ABSTRACT This article examines the shift away from the classic models of mediation to a hybrid personality-network approach with specific reference to the Venezuela crisis. Instead of third-party mediators possessing formal organizational standing and resources, the focus of this recalibrated model is placed on voluntary initiatives driven by ex- leaders. Of particular interest is the set of activities via Jimmy Carter and the former Prime Minister of Spain, Jose Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. As witnessed by the Venezuela crisis, space is available for engagement combining empowered agency and network partnerships. While Carter and Rodríguez Zapatero were in the forefront of building and implementing this team effort, however, they faced as individuals most of the risks attached to implementing the recalibrated model.

RESUMEN Este artículo examina el cambio de los modelos clásicos de mediación a un enfoque híbrido de redes de personalidad con referencia específica a la crisis de Venezuela. En lugar de poner el énfasis en los mediadores externos, los cuales poseen recursos y una posición organizacional formal, este modelo se enfoca en las iniciativas voluntarias impulsadas por ex líderes políticos de renombre. De particular interés son las actividades realizadas por el expresidente norteamericano Jimmy Carter y el expresidente del Gobierno de España, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Como lo atestigua la crisis de Venezuela, hay espacio para acciones simultáneas entre asociaciones de redes y agencias autorizadas. Si bien Carter y Rodríguez Zapatero estuvieron a la vanguardia de la construcción e implementación de este esfuerzo de equipo, se enfrentaron como individuos a la mayoría de los riesgos asociados a la implementación del modelo recalibrado.

ABSTRACT: The Rio Grande do Sul (RS) coastal plain area (33,000 km 2 ) had its physiography modified several times through the Quaternary, responding to allogenic and autogenic forcings. The Patos Lagoon covers a significant area of RS coastal plain (10,000 km 2 ), where incised valleys were identified in previous works. About 1,000 km of high resolution (3.5 kHz) seismic profiles, radiocarbon datings, Standard Penetration Test (SPT) and gravity cores were analyzed to interpret the paleoenvironmental evolution as preserved in incised valley infills. Seismic facies were recognized by seismic parameters. The sediment cores were used to ground-truth the seismic interpretations and help in the paleoenvironmental identification. Key surfaces were established to detail the stratigraphical framework, and seismic facies were grouped into four seismic units, which one classified in respective system tracts within three depositional sequences. The oldest preserved deposits are predominantly fluvial and estuarine facies, representing the falling stage and lowstand system tracts. The Holocene transgressive records are dominated by muddy material, mainly represented by estuarine facies with local variations. The transgression culminated in Late Holocene deposits of Patos Lagoon, representing the highstand system tract. The depositional pattern of the vertical succession was controlled by eustatic variations, while the autogenic forcing (paleogeography and sediment supply) modulated the local facies variation.

O dinamismo social e econômico nos países BRICS, combinado com sua ascensão diplomática e política, tem sustentado a mudança na balança global de poder. Embora a transformação dos BRICS, do conceito para a prática, precise ser tratada com seriedade, com o processo de cúpula estendida, ilustrativo de um novo status encontrado para os países emergentes no sistema internacional, devemos reconhecer que os membros dos BRICS (China, Índia, Brasil, Rússia e África do Sul) têm tantas diferenças quanto pontos em comum em termos de suas perspectivas nacionais. Com tais contradições no pano de fundo, explicamos o desenvolvimento institucional informal dos BRICS. Este artigo argumenta que a chave para o sucesso institucional dos BRICS tem sido seu desenvolvimento de uma diplomacia "de clube". Tal abordagem é testada, entretanto, quando o foco da atenção é deslocado das demandas exteriorizadas para a ação coletiva enquanto grupo. Desenvolvemos um arcabouço conceitual da dinâmica de clube observada nos BRICS, com base em três elementos-chave: status internacional, alianças fracas e tamanho do quadro de membros. Utilizamos a criação recente do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento para testar ainda mais nosso arcabouço. Em termos de conclusão, o artigo aponta para as tensões entre o estilo de clube que permite aos BRICS projetar confiança a respeito de sua ascensão, e a necessidade de alongar este modelo no próximo estágio da evolução. Ao elevar-se para além de um grupo de lobby para o papel de um fórum, com poder próprio de agência autônoma, a entrega instrumental dos BRICS, com respeito à proposta do Banco de Desenvolvimento, é crucial.

The economic and social dynamism in the BRICS countries combined with their diplomatic and political rise has underpinned the shift in the global balance of power. Although the transformation of the BRICS from concept to practice must be taken seriously, with the extended summit process illustrative of a new found status of emerging countries within the international system, it must be acknowledged that the members of the BRICS (China, India, Brazil, Russia and South Africa) have as many differences as commonalities in terms of national outlooks. With such contradiction in the background, we explain the informal institutional development of BRICS. This paper argues that the key to the BRICS' institutional success has been its deployment of 'club-like' diplomacy. Such an approach is tested, however, when the focus of attention shifts from externalized demands to collective action as a group. We develop a conceptual framework of club dynamics observed in the BRICS based on three key elements: international status, loose alliance and membership size. We use the recently establishment New Development Bank to further test our framework. In terms of a conclusion the article points to the tensions between the club style that allows the BRICS to project a confidence about their rise and the need to stretch this model in the next stage of evolution. In elevating itself beyond a lobby group to the role of a forum with the power of autonomous agency of its own the instrumental delivery of the BRICS with regard to the Development Bank proposal is crucial.