ABSTRACT This article addresses the study of economic abuse in the context of intimate heterosexual partnerships as a form of violence against women. In particular, it analyzes how the simulated contract has been used as a tool for this purpose. Thus, this research contributes to the determination of the interface between contract law and gender violence. Its methodology is based on the analysis of relevant jurisprudence of the Colombian Supreme Court of Justice. This examination allows the conclusion that the simulated contract could be one of many strategies to abuse women's property rights. In this sense, the simulation scheme has been an instrument to keep in force de facto the property-related dimensions of the marital power institution that was abolished almost a century ago in the country.

RESUMEN Este artículo aborda el estudio del abuso económico en el contexto de las parejas heterosexuales como una forma de violencia en contra de las mujeres. En particular, analiza la manera en que el contrato simulado ha sido utilizado como una herramienta para este fin. Así, esta investigación contribuye a la determinación de la intersección entre derecho privado de contratos y violencia de género. Su metodología se basa en el análisis de jurisprudencia pertinente de la Corte Suprema de Justicia colombiana. Este examen permite concluir que el negocio simulado puede ser una de tantas estrategias para abusar de los derechos patrimoniales de las mujeres. En este sentido, la maniobra simulatoria ha sido un expediente para mantener vigente de facto la dimensión patrimonial de la potestad marital que fuera derogada hace casi un siglo en el país.

ABSTRACT. Article 43 of Law 1258, 2008 refers to the abuse of the rights of majority, parity, and minority, allowing to sue requesting both the nullification of corporate decisions and damages. Such a rule has triggered a voluminous case law. Nonetheless, such success has been pyrrhic, since while claimants obtain a judgment annulling some decisions and granting damages, they continue as prisoners in the company and defenseless against new oppressions. For the action for abuse of voting rights to be effective, this text proposes suspending some voting rights of the abusing shareholder or granting them to the shareholder suffering the oppression.

RESUMEN. La Ley 1258 de 2008 consagra los abusos de voto de mayoría, paridad y minoría, permitiendo demandar la nulidad de decisiones sociales y solicitar perjuicios. Esta norma ha generado una amplia jurisprudencia. Con todo, las victorias de los accionistas oprimidos han sido pírricas, ya que, si bien obtienen la nulidad de ciertas decisiones sociales y una condena monetaria a favor, siguen presos en la compañía e inermes frente a nuevas conductas abusivas. Para que la acción por abuso del derecho al voto sea eficaz, se propone suspender votos del accionista que abusa de ellos u otorgarlos a su víctima.

Resumen El uso y abuso del estado de sitio en Colombia fue una constante durante los siglos XIX y XX. Por ello, el Constituyente de 1991 fue tan cuidadoso a la hora de regular los estados de excepción estableciendo un sistema de exigentes límites y controles. El objetivo de este escrito es evidenciar que ahora el Presidente colombiano, en épocas de crisis, preferirá usar competencias de rango legal como lo son la emergencia sanitaria y la asistencia militar para limitar derechos humanos en vez de acudir a competencias constitucionales como los estados de excepción. A las diferentes formas de elusión constitucional propuestas por Manuel Quinche Ramírez en su texto "La elusión constitucional: una política de evasión del control constitucional en Colombia" tendríamos que agregar una nueva y es aquella realizada por el Presidente en épocas de crisis, al usar actos administrativos para enfrentar situaciones que requieren normas con fuerza de ley. Lo anterior, pues los controles para los decretos de estados de excepción son más exigentes y eficaces que los existentes para los actos administrativos. Con esto se configura un presidencialismo elusivo del control idóneo de constitucionalidad.

Abstract The use and abuse of the state of siege in Colombia was a constant during the 19th and 20th centuries. Consequently, the 1991 Constituent Assembly was careful when regulating martial law, establishing a demanding limit and control system. This paper aims to show that in times of crisis, the Colombian president prefers to use legal powers such as health emergency and military assistance to limit human rights instead of resorting to constitutional powers such as martial law. To the various forms of constitutional avoidance proposed by Manuel Quinche Ramírez in his work "Constitutional Avoidance: A Policy of Evasion of Constitutional Control in Colombia", we would have to add the president using administrative actions in times of crisis to tackle situations that require regulations with the power of law because the controls for martial law decrees are more severe and effective than those for administrative actions, thus giving rise to a presidential rule that avoids the ideal control of constitutionality.

Abstract: This research studies the economic motivations of the Law for the Transparency, Prevention and Combat of Improper Practices in Advertising Contracting, published in 2021. The analysis is based on economic theories relating to moral hazard in contracting and networked platforms. It describes the general functioning of the advertising industry and documents the structure of the industry in Mexico. The main prediction in the economics of platform networking is that companies look for the price mix on each side of the market to optimize their results and can charge little or even below costs to media or advertisers that help them expand their network. Typically, they serve publishers and advertisers. The Advertising Law establishes absolute prohibitions for a company to serve publishers and advertisers, and to broker spaces, and assigns to the Federal Economic Competition Commission the function of enforcing the law. However, the conduct raised by the initiative that led to the law is not of market abuse, nor are they per se illegal. The absolute prohibitions that are established, if applied, would affect not only traditional agencies, but would force the breakup of large digital platforms that are properly intermediaries in advertising markets.

Resumen: Esta investigación estudia las motivaciones económicas de la Ley para la Trasparencia, Prevención y Combate de Prácticas Indebidas en Materia de Contratación de Publicidad, publicada en 2021. El análisis se basa en las teorías económicas relativas al riesgo moral en la contratación y a las plataformas en red. Se describe el funcionamiento en general de la industria de publicidad y se documenta la estructura de la industria en México. La predicción principal de la economía de redes en plataforma es que las empresas buscan la mezcla de precios en cada lado del mercado para optimizar sus resultados, y pueden cobrar poco o incluso debajo de costos a medios o anunciantes que les ayudan a ampliar su red. Típicamente, sirven a editores y a anunciantes. La ley de publicidad establece prohibiciones absolutas para que una empresa atienda editores y anunciantes, y para que haga intermediación de espacios, y asigna a la Comisión Federal de Competencia Económica (COFECE) la función de hacer cumplir la ley. Sin embargo, las conductas planteadas por la iniciativa que derivó en la ley no son de competencia económica, ni son en general indebidas. Las prohibiciones absolutas que se establecen, de aplicarse, afectarían no sólo a las agencias tradicionales, sino que obligaría a la escisión de las grandes plataformas digitales que son propiamente intermediarias en mercados de publicidad.

Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene por objeto realizar un análisis crítico de los tres delitos de abuso sexual incorporados al Código Penal (CP) de Uruguay mediante la Ley n.º 19.580 (Ley de Violencia hacia las Mujeres Basada en Género). Estos son el delito de abuso sexual (art. 272-BIS del CP), el delito de abuso sexual especialmente agravado (art. 272-TER del CP) y el delito de abuso sexual sin contacto corporal (art. 273-BIS del CP). En definitiva, la finalidad de este trabajo consiste en determinar el alcance de cada una de estas figuras penales, para lo cual se analizarán los elementos comunes a todas ellas (bien jurídico protegido, sujetos involucrados y dolo directo), así como las particularidades que presenta cada uno de estos tipos penales, destacando los aciertos y errores que presenta esta nueva legislación penal

Abstract: The purpose of this work is to carry out a critical analysis of the three crimes of sexual abuse incorporated into the Penal Code (PC) of Uruguay by the Law No. 19,580 (Law on Gender-Based Violence Against Women). These are the crime of sexual abuse (art. 272-BIS of the PC), the crime of especially aggravated sexual abuse (art. 272-TER of the PC) and the crime of sexual abuse without bodily contact (art. 273-BIS of the PC). In short, the purpose of this work is to determine the scope of each of these criminal figures, for which the elements common to all of them will be analyzed (protected legal property, subjects involved and criminal intent), as well as the particularities that each of these criminal types presents, highlighting the successes and errors presented by this new criminal legislation

Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é realizar uma análise crítica dos três delitos de abuso sexual incorporados ao Código Penal (CP) do Uruguai por meio da Lei nº 19.580 (Lei de Violência de Gênero contra a Mulher). São eles o delito de abuso sexual (art. 272-BIS do CP), o delito de abuso sexual especialmente agravado (art. 272-TER do CP) e o delito de abuso sexual sem contato corporal (art. 273-BIS do CP). Em suma, o objetivo deste trabalho é determinar o alcance de cada uma dessas infrações penais, para o qual serão analisados os elementos comuns a todas elas (bem jurídico protegido, sujeitos envolvidos e dolo direto), bem como as particularidades que cada um desses tipos penais apresenta, destacando os acertos e erros dessa nova legislação penal

Resumen: El objetivo del texto es reflexionar sobre las diferentes formas paradójicas en las que se expresa la violencia en un Estado de Derecho democrático; un Estado de Derecho que, paradójicamente, pretende definirse por la resolución no violenta de los conflictos y por el monopolio exclusivo de la fuerza en manos del Estado (Max Weber). Un Estado que está sometido al principio de legalidad, equilibrio de poderes, distribución orgánica de funciones, control y división de competencias en el ejercicio del poder, para evitar cualquier forma de arbitrariedad o abuso. Sin embargo, no es sólo la evidencia empírica la que nos permite cuestionar esta premisa, sino que, a nivel teórico, diversos pensadores como Foucault, Butler, Agamben, entre otros, han argumentado cómo el poder -a diferencia de la violencia- circula en formas difusas o excepcionales que -lejos de estar contenidas en el principio de soberanía estatal y en el estado de derecho- se sirve de esta ilusión normativa haciendo posible que éste pueda ser ejercido abusivamente. Es quizás en la obra de Arendt donde esta tensión y cuestionamiento entre poder y violencia se expresa con más fuerza. El objetivo del trabajo es precisamente profundizar en esta oposición para intentar una crítica cruzada entre poder y violencia.

Abstract: The aim of the text is to reflect on the different paradoxical forms in which violence is expressed in a democratic Rule of Law; a Rule of Law that, paradoxically, claims to be defined by the non-violent resolution of conflicts and by the exclusive monopoly of force in the hands of the State (Max Weber). A State that is subject to the principle of legality, balance of powers, organic distribution of functions, control and division of competences in the exercise of power, in order to avoid any form of arbitrariness or abuse. However, it is not only empirical evidence that allows us to question this premise, but, at a theoretical level, various thinkers such as Foucault, Butler, Agamben, among others, have argued how power - unlike violence - circulates in diffuse or exceptional forms that - far from being contained in the principle of state sovereignty and the rule of law - makes use of this normative illusion, making it possible for it to be exercised abusively. It is perhaps in Arendt's work where this tension and questioning between power and violence is most strongly expressed. The aim of this paper is precisely to delve deeper into this opposition in order to attempt a cross-critique between power and violence.

Section 18F(1) of the Films and Publications Amendment Act (FAPAA) prohibits the commission of image-based sexual abuse (IBSA). This contribution critically assesses the requirement "with the intention of causing that individual harm" contained in section 18F(1)(b) of the FAPAA. It is demonstrated that the requirement "with the intention of causing that individual harm" cannot be understood as indicating intention in the legal sense (that is, dolus). Rather, section 18F(1)(b) refers to motive, or the reason for the perpetrator's conduct. Section 18F(1)(b) should thus more accurately read (to avoid confusion with dolus) "with the 'motive' of causing that individual harm". In the determination of criminal liability, motive has been repeatedly affirmed as irrelevant. The author supports this conclusion. In addition, the underlying reasons motivating the perpetration of IBSA vary substantially. Thus, requiring proof of motive in this respect is ill considered. However, motive is relevant to the process of sentencing. Some motives for the perpetration of IBSA may be considered by the sentencing court as "aggravating", and, accordingly, attract a harsher sentence. Section 56A(2)(a) of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act indicates several motives (for the commission of sexual offences) that might be considered "aggravating". These include where a sexual offence is committed with the motive "to gain financially, or receive any favour, benefit, reward, compensation or any other advantage". Many of these motives are witnessable in cases of IBSA, and being a sexual offence that should be located in the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act, should (in terms of section 56A(2)(a)) be considered "aggravating". It is also shown that other aggravating motives listed in 56A(2)(a), such as to receive any "benefit" or "reward", may apply when IBSA is committed for purposes of revenge.

In 2004, section 24G on ex post facto environmental authorisation was introduced into the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA) of 1998 (as amended) to enable developers to get back into the regulatory loop. However, this introduction raised controversies among South African scholars and practitioners alike, despite some adjustments in subsequent amendments - 2008, 2013, and 2014. The argument has been that section 24G is a fait accompli, provides leverage for abuse by potential developers, facilitates environmental non-compliance, and therefore should be considered an anomaly to the constitutional right to an environment that is not harmful to health and well-being. In 2022, the National Environmental Management Laws (NEMAL) Amendment Bill, introduced significant changes to section 24G to drive South Africa's environmental compliance and enforcement regime. In this article, I revisit the question of ex post facto environmental authorisation under section 24G to advance substantive normative and theoretical insight that will attempt to clarify 'the controversial' debate about section 24G. This unique insight is achieved through the methodological combination of systemic analysis of the 2022 amendment of section 24G against previous criticisms of section 24G in tandem with existing literature. I articulate these controversies to provide conceptual direction in academic discourse that earlier criticisms about section 24G are no longer tenable. From these theoretical and analytical understandings, I argue that, unlike previous amendments, the 2022 amendment provides a fundamental radical shift in South Africa's environmental law. Along this line, I advocate for rethinking the "contentious" debate about section 24G and the issue of ex post facto environmental authorisation underpinning it. The legal doctrinal research methodology is used in this article.

BACKGROUND: The Nigerian mental health law titled the Lunacy Act of 1958 has been under scrutiny for violating the human rights of people with mental illness. The call to reform the obsolete Lunacy Act has garnered attention from the government, as the law has been unamended for over 60 years AIM: This study presents the challenges and implications of the new mental health law to the mental health services of Nigeria METHODS: ScienceDirect, PubMed, and Google Scholar were used to find pertinent material. The implications and difficulties facing the new mental health law examined from the literature were discussed. Recommendations were made following an exploratory search for literature on mental health legislation in Nigeria RESULTS: The new Law in Section 5(6) saw the introduction of mental health services in primary and secondary healthcare. It also addresses critical issues such as non-discrimination, fundamental human rights, standards of treatment, access to information, confidentiality and autonomy, and the employment rights of persons with mental health and substance abuse-related disorders. The Law failed to include mental health services in the country's health insurance system CONCLUSION: There is a need for legislation to meet people's mental health needs and encourage them to seek treatments, such as regulations that protect against discrimination and harsh treatment of people with mental illness CONTRIBUTION: Nigerian mental health services would benefit from the new mental health law if the key issues raised in this review are addressed

A literature review revealed that sexual grooming can be counteracted in public schools by focussing on educators' professional boundary violations. However, there is a scarcity of literature where sexual grooming behaviours are linked to professional boundary violations and on the handling of these behaviours from a legal perspective. Such information would be most valuable to school principals, departments of education, bodies overseeing the teaching profession and forums and courts that consider cases dealing with educator-on-learner sexual grooming. Following on an article titled "Sexual Grooming of Children in Teaching as a Trust Profession in South Africa" the author, in this article, concentrates on sexual grooming behaviours as professional boundary violations. She not only links typical grooming behaviours with professional boundary violations but also considers the law and policy that governs it, and which would apply when dealing with such as a breach of the South African Council for Educators Code of Professional Ethics, and or misconduct. Sexual grooming behaviours are associated with the violation of professional relationship boundaries which protect learners from the abuse of power and trust, inappropriate communication, educators exceeding their tasks and roles, educators physically abusing learners and educators invading learners' personal space and privacy. To allege that an educator has committed a professional boundary violation it is essential to distinguish between boundary violations which are acceptable and boundary violations that are inappropriate and part of sexual grooming. The author suggests a test that can be used to make this distinction and that would make it possible to deal with boundary violations before a sexual grooming pattern forms. The article is concluded with recommendations inter alia to rephrase section 17(1 )(f) of the Employment of Educators Act 76 of 1998 so that it would be unambiguous and be able to cover sexual grooming as a form of serious misconduct.

BACKGROUND: Individuals with communication disabilities encounter obstacles in attaining equal access to justice compared to others. Despite experiencing widespread violence and abuse, they come across as challenges in seeking remedies through the legal system. One barrier is the lack of awareness among legal practitioners regarding suitable accommodations that would facilitate effective participation in court for individuals with communication disabilities. OBJECTIVES: This study explores the awareness of final-year law students concerning court accommodations available for individuals with communication disabilities, allowing them to testify in a South African court. The findings can serve as inspiration for expanding the current curriculum for law students. METHOD: This qualitative study used a modified six-step nominal group technique whereby participants (six law students identified through snowball sampling) generated, discussed and reached a consensus on accommodations needed by individuals with communication disabilities, enabling them to provide testimony in court. Data were analysed using thematic analysis principles). RESULTS: The study found that although participants had not received any instruction on disability rights, access to justice or court accommodations during their legal training at the undergraduate level, they were able to perceive and learn about four main types of court accommodations for persons with communication disabilities to enable their testimony. CONCLUSION: Final-year law students are aware of court accommodations despite not having received formal instruction in disability law. CONTRIBUTION: The inclusion of disability rights and court accommodations is recommended at the undergraduate level to ensure that when in practice, lawyers have knowledge on ensuring access to justice for persons with communication disabilities.

ABSTRACT The general objective of the research was to legally analyze the violation of sexual and reproductive integrity. Case: Shuar Community, Ecuador. The study was based on a positivist paradigm, from a quantitative and descriptive perspective, complemented with a documentary design. For this purpose, norms, laws, refereed articles and theses were analyzed, which contributed to the formulation of the theoretical body and conclusions related to the proposed topic. It is concluded that, where the research was conducted, unfortunately the constitutional guarantees, the internal criminal legal system itself, and international treaties, simply do not exist for those who are vulnerable within the Shuar population.

RESUMEN El objetivo general de la investigación fue analizar jurídicamente la vulneración de la integridad sexual y reproductiva. Caso: Comunidad Shuar, Ecuador. El estudio se basó en un paradigma positivista, desde una perspectiva cuantitativa y descriptiva, complementado con un diseño documental. Para ello se analizaron normas, leyes, artículos arbitrados y tesis, lo que contribuyó a la formulación del cuerpo teórico y las conclusiones relacionados con el tema propuesto. Se concluye que, en donde se situó la investigación, lamentablemente las garantías constitucionales, el propio ordenamiento jurídico penal interno, y los tratados internacionales, sencillamente no existe para quienes son vulnerables dentro de la población Shuar.

RESUMEN ¿Cómo afectan las plataformas digitales el ejercicio de derechos constitucionales?, ¿qué pueden hacer los Estados, en el marco de su soberanía, para regular el poder de estos actores?, ¿Qué se ha intentado en el caso mexicano al respecto? El presente artículo analiza cómo las plataformas digitales del sector Big Tech, tales como Facebook y Google, pueden afectar la democracia y nuestras vidas colectivas. Este artículo resalta las implicaciones jurídicas de acceso a la información y al ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Esta investigación presenta un análisis general del marco jurídico aplicable, para luego analizar en mayor contexto el borrador de iniciativa propuesto en 2021, que tenía como objeto regular las prácticas de moderación de contenidos en plataformas digitales. La metodología empleada es derecho comparado, para contrastar en un primer momento elementos de derecho europeo y estadounidense, y posteriormente el marco normativo mexicano.

ABSTRACT How do Big Tech platforms affect the exercise of fundamental rights? What can the States do, in the context of their sovereignty, to moderate these actors’ powers? What has been explored in the context of Mexico? This article discusses how Big Tech platforms, such as Facebook and Google, may impact our collective lives and democracy. It highlights the legal implications of access to information and freedom of expression. This research provides an overall legal framework on this issue, to later place in context the Mexican draft bill introduced in 2021 to regulate platforms’ content moderation practices, analyzing its flaws and areas of improvement, and suggesting specific elements for further legal discussion to prevent abuse of power from these companies within the Latin American and Mexican context. A comparative legal methodology is used, resorting to elements of American and European Law, to later discuss the Mexican legal framework.

Resumen En tiempos de crisis global causadas por el terrorismo, la migración, el cambio climático y la pandemia causada por el Covid-19, es necesario reflexionar sobre las normas y las medidas adoptadas por los distintos Estados para enfrentar la crisis. En reiteradas ocasiones, estas acciones ponen en jaque los pilares fundamentales de la democracia. La finalidad de este artículo es realizar un análisis comparativo del Derecho de excepcionalidad en Colombia y México. Esto permitirá no solo resaltar las diferencias en ambos modelos jurídicos en términos de regulación, sistema de controles y suspensión de derechos según el orden constitucional vigente, sino también destacar cómo el Poder Ejecutivo utiliza el Derecho de excepcionalidad ordinario para eludir el sistema de límites, controles y garantías establecido en el Derecho de excepción, lo que conlleva el quebrantamiento del orden democrático y del Estado social de derecho. Este análisis arroja luces sobre la necesidad de repensar las prácticas gubernamentales y garantizar que las acciones de emergencia se ajusten a los principios democráticos y al Estado de derecho, protegiendo así los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos.

Abstract In times of global crisis caused by terrorism, migration, climate change, and the pandemic caused by Covid-19, it is necessary to reflect on the norms and measures adopted by the different States to face the crisis, which, on repeated occasions, have jeopardized the fundamental pillars of democracy. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to carry out a comparative analysis of the Law of Exceptionality in Colombia and Mexico, highlighting not only the differences existing in both legal models about regulation, the system of controls and the suspension of rights according to the constitutional order in force but also highlighting how the Executive Branch avoids the use of these mechanisms by using the statutory law of Exceptionality to circumvent the system of limits, controls, and guarantees established in the Law of exception, as has occurred during the pandemic, where both countries restricted citizens’ rights and freedoms using ordinary norms, which shows an excessive abuse of the ordinary Law of exceptionality by the governments of these countries, with the consequent breach of the democratic order and the social rule of law.

Parental alienation syndrome has been identified more markedly, since the psychiatrist Richard Gardner (1985), defined it as a childhood disorder, derived from conflicts between parents, related to the custody of their daughters and sons, the result of a programming induced to girls and boys by the defamation of the alienating parent towards the other”. It can be identified as the rejection of the daughter or son, towards their father or mother, as a form of punishment and revenge exercised by one of those parents against their counterpart, who is generally the one who does not maintain custody and custody; This can be a form of child abuse and therefore violate the human rights of children. Objective: To reflect on parental alienation as a violation of children's human rights from developmental psychology. Results: This phenomenon is contemplated in the Constitutional text of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the diverse Mexican legislation, particularly what is indicated by the General Law on the Rights of Girls, Boys and Adolescents in its article 23, which protects the right that they have, despite the fact that their families are separated, even due to divorce, to live together and maintain personal relationships and direct contact with their mother and father and their other family, doing it regularly, which is in accordance with with their right to mental development and well-being, despite this, it does not appear in the DSM-5. Conclusion: This syndrome violates human rights, since the exercise of rights in childhood must be guaranteed, an affective, understanding and non-violent environment, taking care of their psychological integrity, eliminating acts that impair their integral development, violate respect, generate violence or rejection of their relationships with their parents and other relatives.

El síndrome de alienación parental ha venido identificándose más marcadamente, desde que el psiquiatra Richard Gardner (1985), lo definió como “un trastorno de la infancia, derivado de conflictos entre los progenitores, relativo a la custodia de sus hijas e hijos, resultado de una programación inducida a las niñas y los niños por la difamación del progenitor alienador hacia el otro”. Puede identificarse como el rechazo de la hija o hijo, hacia su padre o madre, como una forma de castigo y venganza ejercida por uno de esos progenitores en contra de su contraparte, que generalmente es quien no mantiene la guarda y custodia; esto puede ser una forma de maltrato infantil y por ende atacar contra los derechos humanos de la niñez. Objetivo : Reflexionar acerca dealienación parental como violación de derechos humanos de la niñez desde la psicología del desarrollo. Results : Este fenómeno, se contempla en el texto Constitucional de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño y la diversa legislación mexicana, particularmente lo señalado por la Ley General de los Derechos de Niñas, Niños y Adolescentes en su artículo 23, que ampara el derecho que tienen estos, a pesar de que sus familias se encuentran separadas, inclusive por motivo de divorcio, a convivir y mantener relaciones personales y contacto directo con su madre y padre y los demás familia de ellos, realizándolo de modo regular, lo que va acorde con su derecho a un desarrollo y bienestar mental, pese a ello, no aparece en el DSM-5. Conclusión:Este síndrome, violenta derechos humanos, pues se debe garantizar el ejercicio de derechos en la infancia, un entorno afectivo, comprensivo y sin violencia, cuidando su integridad psicológica, eliminando actos que menoscaben su desarrollo integral, vulneren el respeto, generen violencia o rechazo de sus relaciones con sus padres y otros familiares.

A síndrome da alienação parental tem sido identificada de forma mais acentuada, desde que o psiquiatra Richard Gardner (1985), a definiu como “um distúrbio da infância, derivado de conflitos entre pais, relacionados à guarda de suas filhas e filhos, resultado de uma programação induzida às meninas e meninos pela difamação do genitor alienador para com o outro”. Pode ser identificada como a rejeição da filha ou do filho, em relação ao pai ou à mãe, como forma de punição e vingança exercida por um desses pais contra o seu homólogo, que geralmente é aquele que não mantém guarda e guarda; Isso pode ser uma forma de abuso infantil e, portanto, violar os direitos humanos das crianças. Objetivo: Refletir sobre a alienação parental como violação dos direitos humanos da criança a partir da psicologia do desenvolvimento. Resultados: Este fenômeno está contemplado no texto constitucional da Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança e nas diversas legislações mexicanas, particularmente o que indica a Lei Geral dos Direitos de Meninas, Meninos e Adolescentes em seu artigo 23, que protege a direito que têm, apesar de as suas famílias estarem separadas, mesmo por motivo de divórcio, de viverem juntas e manterem relações pessoais e contactos directos com a mãe e o pai e com os restantes familiares, fazendo-o regularmente, o que está de acordo com os seus direito ao desenvolvimento mental e ao bem-estar, apesar disso, não consta no DSM-5. Conclusão: Esta síndrome viola os direitos humanos, uma vez que deve ser garantido o exercício dos direitos na infância, um ambiente afetivo, compreensivo e não violento, cuidando de sua integridade psicológica, eliminando atos que prejudiquem seu desenvolvimento integral, violem o respeito, gerem violência ou rejeição de seus relacionamentos com seus pais e outros parentes.