Abstract The so-called Left turn in Latin America coincided with the beginning of a series of reforms that liberalized abortion laws in different countries of the region. At the same time, in several countries under progressive governments in that period, there was no change in this field. This article argues that, in addition to strong movements and favorable parties in power, in Latin American political regimes, marked by strong presidentialism, as well as by an extensive power of governors in federal countries, it is necessary to analyze the role of executive powers, and in particular pre and post electoral contexts, as critical junctures that can generate incentives for them to advance or block reforms in this field. Likewise, State-Church relationships are also analyzed as a significant contextual factor for reforms in this area of rights. Based on empirical research, the study analyzes in particular the cases of Mexico City and Brazil. These cases are contrasting in terms of the secularization process, as well as of legislative results, and allow to point out the role of electoral incentives in the behavior of the Executives regarding abortion rights.

Resumen El llamado giro a la izquierda en América Latina coincidió con el inicio de una serie de reformas que liberalizaron las leyes de aborto en distintos países de la región. Al mismo tiempo, en diversos países con gobiernos progresistas no se produjeron cambios en este campo. Este artículo argumenta que, además de movimientos fuertes y partidos favorables en el gobierno, en los regímenes políticos latinoamericanos, marcados por un fuerte presidencialismo, así como por un extenso poder de los gobernadores en países federales, es necesario analizar el rol de poderes ejecutivos y, en particular, los contextos pre y post electorales como coyunturas críticas que pueden generar incentivos para el avance o bloqueo de cambios legislativos en materia de aborto. Asimismo, se analiza la relación Estado-Iglesia como factor contextual significativo para reformas en esta área de derechos. Con base en investigación empírica, se estudian en particular los casos de la Ciudad de México y Brasil, que son contrastantes en términos del proceso de secularización, así como de resultados legislativos, y permiten señalar el papel de los incentivos electorales en el comportamiento de los Ejecutivos con relación al derecho al aborto.

Resumo Este artigo analisa a origem social da controvérsia constitucional do aborto no Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil, assim como a vinculação do STF com a demanda social durante seu processo decisório e na sua jurisprudência neste campo. O artigo estuda a construção social das demandas judiciais que, em 2004, converteram o Tribunal na primeira corte constitucional da América Latina a processar uma demanda constitucional feminista sobre liberalização da lei do aborto, e que, em 2017, tornaram-no o primeiro tribunal constitucional na região a processar um pedido de legalização do aborto no primeiro trimestre de gestação. Com isso, analisa-se como o STF implementou novas formas de interação com organizações sociais motivadas por essas demandas e como sua jurisprudência incorporou o enquadramento das demandantes.

Abstract This article analyzes the social origin of the constitutional controversy of abortion in the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil, as well as the connection of the STF with the social demand during its decision-making process as well as in its jurisprudence in this field. It studies the social construction of the legal demands that in 2004 converted the STF in the first constitutional court in Latin America to process a feminist constitutional demand on liberalization of the abortion law, and that in 2017 made it the first constitutional court in the region to request legalization of abortion in the first trimester, and analyzes how the STF implemented new forms of interaction with civil society, and how its jurisprudence is incorporated the framing developed by the plaintiffs.

In the context of new political and legal conditions, social actors in Latin America have recently developed new forms of collective action, including in particular legal mobilization. This paper intends to contribute to the study of this development, through the incorporation of elements of three scholarly traditions that have generally developed separately from each other: social movement theory, legal mobilization studies and constitutional theory. It points out in particular the contribution of democratic constitutionalism to the analysis of the role of social movements in legal change. It also proposes the use of the terms counter-movement and counter-legal mobilization for the study of collective action and legal strategies developed by conservative sectors that oppose the advancement of social movements in Latin America.

Ante un nuevo contexto político y jurídico, los actores sociales en América Latina han desarrollado recientemente nuevas formas de acción colectiva, incluyendo en particular la movilización legal. Este trabajo intenta contribuir al estudio de este fenómeno, a través de la integración de elementos de tres tradiciones académicas que generalmente se han desarrollado de manera separada: la teoría de los movimientos sociales, los estudios sobre movilización legal y la teoría constitucional. Se argumenta en particular sobre la contribución del constitucionalismo democrático al análisis del rol de los movimientos sociales en el cambio legal, y se propone estudiar con los mismos marcos analíticos los contra-movimientos y la contra-movilización legal desarrollada por sectores conservadores en América Latina.

Este trabalho analisa estratégias e marcos discursivos desenvolvidos recentemente pelo feminismo na América Latina para enfrentar a ação desenrolada pelo fundamentalismo religioso no campo dos direitos reprodutivos na América Latina, e em particular em torno da controvérsia sobre o aborto. A partir dos casos de México, Colômbia e Brasil, se apontam características e estratégias da mobilização conservadora na região e se analisam as respostas dadas pelo movimento feminista em cada país para disputar o avanço dessas forças na esfera pública, com ênfase no desenvolvimento de argumentos bioéticos, de um discurso alternativo inserido no campo religioso, e de estratégias gradualistas e de litígio estratégico no âmbito nacional e internacional. A interação entre feminismo e fundamentalismo é analisada como uma dinâmica entre movimento e contramovimento, com base na teoria dos movimentos sociais.

The article analyzes strategies and discursive frameworks recently developed by feminist organizations in Latin America in order to counter the action of religious fundamentalism in the field of reproductive rights in Latin America - particularly regarding the abortion controversy. Based on cases from Mexico, Colombia and Brazil, the article addresses characteristics and strategies of conservative mobilization in the region and analyzes the feminist movement's responses in each country in order to dispute the advancement of those forces in the public sphere, with emphasis on bioethical arguments, on an alternative discourse developed within the religious field, as well as on gradualist tactics and strategic litigation in the national and international fields. Interaction between feminism and fundamentalism is analyzed as a dynamics between movement and counter-movement, based on social movement theory.

Neo-Republicanism has been recently cast as an alternative to liberalism, both from a theoretical perspective and from the point of view of actual political organization. Nevertheless, it is argued that because these contemporary proposals, and in particular Phillip Pettit's work, abandon the idea of self-government, the resultant institutional scheme doesn't differ in a significant way from liberal-democratic institutions.

El neo-republicanismo se ha presentado recientemente como una alternativa al liberalismo, tanto desde el punto de vista teórico como desde el punto de vista de la organización política. Sin embargo, se sostiene que al abandonar la idea de autogobierno, principalmente en el planteo de Phillip Pettit, el esquema institucional que propone no difiere fundamentalmente de la institucionalidad democrática liberal.

This article analyzes the role of civil society and its interaction with government actors in the process of the reform of the Argentine Supreme Court initiated in 2003. It explains that social mobilization and the action of NGOs were determining factors in the configuration of incentives for the Executive Branch to initiate this process of reform, as well as in the content and form of the changes made.

Este artículo analiza la incidencia de la sociedad civil y su interacción con actores gubernamentales en el proceso de reformas a la Corte Suprema argentina iniciado en 2003. Se explica que la movilización social y la acción de organizaciones civiles a favor de un cambio en la Corte fueron factores determinantes en la cofiguración de los incentivos del Poder Ejecutivo para iniciar este proceso de reforma, así como en el contenido y la forma de los cambios realizados.