Resumo Apresentamos cinco grandes teses para entender a nova conjuntura mundial em que ingressam o capitalismo e a humanidade a partir de 2015-2020. Esse período se caracteriza pela crise do modo de produção e da civilização capitalista; pela crise terminal e desmonte da hegemonia dos Estados Unidos; pela bifurcação geopolítica da economia mundial em um bloco imperialista liderado pelos Estados Unidos e outro emergente centrado na China, na Rússia e sua ampliação para o Sul Global; pela crise ideológica do liberalismo global e a ascensão do fascismo e do socialismo como alternativas; pela crise do padrão de acumulação neoliberal e o esgotamento da fase expansiva do Kondratieff iniciada em 1994. Indicamos brevemente os efeitos dessas tendências sobre a América Latina. 20152020. 20152020 2015 2020. 2020 2015-2020 capitalista China Global alternativas 1994 Latina 2015202 201 202 2015-202 199 201520 20 2015-20 19 20152 2 2015-2 1 2015-

Abstract This paper presents five major theses for understanding the new world conjuncture in which capitalism and humanity entered in 2015-2020. This period is characterized by the crisis of the capitalist civilization and mode of production; the terminal crisis and dismantling of the United States’ hegemony; the geopolitical bifurcation of the world’s economy into an imperialist bloc led by the United States and an emerging bloc centered on China and Russia that has been expanding towards the Global South; the ideological crisis of global liberalism and the rise of fascism and socialism as alternatives; and the crisis of the neoliberal accumulation pattern and the end of Kondratieff’s expansion phase that started in 1994. We briefly indicate the effects of these trends on Latin America. 20152020. 20152020 2015 2020. 2020 2015-2020 production hegemony worlds s South alternatives Kondratieffs Kondratieff 1994 America 2015202 201 202 2015-202 199 201520 20 2015-20 19 20152 2 2015-2 1 2015-

Resumen: El surgimiento de zonas urbano-industriales en Quito es el resultado de complejos procesos sociales, políticos, económicos y territoriales que, desde las décadas de los años ochenta, operaron según los modelos de desarrollo vigentes. El objetivo del estudio es analizar las características del crecimiento, expansión y consolidación de las zonas urbano-industriales en Quito a partir de dichos modelos en los últimos 30 años (del neoliberalismo al socialismo del siglo XXI). Metodológicamente se siguió un enfoque mixto; para el análisis de documentos legislativos y jurídicos se realizó un análisis de contenido de corte cualitativo, y de forma más cuantitativa se recurrió al mapeo satelital, al recorrido de campo y al uso de fotografías. Finalmente se caracterizó la incidencia de lo urbano en lo industrial y viceversa. Los resultados muestran que la incompatibilidad del uso del suelo, entre lo residencial e industrial, rompe con la lógica del derecho a la ciudad.

Abstract: The emergence of urban-industrial zones in Quito is the result of complex social, political, economic and territorial processes which, since the 80s, have operated based on currently valid development models. The objective of this study is to analyze the characteristics of growth, expansion and consolidation of the urban-industrial zones in Quito based on those mentioned models in the last 30 years (from neoliberalism to 21st century socialism). A mixed approach was methodologically followed for the analysis of juridical and legislative documents, whose content was qualitatively and quantitatively analyzed by the use of satellite mapping, field study and photography. Finally, the impact of the urban on the industrial and vice versa was characterized. The results of this study show that the incompatibility of land use, between residential and industrial, contradict the logic of rightful access to the city

Resumen El socialismo con características chinas es un cuerpo doctrinal conformado por el aporte ideológico de los dirigentes políticos de República Popular China desde Mao Zedong hasta Xi Jinping, en un compendio intelectual flexible, que sin olvidar sus raíces ha sabido adaptarse a las nuevas necesidades del país, combinando elementos del saber tradicional chino, presentando una interpretación del marxismo-leninismo netamente original. Este artículo tiene por finalidad identificar los elementos que dan sustento al modelo ideológico promovido por el Partido Comunista de China, por medio de la revisión documental del discurso de sus líderes, de acuerdo a lo contenido en los volúmenes publicados por la Editorial Lenguas Extranjeras, que en conclusión muestra cómo se ha originado un sistema teórico que es flexible y adaptable, fundado en un partido único de ideología marxista que defiende la coexistencia con el capitalismo, la apertura económica para la obtención de inversión extranjera, la integración de los distintos estratos sociales y la reducción de la desigualdad entre ellos, como medio con el que vertebrar la actividad de esta institución, que ostenta su primacía como guía del pueblo de la China continental.

Abstract The doctrinal body of socialism with Chinese characteristics is made up of the ideological contribution of the political leaders of the People's Republic of China from Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping, in a flexible intellectual compendium, which without forgetting its roots has been able to adapt to the new needs of the country, combining elements of traditional Chinese knowledge, presenting a completely original interpretation of Marxism-Leninism. The purpose of this article is to expose and identify the elements that support the ideological model promoted by the Communist Party of China, through the documentary review of the speech of its leaders, according to what is contained in the volumes published by Foreign Languages Press, that together has originated a theoretical system that is flexible and adaptable, founded on a single party of Marxist ideology, which defends coexistence with capitalism, economic opening to obtain foreign investment, the integration of the different social strata and the reduction of inequality between them, as a means with which to structure the activity of this institution, which holds its primacy as a guide to Chinese society.

Resumo O debate sobre a propriedade dos meios de produção em Cuba teve dois grandes momentos: na década de 1960 com o triunfo revolucionário e no início do século XXI com as medidas para combater a crise produtiva. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar ambos os debates, suas consequências na estrutura de propriedade cubana e compreender as mudanças de interpretação dos desafios da ilha e as variações na dinâmica de reflexão do próprio debate. Foram encontradas evidências de que nos primeiros anos do processo de transição socialista o esforço e as preocupações do debate giravam ao redor da possibilidade e viabilidade do socialismo em Cuba enquanto o debate que surgiu com a crise da década de 1990 e inícios dos 2000 exibe preocupações e interpretações marcadamente pragmáticas e instrumentalistas da propriedade.

Abstract The debate over the ownership of the means of production in Cuba had two great moments: in the 1960s with the revolutionary triumph and in the beginning of the 21st century with measures to combat the crisis. The objective of this work is to analyze both debates, their consequences on the Cuban property structure and to understand the changes in the interpretation of the island’s challenges and the variations in the dynamics of reflection of the debate itself. Evidences were found that in the early years of the socialist transition process, the effort and concerns of the debate revolved around the possibility and viability of socialism in Cuba, while the debate that emerged with the crisis of the 90s and early 2000s shows concerns and interpretations. markedly pragmatic and instrumentalist property.

Abstract This article develops some reflections drawn from academic research revolving around Latin American social processes in the twentieth century. An overview of the notions of modernity, socialism and capitalism aims to reveal the colonial components of those paradigms and to develop new lines of critical thought in the field of Latin American transformative action. The thought of authors such as Walter Benjamin, Ernst Bloc, Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburg and Jürgen Habermas is reviewed. This articles addresses the question: How can we decolonize revolution in this new century?

Resumen En el presente artículo se desarrollan algunas de las reflexiones extraídas de una investigación académica desarrollada en torno a los procesos sociales latinoamericanos en el siglo XX. El texto revisa la noción de modernidad, socialismo y capitalismo para exponer los componentes coloniales de dichos paradigmas, así como desarrollar nuevas líneas de pensamiento crítico en el ámbito de la acción transformadora latinoamericana. Se revisa el pensamiento de autores como Walter Benjamin, Ernest Bloc, Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburgo o Habermas. La pregunta a la que se enfrenta este texto es ¿Cómo podemos descolonizar la revolución en este nuevo siglo?

Resumo No presente artigo desenvolvem-se algumas reflexões extraídas de uma pesquisa acadêmica desenvolvida ao redor dos processos sociais latino-americanos no século XX. O texto revisa a noção de modernidade, socialismo e capitalismo para expor os componentes coloniais de tais paradigmas assim como desenvolver novas linhas de pensamento crítico no âmbito da ação transformadora latino-americana. Revisa o pensamento de autores como Walter Benjamin, Ernest Bloc, Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburgo ou Habermas. A pergunta que encara o texto é: Como podemos descolonizar a revolução neste novo século?

Abstract The industrialization models of ECLAC, developed during the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, and those of Ecuador, implemented by the 21st-century socialist government, are similar in their attempt to industrialize through the substitution of imports and government expenditure. In both cases, the economic policies focused on a closed economy, with high tariff barriers, and a strong role of the state as the main actor in the economy. The article uses a comparative method of analysis which emphasizes the outcomes of both of the periods studied. The results show that the models applied brought the same problems; imbalance in external trade and rising public debt. An alternative premise is suggested, that the models applied are the main causes of the debt crisis in the 1980s and the increasing public debt in the government of Rafael Correa.

South African legal history is "modern": the Dutch brought the 17th-century European Renaissance to Southern Africa. North-Atlantic cultural arrogance and the rationalisation of political and economic immorality were an integral part of Western liberalism even up to World War II. When South Africa achieved statehood in 1910, it was founded upon the 19th-century colonial ethos. In 1948 the dual dream of the Afrikaners (liberation from the British yoke and securing their survival as a minority) blinded them from recognising the global implications of the American-sponsored liberal humanism, leading to the establishment of the United Nations (UN) and the institutionalisation of the notion of universal human rights. Following the end of WWII, numerous former colonies and dependencies obtained their independence from European states and the USSR, quadrupling the membership of the UN within a few decades. By the 1990s, liberal-democratic constitutionalism had crystallised as a range of interrelated elements, establishing the norm for good governance and economic success under North-Atlantic hegemony (see Table 1). When State President FW de Klerk announced the radical historical turning point in the history ofSouth Africa on 2 February 1990, the question was what would be "just, right and fair" in a hugely complicated situation. Although some constitutionalist elements had at the time been present in South African law, a liberal-democratic culture of human rights and constitutionalism did not exist. Nevertheless, to achieve the desired change, the ANC, as the only organisation capable of mobilising a political majority, was an unavoidable component of the political equation, despite having just emerged from at least three decades of Marxist/ Leninist indoctrination as a client of the collapsed USSR. What had to be clear for all to see, was that compromises had to be made, which could neither include continued racial separation nor take the form of a socialist revolution. Constitutionally, the most attractive available model on which the political compromises could be built, was liberal constitutionalism as it was exemplified in particular in the post-war constitutions of Germany and Canada. Ironically, now, three decades later, it is becoming increasingly clear that liberal constitutionalism has globally entered a crisis phase, unable to counter populism, extremist politics, digital ubiquity or the inhumane conduct of states such as China, Russia and various Middle-Eastern countries. The reasons for the crisis are complex, but it is suggested that they include the following: the foundational thinking underpinning liberal democracy is steadily losing its cogency; this loss of persuasiveness is fortified by factors such as exponential population growth and globalisation; and the lack of cogency of the foundations of liberal democracy, such as the fictional social contract, the nation state and natural law. Liberalism as civil religion, based on self-sufficient individualism, has become impotent in the face of the challenges faced by humanity in the 21st century. When the ANC got the opportunity to use its parliamentary majority to steer the writing of the "final" Constitution in 1995/96, it superimposed particular elements of socialism on the constitutionalism of the 1993 Constitution, including centralised presidential powers, the qualification of property rights, egalitarian standards of justice and the justification of selective discrimination in, for example, labour relations and state procurement. These were the first steps indicative of mere pragmatism on the part of the ANC when it acceded in 1993 to support the introduction of constitutionalism. Subsequently, on the level of social indoctrination, the elastic notion of "transformation" was canonised with the express purpose of promoting the interests of the "proletarian" (black) masses as policy imperative to turn colonial history against the (white) "bourgeoisie". Supported by parliamentary legislation adopted since 1998, patently socialist policies have systematically been introduced, including the "transformational" regulation of labour, (unconstitutional) "cadre deployment" at all levels of state employment, the virtual nationalisation of water rights, mineral rights and marine resources, enforced annexation of private business interests by means of "black economic empowerment", state control over the legal professions and higher education, the growing dependency of at least one third of the population on state social grants, the ongoing preparations for the nationalisation of the health sector and the constitutional empowerment of expropriation without compensation. Despite these indicators, the ANC, probably under the intellectual guidance of the intelligentsia concentrated in its alliance partner, the SACP, strategically does not openly characterise its policies as "socialist", but even in its third decade in government, illogically maintains that it still is a revolutionary liberation movement. There are no obvious solutions to the worldwide crisis of constitutionalism. The illiberal constitutionalism of, for example, China - a virtual dictatorship with a population apparently unperturbed by comprehensive state incursions on individual privacy in exchange for personal wealth - may be perceived by some to be a solution. Such a system, however, stands in complete contradiction to Western notions of constitutionalism. A response to what would be constitutionally just and fair from a Christian perspective requires recognition that real justice is not man-made, but a divine gift. In the hands ofhumanity, optimal constitutional justice may be pursued not on liberal, rationalistic or socialist foundations, but based on reciprocity, which is the time-honoured intuitive golden rule predating Jesus s propounding thereof as doing unto others as you would wish them to do unto you. In the end, one may find solace in the truth that history is not dependent on the seven or eight billion presumably autonomous denizens of earth holding widely divergent worldviews, but is exclusively in the hands of the sovereign Creator.

Europese kolonialisering het die Renaissance na Suider-Afrika gebring. Dit het Westerse liberalisme ingesluit, maar ook kulturele arrogansie en rassevooroordeel. Die liberalisme het in die tweede helfte van die 20ste eeu globaal getriomfeer. Ironies was die Suid-Afrikaanse regering van 1948 deur die ideale van Afrikanerbevryding en -oorlewing verblind toe, op presies die verkeerde wêreldhistoriese tydvak, besluit is op die institusionalisering van apartheid. In die dekades wat op die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gevolg het, het Westerse liberale konstitusionalisme die maatstaf geword vir wat as staatsregtelik behoorlik geag is. Die naoorlogse voorrang van Westerse konstitusionalisme is weens dekolonialisering en die val van die USSR in 'n groot aantal nuwe grondwette weerspieël - ook in die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwette van 1993 en 1996. Daarin is kompromieë tussen die sosialistiese ideologie van die ANC en 'n regering wat in die laat 1980's besluit het om weerstand teen Westerse konstitusionalisme te staak, opgeneem. Tans word dit egter duidelik dat die Westerse idees gefundeer in die irrasionele 18de- en 19de-eeuse teorieë van die liberalisme besig is om momentum te verloor. Die Weste is nie konseptueel daarvoor toegerus om populisme, radikalisme, globalisering of die sosialistiese aanslae van veral China die hoof te bied nie. Terselfdertyd het die ANC stelselmatig sosialistiese beleid, wetgewing en ideologie ingevoer in Suid-Afrika, sonder egter om dit as sodanig te tipeer. Wat in die wêreld en in Suid-Afrika in 2020 as staatsregtelik behoorlik verstaan moet word, kan alleen maar gemeet word aan die eeue-oue, multikulturele standaard van wederkerigheid, wat ook 'n Christelike grondbeginsel is.

RESUMEN La crisis actual de Venezuela y las repercusiones para los países vecinos tiene un trasfondo que puede explicarse a través de los orígenes que dieron cabida al régimen, el contexto histórico en el que surge y el ensamblado institucional y militar que desarrolló para prolongarse en el poder del Estado. Esta situación ha contribuido a la dificultad de una transición política dada la inflexibilidad de la estructura del régimen, así como las importantes alianzas geopolíticas que han permitido su mantenimiento. En este sentido, se busca explicar la paradoja de cómo la construcción de un régimen instaurado principalmente sobre el ámbito militar como eje central, pero manteniendo las bases bolivarianas en los asuntos de la democracia formal, sumado a una anodina oposición venezolana, han permitido su permanencia en el poder a pesar de llevarlo a una crisis política caracterizada por la precaria capacidad de gobierno, la violencia colectiva y la pérdida parcial del reconocimiento internacional.

ABSTRACT The current crisis in Venezuela and the repercussions for neighboring countries have a background that can be explained through the origins that gave rise to the regime, the historical context in which it arises and the institutional and military assembly that it developed to prolong the power of the State. This situation has contributed to the difficulty of a political transition given the inflexibility of the structure of the regime, as well as the important geopolitical alliances that have allowed its maintenance. In this sense, it seeks to explain the paradox of how the construction of a regime established primarily on the military as a central axis, but maintaining the Bolivarian bases in the affairs of formal democracy, added to a bland Venezuelan opposition, have allowed its permanence in the power in spite of taking it to a political crisis characterized by the precarious capacity of government, the collective violence and the partial loss of the international recognition.

Abstract: This paper addresses the use of the topic “love”, as a propaganda resource of Chavism, oriented towards the creation of a legitimating meta-reality, based on a populistic political discourse. Through the analysis of symbolic representations of public discourse and iconography, it is argued that xxi Century Socialism shows totalitarian patterns. In addition, it unfolds an imaginary that aims to sacralize Hugo Chávez. The open question is whether the “love” topic and sacralization strategy will be enough to compensate for the ideological exhaustion of XXI Century Socialism in the post-Chávez era, and when Nicolás Maduro seems to go back in terms of political legitimacy.

Resumen Se aborda el uso del tópico “amor” como recurso propagandístico del chavismo, orientado a la creación de una metarrealidad legitimadora, en el marco de un discurso político populista. Mediante el análisis de representaciones simbólicas del discurso y de la iconografía, se plantea que el denominado Socialismo del Siglo XXI muestra patrones totalitarios. Asimismo, desarrolla un imaginario de sacralización política de Hugo Chávez. La pregunta que se plantea es si el tópico amoroso, como parte de la sacralización de la figura de Chávez, será suficiente para compensar el agotamiento ideológico del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en la etapa post-Chávez y cuando Nicolás Maduro pareciera retroceder en términos de legitimidad política.

Resumen Este artículo explora la forma en que Álvaro García Linera responde a la tensión entre política desde el Estado y política más allá del Estado emergida en el proceso político boliviano durante lo que va corrido del siglo xxi. Una vez explicados los términos de esta tensión, este texto sostiene que el distintivo en la propuesta de García Linera radica en una comprensión sobre la relación entre democracia y Estado caracterizada por actualizar, en el presente latinoamericano, la idea de que una acción política transformadora puede estar situada no solamente en uno de estos dos ámbitos, sino en los dos. En la propuesta teórica de García Linera emergen, sin embargo, distintas ambigüedades que permiten sugerir, al final, grandes dificultades para pensar una política transformadora más allá del Estado que no esté subordinada a las posibilidades de transformación desde lo Estatal.

Abstract This article explores Álvaro García Linera’s conceptualization on the tension between politics from the State and politics beyond the State, tension emerged in the 21st Century Bolivian politics. This study explains, first, the terms of the tension, and second, it argues that the distinctive character of García Linera’s proposal lies in a particular understanding of the relationship between democracy and the State. This relationship is characterized by updating, in the Latin American present, the idea that any transformative political action should be unfolded not only from one of these two spheres, but actually from both. However, different ambiguities emerge in García Linera’s theoretical proposal that prevents thinking of a transformative politics beyond the State that is not subordinated to the possibilities of transformation from the State.

Resumen: En el presente artículo se puntualizan - en un plano teórico - las ideas fuerza del Socialismo del Siglo XXI que dan cuenta de un debate inacabado en el plano político. Considerando las orientaciones ideológicas expresadas en los discursos de Hugo Chávez (2005 - 2013), se analizan los elementos de continuidad y ruptura en su vertiente latinoamericana que constituyen el Socialismo Bolivariano. A partir de estos componentes, el artículo presenta una clave de lectura situada en torno al ideario socialista con el objetivo de reflexionar sobre su relevancia y vigencia en la época contemporánea.

Abstract: This article specifies the key ideas of Socialism of the 21st century - at a theoretical level - which consider an unfinished political debate. Considering the ideological orientations expressed in the speeches of Hugo Chávez (2005-2013), the elements of continuity and rupture in his Latin-American perspective which constitute Bolivarian Socialism are analyzed. Based on these components, the article presents a key interpretation situated around socialist ideas with the objective of reflecting on the relevance and validity in our contemporary era.

This paper critically examines how central Asian peoples were able to destroy the despotic feudal regime and quickly go from the Middle Ages to the 21st century modern age in just 74 years. It describes, through historiology, how these cultures made good use of all their potential and developed the potential offered by the Soviet system. This analysis contradicts the myth that socialism was an historical failure that is past now.

Mirada crítica al proceso revolucionario que permitió a los pueblos de Asia Central superar el régimen despótico-feudal y transitar vertiginosamente desde la Edad Media a la modernidad del siglo xxi en solo 74 años. El abordaje historiológico del fenómeno permitió describir de qué manera esas culturas aprovecharon todas las potencialidades existentes y desarrollaron otras insufladas por el sistema soviético. Este análisis desmontó el mito de que el socialismo fue un fracaso histórico de épocas pasadas, ya superadas por los tiempos.

Abstract Since the end of the twentieth century the economic, political and social global system has entered a process of change, which in several countries in Latin America, seemed to have opened opportunities in several areas; however, the hoped for benefits have not materialized. While several governments in the region emerged with a national and popular discourse with aspirations of economic growth with wealth distribution and expansion, along with social welfare and a consolidation of democracy; little by little this discourse bagan to fade away, in large part through a series of public policies in the economic, political and social spheres, and as provoked by the devastating force of contemporary capitalism. This situation is now characterizing XXI century capitalism in Latin America.

Resumen Desde fin del siglo XX el sistema económico, político y social a nivel global ha entrado en un proceso de cambios, que en varios países de América Latina, parecía podría haber sido de oportunidades en varios ámbitos, sin embargo no han tenido los beneficios esperados. Si bien varios gobiernos de la región emergieron con un discurso nacional y popular con aspiraciones de crecimiento económico con distribución de la riqueza, aspiración democrática y bienestar social, poco a poco se fue desvaneciendo en gran medida por una serie de políticas públicas en el ámbito económico, político y social. Lo que está caracterizando el capitalismo del siglo XXI en América Latina

RésuméLa profession juridique a des siècles d'existence, cependant les transformations les plus significatives sont survenues durant la seconde moitié du xxème siècle. Dans cet article, nous évalueront les changements dans la composition selon la classe sociale, par genre et les divers types d'activité professionnelle. Lesdites transformations ont affecté les fonctions et les rôles de l'exercice du barreau. En particulier, nous allons réfléchir sur la carrière d'enseignant et la recherche en droit, les effets de la féminisation de la profession, et l'exercice professionnel dans le socialisme du xxième siècle.

Legal profession has centuries of existence but the most significant transformations have occurred in the second half of the 20th century. In this article we evaluate the changes in the composition by social stratum, gender and diverse types of professional activity. These transformations have influenced functions and roles in the exercise of legal profession. Particularly, docent career and law investigation, effects of feminization in the profession and professional exercise in 21st century socialism are analyzed.

La profesión jurídica tiene siglos de existencia, pero las transformaciones más significativas han ocurrido en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. En este artículo se evalúan los cambios en la composición por estrato social, por género y los diversos tipos de actividad profesional. Estas transformaciones han incidido en las funciones y roles del ejercicio de la abogacía. En particular, se reflexiona sobre la carrera docente y de investigación en derecho, los efectos de la feminización de la profesión y el ejercicio profesional en el socialismo del siglo XXl.

Siempre se ha creído que la pertinencia social de la Historia como disciplina de conocimiento y del oficio de historiar es la de servir de “conciencia crítica” de la humanidad: en particular con relación a la explicación y comprensión de los “problemas reales” que, desde siempre, han afectado a los hombres. No obstante ello, a finales del siglo XX, debido a la caída de los regímenes del llamado socialismo real y al cuestionamiento de los paradigmas básicos de la modernidad, la utilidad o pertinencia social de la Historia ha sido puesta en tela de juicio. Pero, a principios del siglo XXI, razones de orden fáctico, teórico y ético han revelado que la Historia y el oficio de historiador aún conservan su utilidad o pertinencia social. Del análisis de esas razones se ocupa esta ponencia, en función de demostrar la utilidad y necesidad de un conocimiento histórico que dé cuenta de los problemas reales de la humanidad aún en el siglo XXI, en plena era de la globalización.

He has always believed that the social relevance of history as a discipline of knowledge and the craft of Historicizing is the serving of “critical consciousness” of humanity: in particular in relation to the explanation and understanding of the “real problems” which, historically, have aff ected men. However it, at the end of the 20th century, due to the fall of the regimes of the so-called real socialism and the questioning of the basic paradigms of modernity, utility or social relevance of history has been put into question. But, at the beginning of the 21st century, factual, theoretical and ethical reasons have revealed that the history and the offi ce of the historian, is still preserved its usefulness or social relevance. Th e analysis of these reasons this paper, deals with function to demonstrate the value and necessity of historical knowledge that realize the real problems of humanity even in the 21st century, in the era of globalization.