Abstract The article discusses the motivations for and meanings of the popular vote in the presidential election that brought bolsonarismo to power, analyzing qualitative data from a study conducted between 2018 and 2019 in two regions: in Ceará (Juazeiro do Norte, Crato and Araripe) and in São Paulo (Marília and the city of São Paulo). The analysis reveals that a split emerged in what until then the popular classes expected from politics, between a continuity of lulismo, on one hand, and a radical change, on the other. Thus, the results confirmed that there was a division in the Lula base at the deepest level of beliefs, values and expectations. In the realm of the imaginary, we found a religious mediation in the clashes of popular expectations, linked to messianic beliefs that historically intertwined politics and religion in the country.

Résumé L'article traite des motivations et des significations du vote populaire lors de l'élection qui a porté le bolsonarisme au pouvoir, en analysant les données qualitatives d'une étude réalisée entre 2018 et 2019 dans deux régions : le Ceará (Juazeiro do Norte, Crato et Araripe) et l'état de São Paulo (Marília et la ville de São Paulo). Nous montrons qu'il y avait un clivage dans ce que, jusqu'alors, les couches populaires attendaient de la politique, entre la continuité du lulisme, d'une part, et un changement radical, d'autre part, qui s'exprimait dans les intentions de vote. Ainsi, les résultats ont confirmé qu'il y avait une scission au sein du soutien à Lula qui s'est produite au niveau le plus profond des croyances, des valeurs et des attentes. Dans le domaine de l'imaginaire, nous avons constaté une médiation religieuse dans les heurts des attentes populaires, liées aux croyances messianiques, qui ont historiquement entremêlé politique et religion dans le pays.

Resumen El artículo discute los motivos y sentidos del voto popular en la elección que llevó al bolsonarismo al poder, analizando los datos cualitativos de un estudio realizado entre 2018 y 2019 en dos regiones: en Ceará (Juazeiro do Norte, Crato e Araripe) y en São Paulo (Marília y ciudad de São Paulo). Mostramos que hubo una división en relación a lo que, hasta entonces, las camadas populares esperaban de la política, entre la continuidad del lulismo, por un lado, y un cambio radical, por otro, y que se expresaba en la intención del voto. De ese modo, los resultados confirmaron que hubo una rotura en la base social lulista que se dio en el plano más profundo de las creencias, valores y expectativas. En el ámbito del imaginario, verificamos una mediación religiosa en los embates de las expectativas populares, vinculadas a las creencias mesiánicas, que históricamente entrelazaron política y religión.

O artigo discute as motivações e sentidos do voto popular na eleição presidencial que levou o bolsonarismo ao poder, analisando dados qualitativos de um estudo realizado entre 2018 e 2019 em duas regiões: no Ceará (Juazeiro do Norte, Crato e Araripe) e em São Paulo (Marília e cidade de São Paulo). Mostramos uma cisão em relação ao que, até então, as camadas populares esperavam da política, entre a continuidade do lulismo, por um lado, e uma mudança radical, por outro. Assim, os resultados confirmaram uma rachadura na base lulista no plano mais profundo das crenças, valores e expectativas. No âmbito do imaginário, verificamos uma mediação religiosa nos embates das expectativas populares, ligada às crenças messiânicas, que historicamente entrelaçaram política e religião.

Unlike classical public policy analyses that emphasize the policymakers' role, this article argues that the choices by professionals that directly implement policies inside primary schools have a significant impact on their outcome. The analysis is based on a survey of 800 State and Municipal first-to-fourth-grade schoolteachers in São Paulo and was based on a typology of teachers using the "grade of membership" (GoM) technique. This analysis showed that the types of teachers are allocated differently according to the school system (State versus Municipal) and school locations (poor versus non-poor neighborhoods).

Contrairement aux analyses classiques des politiques publiques qui soulignent le rôle de leurs auteurs, dans cet article on cherche à montrer que les choix des responsables directs de la mise en place de la politique de l'enseignement fondamental se répercutent significativement sur l'impact de ces politiques. Cette analyse, dont le point de départ est un survey réalisé auprès de 800 professeurs des écoles de l'État et de la municipalité de São Paulo, de la première à la quatrième année de l'enseignement fondamental, a été organisée selon l'établissement d'une typologie des enseignants par le moyen de la technique de "grade of membership" (GoM). L'analyse a montré que les types d'enseignants en poste diffèrent selon les réseaux d'enseignement et selon l'emplacement de l'école (en zone de pauvreté ou non).

This article presents results of ongoing research into personal networks in São Paulo, exploring their relationships with poverty and urban segregation. We present the results of networks of 89 poor individuals who live in three different segregation situations in the city. The article starts by describing and analysing the main characteristics of personal networks of sociability, highlighting aspects such as their size, cohesion and diversity, among others. Further, we investigate the main determinants of these networks, especially their relationship with urban segregation, understood as separation between social groups in the city, and specific forms of sociability. Contrary to much of the literature, which takes into account only segregation of individual attributes in the urban space (race, ethnicity, socioeconomic level etc), this investigation tests the importance both of networks and of segregation in the reproduction of poverty situations.

This article presents results of ongoing research into personal networks in São Paulo, exploring their relationships with poverty and urban segregation. We present the results of networks of 89 poor individuals who live in three different segregation situations in the city. The article starts by describing and analysing the main characteristics of personal networks of sociability, highlighting aspects such as their size, cohesion and diversity, among others. Further, we investigate the main determinants of these networks, especially their relationship with urban segregation, understood as separation between social groups in the city, and specific forms of sociability. Contrary to much of the literature, which takes into account only segregation of individual attributes in the urban space (race, ethnicity, socioeconomic level etc), this investigation tests the importance both of networks and of segregation in the reproduction of poverty situations.