidense, procedente del mundo de las finanzas. Los desacuerdos que había entre ambos países eran muchos. Además, en México se libraba una guerra de carácter religioso en contra del gobierno establecido. La amistad que rápidamente forjó el embajador Morrow con el presidente Calles ayudó enormemente a limar asperezas en los diferendos entre México y Estados Unidos y contribuyó incluso para solucionar el conflicto religioso. En el artículo se indagan las características personales que permitieron al nuevo embajador estos logros en un mínimo de tiempo y cuáles fueron los alcances de sus esfuerzos. Para esto, hemos seguido la técnica del retrato, esto es, la descripción puntual de rasgos concretos que perfilan al personaje obtenidos de fuentes cercanas, lo que nos ha permitido finalmente adentrarnos en las diferentes aristas que lo singularizaron.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo fue detectar, analizar y explicar la relación de la ideologia nacionalista paraguaya reciente con el proceso de mestizaje hispano-guaraní del periodo de conquista y colonización castellana, así como la valoración del carácter femenino -entendido como subordinación- de la parte paraguayo-guaraní de dicho proceso de mestizaje, carácter sobreexplotado por el nacionalismo paraguayo actual. El objetivo concierne, por tanto, a dos unidades políticas contemporáneas -Paraguay y España- separadas tras la Independencia; sin embargo, el nacionalismo paraguayo quedó imbuido de un fuerte sesgo hispano en el relato de su construcción nacional, el cual fue aprovechado también por España como elemento de vínculo histórico al Paraguay (favoreciéndose el relacionamiento político). Para comprender la relación entre ambas unidades políticas durante el periodo dictatorial de ambos países en la segunda mitad del siglo XX se analizó una fuente fundamental: los escritos del que embajador español en Paraguay, Ernesto Giménez Caballero (particularmente su libro Revelación del Paraguay, 1958); además, el anâlisis del relato implícito en esta fuente se confrontó con varios trabajos recientes de otros investigadores acerca de estos mismos elementos. El artículo derivó los principales elementos del discurso imperialista de Ernesto Giménez Caballero -hispanidad, mestizaje, catolicidad- y varias referencias o aproximaciones de la perspectiva político-ideológica de este escritor de vanguardia, intelectual fascista y diplomático franquista espanol, al relato nacional hegemónico de su Paraguay imaginado; un Giménez Caballero que no solo fue un servidor leal a la causa de la hispanidad desplegada por el régimen dictatorial de Francisco Franco, sino que mantuvo una estrecha relación con su homólogo paraguayo -Alfredo Stroessner-, afinidad y simpatía que reflejaron también una notable sintonía ideológica.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo foi detectar, analisar e explicar a relação entre a ideologia nacionalista paraguaia recente e o processo de miscigenação hispano-guarani durante o período de conquista e colonização castelhana, bem como a avaliação do caráter feminino -entendido como subordinação- da parte paraguaio-guarani desse processo de miscigenação, caráter superexplorado pelo atual nacionalismo paraguaio. O objetivo diz respeito, portanto, a duas unidades políticas contemporâneas -Paraguai e Espanha- separadas após a Independência; no entanto, o nacionalismo paraguaio estava imbuído de um forte viés hispânico na história de sua construção nacional, que também foi utilizado pela Espanha como elemento de vínculo histórico com o Paraguai (favorecendo as relações políticas). Para compreender a relação entre as duas unidades políticas durante o período ditatorial de ambos os países na segunda metade do século XX, uma fonte fundamental foi analisada: os escritos do embaixador espanhol no Paraguai, Ernesto Giménez Caballero (em particular seu livro Revelação do Paraguai, 1958). Além disso, a análise da história implícita nesta fonte foi comparada com vários trabalhos recentes de outros pesquisadores sobre esses mesmos elementos. O artigo derivou os principais elementos do discurso imperialista de Ernesto Giménez Caballero -hispanidade, miscigenação, catolicidade- e diversas referências ou aproximações da perspectiva político-ideológica deste escritor de vanguarda, intelectual fascista e diplomata franquista espanhol, à narrativa nacional hegemônica de seu Paraguai imaginado; um Giménez Caballero que não só foi um fiel servidor da causa hispânica implantada pelo regime ditatorial de Francisco Franco, mas também manteve uma relação próxima com seu homólogo paraguaio -Alfredo Stroessner-, uma afinidade e simpatia que também refletiam uma notável harmonia ideológica.

Abstract The objective of this article was to detect, analyze and explain the relationship between the recent Paraguayan nationalist ideology and the process of Hispano-Guarani miscegenation during the period of Castilian conquest and colonization, as well as the assessment of the feminine nature -understood as subordination- of the Paraguayan-Guaraní part of said miscegenation process , quality overexploited by current Paraguayan nationalism. The objective concerns, therefore, two contemporary political units -Paraguay and Spain- separated after the Independence; however, Paraguayan nationalism was imbued with a strong Hispanic bias in the story of its national construction, which was also used by Spain as an element of historical ties to Paraguay (favoring political relations). To understand the relationship between both political units during the dictatorial period of both countries in the second half of the 20th century, a fundamental source was analyzed: the writings of the Spanish ambassador to Paraguay, Ernesto Giménez Caballero (particularly his book Revelation of Paraguay, 1958). In addition, the analysis of the story that is implicit in this source was compared with several recent works by other researchers about these same elements. The article derived the main elements of Ernesto Giménez Caballero's imperialist discourse -Hispanic heritage, miscegenation, catholicity- and several references or approximations of the political-ideological perspective of this avant-garde writer, fascist intellectual and Spanish Francoist diplomat, to the hegemonic national narrative of his imagined Paraguay; a Giménez Caballero who was not only a loyal servant to the Hispanic cause deployed by the dictatorial regime of Francisco Franco, but also maintained a close relationship with his Paraguayan counterpart -Alfredo Stroessner-, an affinity and sympathy that also reflected a notable ideological resonance.

Zach de Beer se politieke loopbaan het in 1950 begin toe hy as 'n studenteleier en as 'n lid van die Civil Rights League 'n protesvergadering teen die verbanning van die Kommunistiese Party in die stadsaal van Kaapstad toegespreek het. Veertig jaar later in Februarie 1990 was hy in die parlement toe president F.W. de Klerk die Kommunistiese Party, die African National Congres en die Pan Africanist Congress wettig verklaar het. Gedurende die donkerste dae van die apartheidstaat het hy saam met ander liberale die ideal van 'n liberale-demokratiese bestel lewendig gehou. In 1959 het hy gehelp om die liberale Progressiewe Party te stig, en in 1960 het hy die onwettig verklaring van die African National Congress en die Pan Africanist Congress teengestaan. Dit was 'n dapper daad wat hom sy parlementêre setel in die algemene verkiesing van 1961 gekos het, en jare in die politieke wildernis tot gevolg gehad het. Buite die parlement het hy as 'n leidende figuur in die sakewêreld deurentyd op grondwetlike en politieke hervorminge aangedring. In 1988 het hy die leier van die Progressiewe Federale Party geword, en die volgende jaar 'n leidende rol gespeel in die stigting van die Demokraties Party. Hierdie artikel toon dat die Demokratiese Party se goeie vertoning in die algemene verkiesing van 1989 'n belangrike faktor was om De Klerk te oortuig om met die aftakeling van apartheidstaat in 1990 te begin. In waardering van sy bydrae in die stryd teen apartheid het president Nelson Mandela hom in 1994 as Suid-Afrika se ambassadeur in Nederland aangestel.

Zach de Beer's political career began in 1950 when as a student leader and a member of the Civil Rights League he addressed a public meeting in the Cape Town City Hall to protest the banning of the Communist Party. Forty years later, in February 1990, he was in parliament when President F.W. de Klerk announced the unbanning of the Communist Party, the African National Congress, and the Pan Africanist Congress. During the darkest years of the apartheid state he, along with others, kept liberal democratic ideals alive. In 1959 he helped to form the liberal Progressive Party, and in 1960 he opposed the banning of the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress. This was a courageous action that would cost him his parliamentary seat in the 1961 general election and led to years in the political wilderness. Outside of parliament, as a prominent figure in the financial world, he continued to encourage constitutional and political reform. In 1988, he became leader of the Progressive Federal Party and played a leading role in the founding of the Democratic Party in 1989. This article shows that the party's good performance in the general election of that year was a crucial factor in pushing De Klerk to initiate the dismantling of the apartheid state in 1990. In recognition of his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle, President Nelson Mandela appointed him as South Africa's ambassador to the Netherlands in 1994.

Resumo Este artigo é uma homenagem ao embaixador José Augusto Lindgren Alves e ao jurista Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade, proferida no evento A Importância da Reconstrução das Políticas de Direitos Humanos no Brasil, realizado no Instituto de Estudos Avançados da Universidade de São Paulo (IEA-USP), em 30 de junho de 2022. O evento ocorreu na ocasião do lançamento dos Cadernos Cedec - editados em parceria com o Grupo de Pesquisa Direitos Humanos, Democracia, Política e Memória (GPDH-IEA) -, e abordou outros dois eventos do Ciclo de Memórias da Política Institucional de Direitos Humanos, realizados um ano antes, nos quais se debateu o passado, o presente e o futuro das políticas públicas nacionais de direitos humanos, a fim de construir coletivamente a memória institucional delas.

Abstract This paper is a tribute to Ambassador José Augusto Lindgren Alves and jurist Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade, delivered at the event “The Importance of Reconstructing Human Rights Policies in Brazil,” held at USP’s Institute of Advanced Studies on June 30, 2022. The event took place on the launching of Cadernos Cedec-edited in partnership with the Research Group on Human Rights, Democracy, Politics and Memory (GPDH-IEA)-and addressed two other events of the Cycle of Memories of Human Rights Institutional Policy, held in 2021, which debated the past, present and future of national human rights public policies to collectively build their institutional memory.

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o sequestro do embaixador norte-americano no Brasil, Charles Burke Elbrick, em 1969, por integrantes da Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) e do Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro (MR-8). Ao mesmo tempo que essa ação é “reverenciada” e trazida à tona por sua ousadia e ineditismo, há certo silenciamento do que de fato o sequestro representou, não apenas no âmbito interno, mas, sobretudo, para as relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos e para a compreensão da figura de Elbrick naquele momento. A partir da análise das fontes produzidas em ambos os países, foi possível mapear os sujeitos envolvidos nas negociações, as tensões e conflitos apresentados, além da identificação de duas temporalidades distintas: os debates que aconteceram nos dias que duraram o sequestro e as discussões posteriores até o momento que o embaixador é afastado do cargo, em 1970.

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the kidnapping of the US Ambassador to Brazil, Charles Burke Elbrick, in 1969, by ALN and MR-8. At the same time that this action is “revered” and brought to light by its boldness and originality, there is a certain silencing of what in fact the kidnapping represented not only internally, but, above all, for the relations between Brazil and the United States and for the understanding of the figure of Elbrick at that moment. From the analysis of the sources produced, in both countries, it was possible to map the subjects involved in the negotiations, the tensions and conflicts presented, in addition to the identification of two distinct temporalities: the debates that took place in the days that the abduction took place and the subsequent discussions until the time the Ambassador was removed from office in 1970.

Abstract In this essay, the French Ambassador in Portugal examines the document “Strategic Compass” approved by the Heads of State and Government at the European Council on 24 and 25 March 2022. This document of strategic analysis and planning is an essential milestone in the path taken by the European Union over the past 30 years to meet its destiny. In addition, the adoption of the “Strategic Compass”, in the midst of upheaval at Europe’s borders, confirms the European determination to equip the EU with the means for our self-defence.

Resumo Neste ensaio, a Embaixadora de França em Portugal analisa o documento «Bússola Estratégica» aprovado pelos chefes de Estado e de governo no Conselho Europeu a 24 e 25 de março de 2022. Este documento de análise estratégica e planeamento é um marco essencial no caminho percorrido pela União Europeia nos últimos trinta anos para assumir o seu destino. Adicionalmente, a adoção da «Bússola Estratégica», em plena convulsão às fronteiras da Europa, confirma a nossa determinação de nos dotarmos dos meios para nos defendermos.