O artigo inquire a propalada crise do sindicalismo brasileiro na última década. Analisa algumas dimensões centrais do ordenamento sindical do país (número de sindicatos existentes, filiação a centrais sindicais, taxa de filiação sindical, volume de greves, negociação coletiva e outros), e mostra que, apesar da queda acentuada nas taxas de filiação, a ação sindical tem se mostrado eficiente na negociação coletiva. A imagem da crise está associada ao ambiente político mais geral, no qual o projeto político da parcela hegemônica do movimento (a CUT e aliados) e seus partidos (o PT e aliados) estão, hoje, sob fogo cerrado das forças que se lhes opõem.

The article inquires on the alleged crisis of the Brazilian trade unionism in the last decade. Analyzes some central dimensions of the union dynamics in the country (number of trade unions, membership in central federations, union density, volume of strikes, collective bargaining and others), and shows that in spite of the sharp drop in union density, union actions have proven effective in collective bargaining. The picture of crisis is linked to the overall political environment in which the political project of the movement’s hegemonic portion (the CUT and allies) and its parties (the PT and its allies) are today under fire from the forces that oppose them.

Cet article présente une enquête faite sur la crise généralisée des dix dernières années du syndicalisme brésilien. Il analyse quelques dimensions clés de l’organisation syndicale du pays (nombre de syndicats, adhésion à des fédérations syndicales, taux d’adhésion syndicale, quantité de grèves, les négociations collectives et autres) et démontre que malgré une baisse considérable du taux d’adhésion, l’action syndicale s’est montrée efficiente dans les négociations collectives. L’image de la crise est associée à l’ambiance politique générale dans laquelle le projet politique de la partie hégémonique du mouvement (la CUT et ses alliés) et ses partis (o PT et ses alliés) sont aujourd’hui dans le collimateur des forces qui s’opposent à eux.

Recent literature approaching the impacts of social and economic transformations on trade unionism in both Brazil and the world tends to emphasize structural determinants of the current crisis in union representativeness. However, comparative analysis suggests that variation in the unionization rate also depends on action strategies by union leadership and specific political or ideological situations in given countries. The article points out that an exclusive focus on structural determinants makes excessive concessions to globalization as an interpretative key, thereby denying space to politics. By way of demonstration, the article analyzes union membership rates in Brazil from 1988 to 1998 according to the economic sectors and individual characteristics of the adult wage-earning population. It further demonstrates that the economic reforms now under way in Brazil explain the absolute variation in the number of union members, but not the relative variation, which suggests room for agency.

La littérature récente qui discute l’impact des transformations sociales et économiques sur le syndicalisme au Brésil et dans le monde tend à souligner les éléments déterminants structurels qui expliquent la crise actuelle de représentativité vécue par les syndicats. Une analyse comparée suggère pourtant que la variation du taux de syndicalisation est liée aussi à des stratégies d’action adoptées par leurs dirigeants ainsi qu’à la conjoncture politique ou idéologique propre à chaque pays. Dans cet article, on veut attirer l’attention sur l’accent exclusivement mis sur les déterminants structurels faisant accorder trop d’importance à la mondialisation en tant que clé d’interprétation, en détriment du politique. À l’appui de cette démonstration, on y analyse la variation des taux d’affiliation syndicale au Brésil entre 1988 et 1998, selon les secteurs économiques et les variables individuelles de la population salariée et adulte. Selon cette analyse, les réformes économiques en cours au Brésil expliquent, en valeur absolue, la variation du nombre de syndiqués, mais non pas en valeur relative, ce qui laisse un espace à occuper par le syndicat.

O estudo visa sanar uma lacuna existente na literatura sobre reestruturação produtiva no Brasil, tradicionalmente voltada para a análise da organização do trabalho e dos empregos que sobrevivem às mudanças. Sabe-se muito pouco sobre as opções de trabalho daquelas pessoas que são direta e negativamente afetadas pela reestruturação. Logo, em lugar de argüir a tecnologia para então buscar na estrutura social o trabalhador mais adequado aos novos postos de trabalho, cumpre argüir a estrutura mesma de oferta e demanda de força de trabalho para desvelar as potencialidades efetivas de incorporação produtiva e social dos trabalhadores que tiveram no mundo fabril seu projeto de emprego, mas que vêem suas opções ocupacionais restringidas pela destruição estrutural de postos de trabalho. Como hipótese global de trabalho, parece plausível suspeitar que, quanto mais sistêmica a reestruturação de um setor qualquer, maiores os riscos de perda do emprego e menores as chances de reinserção profissional dos demitidos, de tal modo que se preservem o capital qualificacional e a qualidade de emprego de origem. Esta hipótese é investigada por meio de análise de história de eventos, tendo como objeto os empregados nas indústrias de material de transportes do Estado de São Paulo nos anos 1990.

This study is aimed at filling in a gap existing in the literature on productive restructuring in Brazil, traditionally dealing with labor organization and the jobs that survive the changes. We know very little about the working options of those people who are directly and negatively affected by restructuring. Thus, instead of questioning technology to be able to seek for the most appropriate worker in the social structure, we should question the supply and demand of workforce itself, in order to unveil the effective potentialities of productive and social incorporation of those workers who have had their work project in the world of factories, but witness their position options restrained by structural destruction of work positions. As a general working hypothesis, it seems fair to assume that the more systemic the restructuring of any given sector, higher the risks of job loss and lower the chances of professional reinsertion of the dismissed workers, so that the original capacitation capital and quality of the job is preserved. That hipothesis is examined through studying the history of events, with the transport material industry employees in the state of São Paulo as the object.

Cette étude vise à combler un manque dans la littérature en ce qui concerne la restructuration productive au Brésil, traditionnellement tournée vers l’analyse de l’organisation du travail et des emplois qui survivent aux changements. Nous savons très peu sur les options de travail offertes à ces personnes qui sont directement et négativement touchées par la restructuration. Ainsi, au lieu de remettre en question la technologie pour chercher alors dans la structure sociale le travailleur le plus (?) adéquat (?) aux nouveaux postes de travail, il faut s’interroger sur la structure même d’offre et de demande ; et ce afin de dévoiler les potentialités effectives d’incorporation productive et sociale des travailleurs ayant eu dans le monde ouvrier leur projet d’emploi, mais qui voient leurs options occupationnelles restreintes par la destruction structurale de postes de travail. Comme hypothèse globale de travail, nous pensons que, plus systémique est la restructuration d’un secteur quelconque, plus grands les risques de perte d’emploi et plus petites les chances de réinsertion professionnelle des licenciés, de telle manière que le capital de qualification et la qualité de l’emploi d’origine se préservent. Cette hypothèse est étudiée à travers l’analyse de l’histoire d’événements, ayant comme objet les employés des industries de matériel de transports de l’État de São Paulo, dans les années 1990.

The article discusses the limits and scope of neoclassic economic rationale in analyzing labor relations, with a special focus on positions that defend labor market deregulation and on the notion of employability. Based on a rigorous critique of the presuppositions underlying these different notions, it is argued that the hegemony of the neoclassic approach to the world enjoys an arsenal that heavily constrains the arsenal available for interpreting Latin America’s social reality. Above all, it warns about the risks entailed in demands to undermine labor rights and re-privatize class relations, as forced upon Latin America by neoliberal reform programs.

Dans cet article on évalue les limites et la portée de la rationale économique néoclassique dans l’analyse des relations du travail, en scrutant de près les arguments en faveur de la déréglementation du marché du travail et de la notion d’employabilité. À partir d’une critique précise des préssuposés de chacune de ces deux notions, on montre que l’hégémonie de l’arsenal néoclassique d’approche des faits dans le monde entrave fortement l’arsenal d’interprétation de la réalité sociale latino-américaine. On y voit surtout les risques d’un souhait de dissoudre le Droit du Travail et de reprivatiser les rapports de classe, lesquels sont imposés au continent par les programmes de réforme néolibérale.

In the academic debate, Brazilian unionism has been characterized both as representative and as non-representative – with defenders of both positions grounding their arguments in the same basic facts. Taking issue with these interpretations, the article questions whether or not union membership is a suitable measure of representation. If, given Brazil’s corporative union structure, unions do not need to recruit members, to what extent can membership serve as an adequate measurement of union representation? Precisely what do union membership rates measure, and precisely what does it mean to "represent workers" in Brazil? The article first offers a conceptual discussion of the relationship between union membership and representation. The thesis is that in Brazil the former does not suffice as a measurement of the latter. But if the union membership rate is high, what is it measuring in any case? The second part of the text explores the empirical side of the question, through analysis of a 1994 survey conducted within four occupational categories. It becomes clear that membership rates are indicative of the degree to which the union makes its presence felt in the life of those it represents. But it also becomes clear that in and of itself this rate does not account for the complexity of the relations between the rank-and-file and union leaders. In short, the referent is blurry – but it is there. The text seeks to lend it greater conceptual and empirical clarity.